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Opinion: From Colorado lands smeared with my ancestors blood to a Wyoming sacred hot springs stolen from us, the dispossession continues

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Opinion: From Colorado lands smeared with my ancestors blood to a Wyoming sacred hot springs stolen from us, the dispossession continues


If only the cottonwood trees throughout our sacred homelands — stretching from the Sand Creek Massacre Site to the sacred waters of Hot Springs State Park to the Little Bighorn National Monument, could tell the stories of our peoples.

There is a reason the National Parks Service refers to them as witness trees. This spring when I traveled to the Massacre Site, in what is today called Colorado, to commemorate my Arapaho and Cheyenne ancestors killed there and those who barely escaped with their lives, the cottonwood trees had a ghostly appearance. It sounded like they sang with me as the wind picked up when I prayed there.

From there I traveled north, along the Sand Creek Massacre Trail that my ancestors followed to escape to one of their safe heavens: the sacred source of the hot water at what is now referred to as Hot Springs State Park, in Cheyenne. We call it tsexhoeomotometo mahpe, where the breath of life comes out of the water.

From there, I traveled all the way back to the Northern Cheyenne Reservation in what is today called Montana, past the Little Bighorn Battlefield, to the place where our ancestors sundanced to pray for guidance before the battle in 1876.

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My journey through the Arapaho and Cheyenne homelands — from Sand Creek, to Hot Springs, to Little Big Horn — marked a trail of dispossession of our peoples.

Petroglyphs are seen on the limestone walls near Thermopolis, Wyo., are about a half hour away from the Hot Springs State Park. (Alisha Bube/Getty Images iStockphoto)

We were effectively driven from the state of Colorado by genocide. A recent study found that the state of Colorado alone benefitted over $1.7 trillion from the dispossession of land of Indigenous Peoples.

The dispossession continues to this day.

The state of Wyoming tried to unilaterally proceed with major changes at what they designated in as Hot Springs State Park. These hot springs have always been sacred to our people, our ancestors went there for healing, including after the Sand Creek Massacre.

But the springs and 100 acres of land surrounding it was taken from the Wind River Reservation
and the compensation was not just nor fair. The federal government turned around and gave the
land to the state since settlers had been pushing into the area.

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In a recent letter to me, Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon recognized this, he stated: “I fully acknowledge that the trauma of these events strongly impacts Tribal members even now, and that the wounds are still deep and fresh. While it may seem to some that the days of forced relocation and violent conflict are far behind us, that brutal history is all too recent for many, sometimes only removed by one or two generations as noted in your letter.”

He then proceeded to describe what I consider a continuation of the same: the unilateral state decision-making process that started with a Master Plan almost 10 years ago for the development of the springs and continues with the current decisions handing facilities over to out-of-state operators aiming at the further commercialization of our sacred waters.

This does not meet the standards of consultation with Indigenous Peoples necessary under U.S. law, let alone the requirement of prior informed consent of the Arapaho and Cheyenne Peoples under international law, including under the United Nations (U.N.) Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples that the United States government has committed to implementing.

This single largest source of sacred hot springs in the world is a sacred site to our people. My grandparents and parents taught me to always make offerings there and they took me to the privately owned Star Plunge pool to swim as a child. I have since taken my children and most recently my 3-week-old grandson there to swim at this place that continues to facilitate intergenerational Indigenous and local access, which stands to be forever changed, without our peoples’ necessary input and consent.

The state points to the publicly owned bathhouse, which it considers as a fulfillment of the promise to give the Indigenous Peoples free access, in the past elders and people with disabilities could easily access individual pools there, which is no longer the case, and access is limited to 20 minutes. The waters there are also too hot for little children, so the Star Plunge is the main place where our people have been coming together in 3+ generations for collective healing.

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Most recently the local family that has been operating the Star Plunge for three generations and stands to be expropriated organized a free swim for the Northern Arapaho and Cheyenne and more than 700 of our people came and around the beginning of August the Eastern Shoshone will also be joining in. This is an example of benefit-sharing with the main obligations falling to the state. What the state has to understand is that when we as Indigenous Peoples talk about access and benefit-sharing it connects to the requirement of FPIC, which requires dealing with us as decision-makers regarding access to our lands and waters, and the site of Hot Springs State Park.

In order to truly address the intergenerational effects of genocide, access and benefit-sharing regarding the Hot Springs State Park have to be implemented with the Arapaho and Cheyenne people right now.

