Massachusetts
Mass. teachers want paid parental leave. Here’s why they don’t get it already. – The Boston Globe
Those two issues repeatedly have become flash points during contract negotiations between educators and their school committees and have driven teachers to the picket lines.
State law requires most workers to be provided paid parental leave and minimum wage. So why do teachers have to fight for those rights? Here’s what to know.
What is Mass. Paid Family and Medical Leave?
Since 2021, Massachusetts has guaranteed most workers up to 26 weeks of paid time off, in addition to employer-provided sick days. The leave, funded through a payroll tax and issued by the state, covers about 60 to 80 percent of a person’s salary, although employees can top off their pay with company-provided sick and vacation time.
Massachusetts is one of only a dozen states with paid parental leave. (Federal law requires certain employers to offer 12 weeks of unpaid leave, with employees able to return to their jobs post-leave.)
The parental leave policy was part of a 2018 bill known as the “grand bargain” that also raised the minimum wage to $15 per hour and eliminated time-and-a-half pay on Sundays.
Teachers, and other municipal workers, were specifically excluded from the parental leave part of the bill, and they were already left out of the state’s minimum wage because lawmakers can’t obligate cities and towns to pay parental leave costs without providing them the funds to do so (and they need a super-majority in favor to raise the municipal minimum wage). Municipal employees are still covered by the federal minimum wage, but it is less than half of the state bar, at just $7.25.
Instead of requiring municipalities to pay their share of the payroll taxes and grant their employees paid family leave, the bill gave them the option to opt in. But according to Matt Kitsos, a spokesman for the state’s Executive Office of Labor and Workforce Development, not a single municipality has opted into the policy.
Why aren’t teachers covered by the law?
The state is barred from creating new costs for municipalities, a provision called the Local Mandate Law. The law was enacted as part of the 1981 tax law Proposition 2½, which limits municipalities’ ability to raise funds. The state is only permitted to impose additional costs on cities and towns if it provides them additional funds. That meant municipalities could not be forced to pay new payroll taxes to fund the benefit. (Communities can vote to accept additional costs — hence the parental leave opt-in.)
A separate piece of state law, written into the state constitution, governs municipal employee benefits and compensation directly. Under the provision, the state can set standards for cities and towns — like the minimum wage — only if the law passes with a two-thirds majority.
Other exempt workers include independent contractors and people working for churches and certain other religious organizations. Employees of the state government do receive paid family leave, as do charter school employees.
Many teachers have relatively generous sick time policies that roll over from year to year, but that accumulation puts younger teachers at a disadvantage and some policies exclude nonbirthing parents from using sick time for parental leave.
“It is just an enormous inequity that our educators, public school educators, who are two-thirds or more women, do not have access to a guaranteed good paid family leave policy,” Max Page, president of the Massachusetts Teachers Association, said. “In almost every table where there’s bargaining with the MTA across 400 locals, the issue of paid family leave is a top, top priority.”
According to data from the association, dozens of its local unions have negotiated standalone paid parental leave policies with their districts for an average of about 17 guaranteed days.
Page said his union intends to file legislation to address the issue so educators receive “the equivalent” of the paid leave private-sector and state employees receive.
In recent strikes, union members have won as many as eight weeks of fully paid parental leave.
Page said the union will also file legislation to raise wages for paraprofessionals, although it may not take the form of expanding the state’s minimum wage.
Christopher Huffaker can be reached at christopher.huffaker@globe.com. Follow him @huffakingit.
Massachusetts
Massachusetts rowing in the middle of the pack at Eastern Sprints
On Sunday, the Massachusetts women’s rowing team headed to Lake Quinsigamond in Worcester, Mass., for the Intercollegiate Rowing Association’s Eastern Sprints. There, the Minutewomen faced 14 teams from various Northeastern conferences, with Temple being UMass’ only Mid-American Conference opponent. A Northwest tailwind with wind gusts up to 12 mph offered a fair day on the racecourse.
The varsity eights proved to be good competition early on. The Minutewomen broke 6:30 for the second consecutive weekend, but it was not enough to land them a spot in the grand finale. Brown finished first overall in the heats with a 6:14 time, putting just 15 seconds between the top nine boats across all three heats. The petite final was just as competitive, with boats finishing within a second of each other. UMass took second place with a 6:30.19, which put the Minutewomen in eighth place overall.
California native AJ Prahl coxed the second varsity eight to a speedy 6:48.26, which landed the boat in lane six of its final. The boat’s final time was 6:50.11, landing second in its respective final and eighth place overall. UMass kept its gap behind the first-place-finisher, Columbia, under 10 seconds, and just managed to stay ahead of Cornell by a bow ball, finishing within the same second.
The second varsity four kicked off racing on Sunday in one of two heats. The Minutewomen came in with a 7:36.4, sending them to the petite final. The boat came in 10 seconds behind Northeastern and beat Boston College by just under a second. Coxswain Sara Lavigna commanded the boat to fourth in the petite final and a 10th-place overall finish with a 7:49.77, adding about 13 seconds to the boat’s earlier heat time.
New Hampshire native Meghan O’Hern coaxed the varsity four from one of three heats into the petite final. Stroke seat Anastasiia Kolesnikova led her crew to a 7:32.41 finish, holding off Holy Cross by over 16 seconds, but failing to close the eight-second gap between UMass’ and Radcliffe’s boat.
In the petite final, the Minutewomen were placed in lane four, where they improved their heat time by a second, ending with a 7:31.91 time and a third-place finish, the highest placing of any UMass boat across the competition. Cornell pushed the Minutewomen to the end, coming in less than a second behind them at 7:32.57, while Northeastern left a seven-second gap ahead of UMass.
Sophomore Mia Bierowski coxed the third varsity eight in heat two to a 7:02.61, landing her crew in lane four of the petite final. The Minutewomen rallied with a 7:06.41, landing the boat in fifth place in its respective final and 11th place overall.
The fourth varsity eight had no heats and only had a final. The UMass boat, led by sophomore Dagny Sammis, placed third out of the four boats in the category with a 7:17.14, coming in 10 seconds behind Northeastern, and leaving Boston College behind by about 21 seconds.
As the Minutewomen conclude their inaugural season competing in the MAC, they have their sights set on the MAC Rowing Championships. There, they will battle for their ticket to the NCAA Women’s Rowing Championships, searching for their first appearance in the national-level competition since 2014.
The MAC Championships will take place on Saturday, May 16, on Ford Lake in Ypsilanti, Mich. The races will be livestreamed on ESPN+. The start time is still to be determined.
Olivia Thibodeaux can be reached at [email protected].
Massachusetts
Will Minogue’s Trump ties, abortion stance make him unelectable in Mass.? – The Boston Globe
Minogue’s words during a recent appearance on WCVB’s “On The Record” — “I’m a Catholic and I am pro-life” — certainly run counter to the careful abortion rights positioning of other Massachusetts Republicans who won the governor’s office over the past three-plus decades.
When Charlie Baker ran for governor in 2014, his first general election campaign ad featured his then-17-year-old daughter saying, “You’re totally pro-choice and bipartisan.” When Mitt Romney ran for governor in 2002, he stated in a debate, “I will preserve and protect a women’s right to choose.” When Bill Weld ran for governor in 1990, he told the Globe, “Count me as ‘modified pro-choice.’”
Over time, these positions evolved in different ways.
Weld went from “modified pro-choice” to showing up at a national GOP convention to lobby against the party’s antiabortion platform. When Romney ran for president, he retreated completely from the stance he’d taken in Massachusetts. Despite Baker’s “totally pro-choice” positioning, he ultimately vetoed a bill that expanded access to abortion, including a provision that would have allowed 16- and 17-year-olds to get an abortion without parental consent. The Legislature overturned that veto, and the measure became law in 2020.
As reported by WBUR, the Minogue campaign put out a statement that said, “Mike Minogue cannot and will not change the law,” without elaborating beyond that.
In 2022, the Supreme Court overturned abortion as a national right, making state law even more critical. Since then, Governor Maura Healey has made the strengthening of abortion protections for patients and providers even more of a signature cause.
Last week’s ruling by a federal appeals court in New Orleans, which halted access to a common abortion drug, mifepristone, through the mail for telehealth patients, once again underscored the political uncertainty around abortion access. Healey, who joined other Democrat-led states in stockpiling the drug to guard against a potential ban of it, quickly issued a statement that said she would “keep standing up to efforts by President Trump and his allies to roll back reproductive rights.”
On Monday, the Supreme Court temporarily restored access to mifepristone. Both sides have a week to respond.