But the dispossession doesn’t stop at the Wyoming border.

It is important to acknowledge that our people were deliberately targeted by genocidal strategies, first by the U.S. Army and militias like the Colorado volunteers; followed by an even more devious strategy to go after our children, through the so-called boarding school system. It really had nothing to do with education; it exploited our children as forced labor, while assimilating them by literally beating our indigenous languages and ways of thinking out of them.

Many died and were buried on the grounds of these institutions, too often in unmarked graves. The forceful removal of Indigenous children meets the international definition of genocide under Article 2(e) of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

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Hot springs mineral water flows through Hot Springs State Park in Thermopolis, Wyo.. (Melissa Kopka/Getty Images iStockphoto)
Hot springs mineral water flows through Hot Springs State Park in Thermopolis, Wyo.. (Melissa Kopka/Getty Images iStockphoto)

In 2020, Colorado lawmakers passed a bill titled “Holocaust and Genocide Studies in Public Schools” (House Bill 1336), which requires completion of such a course as a condition of high school graduation.

Yet the Colorado Boarding School system was not included in this recent statute, not even after the Colorado Legislature commissioned House Bill 1327 and was presented with a study into how these boarding schools were genocidal. What is almost more shocking is that the Sand Creek Massacre is not explicitly listed for study in the bill, although the then-governor of Colorado Hickenlooper presented an official apology on the 150th anniversary which makes it come up on its 10-year mark this year.

Actually, the only two genocides explicitly mentioned are the “holocaust meaning the systemic, bureaucratic, state-sponsored persecution and murder of approximately six million Jews and five million individuals targeted for their religion, disability, or identity by the Nazi Regime” and the Armenian Genocide. As William Zessar, who lost many of his relatives to the Holocaust, and has been advocating to amend the statute said: “To fail to recognize the genocides that happened in the very land where we sought refuge, means to diminish all other genocides.”

As a fellow intergenerational survivor of genocide, I wholeheartedly agree, there can be no competition or for that matter comparison between genocides: We have to condemn them all; they are cumulative on the soul of humanity. What signal does the Colorado legislature send by not explicitly listing the Sand Creek Massacre and the Colorado Boarding School system, when they constitute incidents of genocide in the state?

Some might point to the discretion passed on to the Colorado State Board of Education to set the standards for the teaching of the course and that they can add and for that matter also remove genocides by way of a simple majority vote. They have to date added eight more genocides, among them the Sand Creek Massacre, although it remains the only one among them that does not have educational materials attached to it, that facilitate the teaching of the respective content.

And they have not added the Colorado Indian Boarding School system, contributing to the lack of education on this incident of genocide in the state. There is no doubt that a simple vote at the State Board of Education, does not equal the standard and protection of having incidents of genocide directly listed in the statute, and that is why as a direct descendant of families impacted by the Sand Creek Massacre and the Indian Boarding School system, I urge the amendment of the Colorado Holocaust and Genocide Studies Statute to explicitly list “genocides of Native American Peoples, including the Sand Creek Massacre and the Colorado Indian Boarding School system,” to ensure that they are taught to all students in public high schools.

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There is no better way to commemorate the upcoming 160th anniversary of the Sand Creek Massacre on November 29, than for legislators to make a commitment to do this. Public education about this topic is key in the lead-up to the 150th anniversary of Colorado becoming a state in two years. I call on the Colorado 150/America 250 Commission to champion this.

In Montana, we will commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Battle of the Little Bighorn at the same time, when our ancestors took a stand for our way of life, which includes our Indigenous languages, way of thinking, our identities and our spiritual connection to the land, all things that the Indian Boarding school system tried to sever.

And 2026 will also mark the 250th anniversary of the creation of the United States, with the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776, in Pennsylvania.

Too many U.S. citizens do not know that Pennsylvania hosted a crucial institution in the Indian boarding school system in the United States: The Carlisle Indian Industrial School was set up by the U.S. Army in 1879, within 3 years of the Battle of the Little Bighorn, targeting especially children of leaders of Plains Indian Tribes. While a number of my great-grandparents had been at the Sand Creek Massacre and the Battle of the Little Bighorn, they saw their children, my grandparents, targeted to attend first the Carlisle Indian Industrial School and the next generations Indian Boarding Schools in other states.