While Minogue can try to argue that abortion is protected in Massachusetts, and there’s nothing he can or would do to change that, these are unpredictable times for reproductive rights. It’s a key issue that puts him at odds with many Massachusetts voters.
His first campaign ad since the GOP convention that endorsed him introduces him as “a new kind of governor.”
By Massachusetts standards, he certainly would be different. He’s much closer to Trump than other recent Republican candidates, having hosted that Vance fund-raiser and donated nearly $1 million to Trump and MAGA candidates in 2024.
Of Massachusetts’ 5 million voters, 1.2 million are registered Democrats, and 423,387 are registered Republicans. Unenrolled or independent voters, who make up 3.2 million registered voters, are key to winning statewide office. Given that Trump’s overall approval rating in the state is about 33 percent, Minogue’s Trump connections are not going to help him much with that crowd.
Polling also shows that the vast majority of Massachusetts voters strongly support abortion rights and are more likely to support elected officials if they work to advance legislation that will prevent the government from interfering with personal decisions about pregnancy.
Minogue will no doubt want to talk about transgender athletes, illegal immigration, the cost of housing and utilities, and the overall issue of economic growth. His allies are also trying to drive Shortsleeve out of the race, and in the WCVB interview, Minogue argued that the overwhelming endorsement he got from the roughly 1,800 delegates who attended the convention shows where the Republican Party is in Massachusetts right now.
And so it does. But is that where most Massachusetts voters are?
There’s a legitimate debate to be had, for sure, about the economic direction of the state.
But to have it, Minogue will have to convince voters to look past his Trump association and his “pro-life” self-description. Meanwhile, a fellow Republican is calling him unelectable — music to Healey’s ears.
Joan Vennochi is a Globe columnist. She can be reached at joan.vennochi@globe.com. Follow her @joan_vennochi.
Massachusetts
Thousands join Walk for Hunger in Boston: ‘Critical response to rising food insecurity’
Thousands joined Project Bread’s 58th annual Walk for Hunger on Sunday to combat what organizers called a critical and rising problem of food insecurity in Massachusetts.
“There is no reason any person in Massachusetts should not be able to put food on the table,” said Project Bread President and CEO Erin McAleer. “And yet, more people are struggling now than ever. Every one of us has a role to play in making a difference, and the Walk for Hunger is the perfect opportunity to do just that.”
The walk — representing the nation’s oldest continually running pledge walk, according to Project Bread — raised the targeted $1 million in funds to fight hunger in the state as participants made their way around the family-friendly and accessible 3-mile loop around Boston Common.
Project Bread, which organizes the fundraiser along with over 600-member Make Hunger History Coalition, noted that the walk is an “immediate opportunity” for people to take action as food insecurity rises in Massachusetts.
In Massachusetts, 40% of households are experiencing food insecurity, the organization said, and “rising food prices and potential changes to federal nutrition programs, including SNAP, threaten to deepen the challenge.” Local organizations in Greater Boston are continuing to prepare for additional strain, they added.
Project Bread joined food aid organizations and public officials to meet an “impossible task” as the government shutdown temporarily cut off SNAP benefits last November, at the same time as an estimated 3.5 million have lost SNAP benefits nationwide due to policy changes under the Trump administration last July.
The 3,500 participants Sunday represented 216 towns across Massachusetts, while additional walkers from 23 states and five countries participated virtually, organizers said. The event featured live music, food vendors, games, a cooking demonstration, and remarks from local leaders on the Common.
The funds raised support Project Bread’s “comprehensive approach to food security,” tackling areas like policy advocacy, prevention strategies and more, as well as supporting the work of 68 anti-hunger organizations who participate in the event and keep 60% of the funds they generate.
The walk highlights “how families across the Commonwealth—particularly in Black, Brown, and immigrant communities—continue to face difficult tradeoffs between food and other basic needs,” Project Bread said. At the same time, the organization called the state “uniquely positioned to lead the nation in ending hunger through coordinated policy, healthcare integration, and community-led solutions.”
“It’s a great day and more importantly, a powerful one because the strength of our community coming together can drive real change for those who need it most,” McAleer said.
Project Bread offers a toll-free Food Source Hotline at 1-800-645-8333 for those experiencing food insecurity, providing confidential assistance to connect with food resources in 180 languages and for the hearing impaired, as well as more information on projectbread.org/get-help.

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