The systemic genocidal intent is clear, and as their descendants, we carry the intergenerational effects. Thankfully our Indigenous teachings passed on from generation to generation also carry many counter-remedies that the world needs now more than ever, and we would be ready to share these as part of learning about genocide.

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Northern Cheyenne traditional Chief Phillip Whiteman Jr, Heoveve’keso (Yellowbird), comes from long lines of chiefs and works with Indigenous Peoples across North America. He has developed his own teaching model based on ancestral wisdom and his life experience to counter the intergenerational effects of genocide with indigenous teachings. More information can be found at: phillipwhitemanjr.org

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Survivors of Pakistan's train hijacking recount the harrowing experience

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AYESHA RASCOE, HOST:

At least 21 passengers were killed in last week’s hijacking of a train in Pakistan. A militant group claimed responsibility for blowing up the tracks and opening fire when the train was halfway through a tunnel, forcing it to halt. The train was carrying more than 400 people. Betsy Joles reports from Karachi.

(SOUNDBITE OF VEHICLE ENGINE)

BETSY JOLES, BYLINE: Around 4:45 on Thursday morning, vans carrying survivors of the hijacking started pulling into the railway station in Quetta, the capital city of Balochistan. Inside the station, government officials recorded the names and seat numbers of around 80 survivors of the hijacking that took place 40 hours prior. They were the last group from the train to be evacuated. Bahadur Ali, a thin 24-year-old wearing a dusty sweatshirt and gray beanie, was one of them. He described the first moments of the attack on Tuesday afternoon.

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BAHADUR ALI: (Through interpreter) They said if you don’t come out, then we’ll have to come inside. Some chose to stay inside. Those who rushed out in haste were shot. Many of them were shot.

JOLES: Ali was taking the train called the Jaffar Express from Quetta to his hometown in neighboring Punjab province. The hijacking happened in a remote mountain pass along the way. It resulted in a standoff with Pakistan security forces that left 33 militants dead. Ali says he stayed on the train until he was evacuated by security forces the next day.

ALI: (Through interpreter) The situation was terrible. Everyone was worried.

JOLES: The attack was carried out by the Balochistan Liberation Army, or BLA, a militant separatist group that seeks Balochistan’s independence from the rest of Pakistan. The BLA has been active since the early 2000s but has ramped up attacks in the past several years. They are now one of the most deadly insurgent groups in the region, according to Abdul Basit of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore.

ABDUL BASIT: (Through interpreter) Anything which will be required in the tool kit of an insurgent group, they have all.

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JOLES: He says increased recruitment from educated young people and tactics like suicide bombing picked up from other militant groups have made the BLA even harder for the Pakistani state to counter in this resourced-rich but impoverished part of the country.

BASIT: (Through interpreter) I would call it an inflection point in the Baloch insurgency because this is urban warfare, and this changes things.

JOLES: NPR reached out to the Pakistani military’s media wing for an interview. They declined but sent a link to comments by their Director General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry on a local TV station, Dunya News.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

AHMED SHARIF CHAUDHRY: This incident of Jaffar Express changes the rules of the game.

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JOLES: Chaudhry says the ringleaders of the hijacking were operating from Afghanistan. Pakistan has been struggling to contain the rise of militant attacks in its border regions. On Friday, Chaudhry also accused India of sponsoring terrorism in Balochistan. Both the Taliban in Afghanistan and the Indian government denied these accusations.

SAMMI DEEN BALOCH: In Balochistan, the state has been failed to stop the Baloch separatists. And in the end, it is the local on-ground people who will pay the price.

JOLES: This is activist Sammi Deen Baloch. She says she fears this attack will lead to more heavy-handed tactics by Pakistan’s powerful military. She’s worried about extrajudicial killings and disappearances.

UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: (Non-English language spoken).

JOLES: On Friday, friends and family members gathered in the courtyard of a home in Quetta to pray. They were mourning the loss of Shamroz Khan, a 36-year-old constable in the Pakistan Railways Police who was killed during the hijacking. Standing outside the house was Khan’s colleague, Muhammed Riaz (ph).

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MUHAMMED RIAZ: (Through interpreter) We are in grief now, and this grief will last throughout our lives.

JOLES: Survivors who were with Khan says he was shot in the throat when he stood up to fetch water for fellow passengers. Riaz says his friend was that kind of person.

RIAZ: (Through interpreter) Naturally, he got up to serve. He really believed in serving people.

JOLES: For now, Riaz and other railway police officials in Quetta won’t be returning to work because train services from there are suspended.

With Sadullah Akhtar in Quetta, for NPR News, I’m Betsy Joles in Karachi, Pakistan. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.

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NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.





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‘An Unlikely Coalition’ Failed to Expand Rooftop Solar in Wyoming. Lawmakers Plan to Try Again – Inside Climate News

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‘An Unlikely Coalition’ Failed to Expand Rooftop Solar in Wyoming. Lawmakers Plan to Try Again – Inside Climate News


When Jason Thornock applied for a grant from the Rural Energy for America Program after it was infused with over $1 billion in funds from former President Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act, he envisioned installing rooftop solar panels on his ranch in Cokeville, Wyoming to help lower his electricity bill. Thornock figured he could generate enough power from the sunshine on his property to provide almost all of his electricity for several months of the year, with enough left over to add to his utility’s grid for credit on his electricity bill. 

The solar power he generated—for his home and to send to the grid under a policy called net metering that compensates rooftop solar owners for the excess electricity they send to the utility––would significantly cut his $150,000 a year power bill, which has been rising steeply, he said.

In 2023, Thornock’s utility, Rocky Mountain Power, applied for a 30 percent rate increase, and was ultimately granted a 5.5 percent increase by the Public Service Commission, the state regulator. A year later, Rocky Mountain Power raised rates another 15 percent. “I thought about calling them and asking them if they would give me a 15 percent raise on my calves and hay,” Thornock said. “But we don’t have that option.”

“We’re dealing with monopolies, and they can break us,” Thornock said about his electricity costs. Net metering gives his business “a chance to at least level that playing field.”

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Thornock said all this in January before the House Business, Minerals and Economic Development committee, in Cheyenne, Wyoming’s capital, where he had traveled to convince lawmakers to let him and dozens of others across the state install more rooftop solar. The committee was weighing the merits of H.B.183, a bill that would have steeply increased the amount of rooftop solar that schools, municipal buildings and businesses could install on their property.

Scott Heiner, the Republican majority leader in the chamber and a member of the party’s ultra-right “Freedom Caucus,” was the bill’s primary sponsor. The representative for parts of Lincoln, Sweetwater and Unita counties, he spent years working in the oil and gas industry.

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Heiner’s bill passed out of committee after testimony from Thornock and several others; five days later, it cleared the 62-person House with all but six lawmakers’ support.

But in the Senate, after several amendments to the bill that some net metering advocates called “poison pills,” H.B.183 came up one vote short of passing.

Those amendments “ruined the whole net metering concept,” Heiner said. “So some of my friends over there were actually successful in killing the bill.”

“Our fear from the beginning was always that this good bill could get to the Senate” where it would be amended to a “Frankenstein of what it really was,” said John Burrows, energy and climate policy director at the Wyoming Outdoor Council, which had lobbied in support of the bill. Still, he saw some hopeful signs in H.B.183’s failure.

“It was neat to watch that sail through the House,” he said. 

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But perhaps the most promising aspect of the bill was who in the state found common ground to get behind it.

“We’re dealing with monopolies, and they can break us.”

— Jason Thornock, Cokeville racnher

Heiner’s bill united climate change-deniers in the state’s Freedom Caucus with environmentalists eager to shift away from fossil fuels. The coalition included ranchers seeking ways to lower their costs, small businesses and municipal governments.

Climate change did not factor into his decision to bring the bill, Heiner told Inside Climate News. “I believe we should pursue electricity from sources that are reliable, economical, dispatchable and that our grid should be strong during the day and night, fair weather, or storm,” he said. “To do this, we need to diversify our energy portfolio and not pick winners or losers with subsidies or legislation that favors one source of electricity over another.”

Fossil fuels, wind turbines and solar energy all receive federal subsidies.

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Stumping for a bill solely based on its climate benefits is “not an effective angle, really, in Wyoming,” Burrows said. But for net-metering, this session has shown that “there really is a widespread bipartisan agreement here from the grassroots that this could be a really good idea,” Burrows said. 

“Any time you can make a strong economic justification, you are able to build some new alliances.”

Net Benefits From Net Metering?

Under current state statute, only solar systems up to 25 kilowatts, which produce enough energy to power all but the largest homes, are allowed to connect to the grid. Heiner’s bill would have raised that number to 200 kilowatts, letting businesses and municipalities offset large chunks of their electrical bills. 

The arguments for and against net metering during the legislative session revolved mainly around questions of subsidization and the possibility of lowering electricity bills.

But critics complain that customers who cover their electricity charges with rooftop solar could be avoiding fixed expenses the utility priced into its bills, like the cost of building and maintaining infrastructure. A utility is legally entitled to recoup these expenses in Wyoming. 

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Homes in the Red Oak Park area are seen with rooftop solar panels in Boulder, Colo. Credit: Dennis Schroeder/National Renewable Energy Lab
Homes are seen with rooftop solar panels in Boulder, Colo. Credit: Dennis Schroeder/National Renewable Energy Lab

Throughout the legislative session, utilities testified in support of legislation that would give the Public Service Commission, which sets rates for the utility, the ability to determine how net metering customers are compensated for surplus electricity they generate. State law currently requires utility customers with net metering systems to be compensated at the rate a utility would pay to purchase solar electricity on the wholesale market, which, since solar is a very cheap way of generating electricity, usually amounts to a few pennies per kilowatt-hour. 

David Bush, a state government affairs manager at Black Hills Energy Inc., a utility company, went so far as to compare the proliferation of net metering to reintroducing wolves during testimony in support of that Senate bill. While he acknowledged that net metering customers do not hurt Black Hills financially, he said, “Thirty years ago, Yellowstone reintroduced wolves. Fourteen wolves—it’s not a big deal. It’s a big deal now.” Then, he paused. “Let’s take care of the problem before it becomes a problem.”

Experts mainly agree that net metering can lead to a shift of costs onto customers who don’t have solar, but the burden on other ratepayers is negligible until 10 to 20 percent of a utility’s customers have installed net-metering systems. Heiner testified that less than 1 percent of utility customers in Wyoming have net metering systems.

“The cost shifting stuff is not a concern at this stage,” said Gilbert Michaud, an assistant professor at Loyola University Chicago who has studied net metering across the United States. Lowering the compensation for net metering customers’ surplus energy—as critics of Senate amendments to H.B.183 suspected would happen if the Public Service Commission set the rates —“can add multiple years to someone’s payback period” for a rooftop solar system, potentially discouraging demand, he added.

Increasing the size of the solar systems that are allowed to connect to the grid could help the local airport in Sweetwater County Wyoming save money, said Devon Brubaker, the airport’s director and a staunch supporter of efforts to expand net-metering. In 2018, the airport installed just under 25 kilowatts of solar panels with net-metering in an effort to lower its costs. Building that system out to 200 kilowatts “can play a significant role in our ability to save money, which then ultimately saves our local taxpayers money,” Brubaker said. The airport receives operation funding from Sweetwater County and Rock Springs. 

The airport offsets 39 percent of the power for one of its 30 facilities with its current rooftop solar array. If the airport could offset all the electricity it uses at that facility with net metering, it would save taxpayers $5,000 annually, Brubaker said. If the airport could install a 200 kilowatt system on the new commercial airline terminal it’s constructing, Brubaker estimated that could offset about 90 percent of its annual electrical demand, saving taxpayers $40,000 a year.

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Offsetting the airport’s electricity expenses across all its facilities would “wipe out $100,000 a year in taxpayer funded electricity” at current utility rates, Brubaker added.

Some in the H.B.183 worried that net metering might incentivize customers to build larger systems than they need to maximize the payback from the utility, but several net metering experts and system-owners interviewed by Inside Climate News downplayed those concerns. Rooftop solar customers are compensated for extra electricity at such a low rate that “overbuilding” their systems would take too long to pay for itself through credits from the utility.

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So they are pursuing net metering for a variety of other reasons.

Horseshoe Politics

Some observers were surprised by the trajectory of Heiner’s bill this session. “There were some surprising alliances,” said Burrows. “Even though we didn’t get a compromise bill, we actually got quite close.”

The political coalition supporting net-metering made rooftop solar a pocketbook issue. Heiner said the bill was brought to him by small businesses in his district, including ranchers who were some of the most vocal supporters of increasing the size of the solar systems allowed to get net metering credit.

Tim Teichert, who owns and operates a ranch in Cokeville, testified in support of Heiner’s bill, saying he and his brother have pursued rooftop solar “just to keep up with the rates.” Teichert later estimated before the Senate Minerals, Business and Economic Development Committee that he spends $80,000 on power each year. If he could eliminate that expense by burning coal, he would. “We’re completely behind coal,” he told house lawmakers, “but to offset [electricity] costs, we’ve got to have something and it needs to level the playing field.”

While climate change and air quality concerns are sometimes a factor in customers’ decisions in the state, Wyomingites are also drawn to rooftop solar for its cost-savings, said Scott Kane, co-founder and co-owner of Creative Energies Solar, a rooftop solar installer. “We have plenty of people who say ‘hey, I understand I might be able to reduce my utility bill by producing some of my own power right on my rooftop. I’m interested in that.’” 

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Rooftop solar also maps neatly onto Wyoming’s brand of individualism and self-reliance in vast landscapes. “We have plenty of people who talk about it purely from the standpoint of wanting to feel a sense of independence,” Kane said.

And for some, rooftop solar protects the landscape and environment they cherish. Heiner said that expanding rooftop solar made sense in Wyoming because it would diminish the need for utility-scale solar in the state. “We do not support massive solar fields that damage our environment and hurt wildlife, while not providing a base load,” he told Inside Climate News. 

Still, Wyoming’s oil, gas and coal industries have taken a toll on the state’s environment for decades, and while solar panels do contain rare earth minerals, which must be mined, and can, if sited poorly, disrupt wildlife, they do not produce greenhouse gases to warm the climate.

“We have plenty of people who talk about it purely from the standpoint of wanting to feel a sense of independence.”

— Scott Kane, Creative Energies Solar

Wyomingites overall favor expanding rooftop solar. In 2023, researchers from the University of Wyoming published a study examining how residents felt about the state’s energy future. Rooftop solar was viewed as a “favorable” form of electricity generation by 70 percent of respondents, a few ticks behind oil and natural gas, and higher than coal mining and coal-fired power plants.

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“I have not seen a bill that had more public testimony in my 13 years,” said Senator Jim Anderson, who represents Sheridan and is chairman of the chamber’s Minerals, Business and Economic Development Committee, after public testimony for net-metering covered two days of committee hearings.

Traditionally, net metering was a topic Wyoming’s few Democratic lawmakers would advance. Andy Schwartz, who represented the comparatively liberal (and ultra-wealthy) town of Jackson from 2015 to 2022, was surprised to see such staunch support for net metering among members of the Freedom Caucus. “Historically, this might be an odd alliance,” he said.

But there is precedence nationally for such strange political bedfellows. During the height of the tea party era of the 2010s, conservative Republicans pushed lawmakers in red states to adopt net metering-friendly legislation with populist messaging about the technology.

Schwartz reached for the horseshoe theory of politics to describe Wyoming’s net metering coalition: as Republicans sprint farther to the right, political gravity bends some of their ideas—at least on net-metering—back to the center, bringing the left and right closer together. 

Even though Wyoming’s net-metering laws were not altered this session, its politics have expanded in new ways. “It’s an evolving issue, and I think the political alliances very well could shift,” Schwartz said.

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Last year, Wyoming’s Energy Authority applied for funding from the federal Home Energy Savings program to help low-income households make upgrades to their building materials or appliances that save them money on energy costs. But since President Trump returned to office and began cutting and freezing payouts from federal programs, Burrows worried that money may never make it to Wyoming. 

If that happened, he said Wyoming could see a groundswell of support for other programs that are both pocketbook and environmentally friendly, similar to what happened with net-metering. “On a lot of these issues you can actually cast a much broader net than just focusing, for example, on the climate benefit of something,” he said.

Heiner told Inside Climate News he plans to bring his net-metering bill again at the next general session in two years, and said he saw no reason that the coalition of Freedom Caucus members, ranchers, businesses and environmentalists wouldn’t get behind it a second time. “There’s no reason for politics to get in the way with good policy,” Heiner said. “I’m willing to work with anybody and everyone to further what we see as good policy to benefit the state of Wyoming.”

About This Story

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Woman hospitalized after shooting in Wyoming, police say

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Woman hospitalized after shooting in Wyoming, police say


WYOMING, Mich. — A shooting in a Wyoming neighborhood on Saturday put a woman in the hospital.

Per a release from Wyoming Police, the incident happened shortly before 2:00pm on Rathbone Street SW near Marquette Park.

Upon arriving at the scene, officers found an adult woman with a non-life-threatening gunshot wound. She was taken to a local hospital for treatment.

The suspect, Wyoming Police say, fled the scene before they arrived.

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No suspect information is currently available.

Tips? Call Wyoming Police at 616-530-7300 or Silent Observer at 616-774-2345.

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