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It Fought to Save the Whales. Can Greenpeace Save Itself?

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It Fought to Save the Whales. Can Greenpeace Save Itself?

Greenpeace is among the most well-known environmental organizations in the world, the result of more than 50 years of headline-grabbing protest tactics.

Its activists have confronted whaling ships on the high seas. They’ve hung banners from the Eiffel Tower. They’ve occupied oil rigs. A (fictional) activist even sailed with Greenpeace in an episode of “Seinfeld,” in hopes of capturing Elaine’s heart.

Now, Greenpeace’s very existence is under threat: A lawsuit seeks at least $300 million in damages. Greenpeace has said such a loss in court could force it to shut down its American offices. In the coming days, a jury is expected to render its verdict.

The lawsuit is over Greenpeace’s role in protests a decade ago against a pipeline near the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in North Dakota. The pipeline’s owner, Energy Transfer, says Greenpeace enabled illegal attacks on the project and led a “vast, malicious publicity campaign” that cost the company money.

Greenpeace says that it played only a minor, peaceful role in the Indigenous-led protest, and that the lawsuit’s real aim is to limit free speech not just at the organization, but also across America, by raising the specter of expensive court fights.

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The suit comes at a time of immense challenges for the entire environmental movement. Climate change is making storms, floods and wildfires more frequent and more dangerous. The Trump administration has commenced a historic effort to overturn decades of environmental protections. Many of the movement’s most significant achievements over the past half-century are at risk.

And in recent years the potential costs of protest have already risen.

The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law has tracked a wave of bills proposed since 2017 that toughen penalties against protesters. Many became law in the wake of the demonstrations against the pipeline at the center of the Greenpeace case (the Dakota Access Pipeline) and also the Black Lives Matter movement, which rose to prominence after the murder of George Floyd in 2020 by a police officer in Minnesota. More recently, the Trump administration has moved to deport international students who protested the war in Gaza.

Sushma Raman, interim executive director of Greenpeace USA, has called the trial in North Dakota “a critical test of the future of the First Amendment.”

Energy Transfer, one of the biggest pipeline companies in the country, has said that the lawsuit is over illegal conduct, not free speech. “It is about them not following the law,” the company said in a statement.

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Founded in Vancouver in 1971, Greenpeace was hugely successful early on at what is now called “branding,” with its catchy name and daredevil stunts. But it has also faced major challenges: infighting, missteps, legal battles and questions about how to widen its base and remain relevant as it became an institution.

The larger environmental movement has grown, but also has struggled to gain attention in an increasingly fractured media landscape and as it has pivoted to the issue of climate change, which can be less tangible than previous targets of activism, like say opposing logging or oil-drilling in specific places.

“What they made their name on was the media spectacle, especially the ability to conduct a high-profile action that requires incredible tactical organization,” said Frank Zelko, a history professor at the University of Hawaii at Mānoa and the author of “Make It a Green Peace! The Rise of Countercultural Environmentalism.” That became “less efficacious” over time, he said, as competition for eyeballs grew and spectacular images, whether real or not, abound.

Greenpeace was founded as an offshoot of the Sierra Club based on the principles of ecology and anti-militarism. But pulling off daring stunts in pursuit of those principles, while also operating as a worldwide professional network, has always been a delicate balancing act.

After friction and fights for control of the organization in the late 1970s, Greenpeace International was established in the Netherlands as the head office, coordinating the activities of independent Greenpeace offices around the world, including Greenpeace USA.

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The activities of its American branch are at the center of the lawsuit. Greenpeace International says its role was limited to signing one open letter. Greenpeace International has also countersued Energy Transfer in the Netherlands, seeking to recoup its legal costs under European laws that essentially allow it to challenge the Energy Transfer lawsuit as a form of harassment.

In Greenpeace’s Washington office, the Energy Transfer case has contributed to turbulence in the group’s highest levels.

In early 2023, the organization celebrated the appointment of Ebony Twilley Martin as sole executive director, calling Ms. Twilley Martin the first Black woman to be the sole director of a legacy U.S. environmental nonprofit. But she left that role just 16 months later, a development that two people familiar with the matter said was in part over disagreements about whether to agree to a settlement with Energy Transfer.

Greenpeace was born out of a moment of fear and upheaval, amid the Vietnam War, the nuclear arms race, acid rain and smog blanketing cities. Rex Weyler, 77, an early member, chronicled the history in his 2004 book “Greenpeace: How a Group of Ecologists, Journalists and Visionaries Changed the World.”

In Vancouver, Mr. Weyler met Bob Hunter, a columnist for The Vancouver Sun, and Dorothy and Irving Stowe, older Quakers who had left the United States in protest over war taxes and weapons testing. They were meeting like-minded people who saw a need for an ecology movement that would employ nonviolent direct action, following the examples of Mohandas K. Gandhi in India and the civil rights movement in the United States.

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They would soon become an offshoot of a more traditional environmental group, the Sierra Club, after a disagreement over protest tactics.

Their first campaign was a mission to block U.S. nuclear weapons tests on Amchitka, a volcanic island in Alaska. An idea this group had floated within the Sierra Club — to sail a boat to stop the bomb — had been reported in The Vancouver Sun, though the head office of Sierra Club in San Francisco had not approved that plan.

“The Sierra Club was not amused when they saw this story, because they said, ‘You know, a lot of our members are just tree-huggers, and they don’t care about nuclear disarmament,’” said Robert Stowe, son of Dorothy and Irving and a behavior neurologist. “Had the Sierra Club agreed to do this, Greenpeace could probably never have been founded.”

The name Greenpeace came up during a planning meeting, when Irving Stowe said “peace” at the end of the gathering and another activist, Bill Darnell, replied offhandedly, “Make it a green peace.”

“Greenpeace” was emblazoned on the fishing boat they used. Irving Stowe organized a concert by Joni Mitchell, James Taylor and Phil Ochs to raise money for the trip.

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The boat set sail in September 1971. The Coast Guard intercepted it, and the vessel never reached Amchitka. But the stunt garnered considerable public attention, a core part of the group’s strategy in the years since.

Greenpeace’s next campaign is perhaps its most well known: saving the whales.

The idea came from Paul Spong, who had studied orca whales and argued that the highly intelligent creatures were being hunted to extinction. That led to a copiously documented, dramatic sailing expedition to confront Soviet whaling ships.

A worldwide moratorium on commercial whaling has been in place since 1986. Greenpeace and other groups who worked on the issue have claimed it as a major victory.

The group also tried to stop seal hunting in northern Canada, a controversial move that alienated a large number of residents, including in Indigenous communities. Greenpeace Canada apologized to the Inuit people for the impacts of the campaign in 2014, and the organization said it did not oppose small-scale subsistence hunting.

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The ship Rainbow Warrior, a crucial vessel in the anti-whaling campaign, was added to the fleet in 1978. That ship was protesting French nuclear testing in the Pacific in 1985 when it was bombed by agents for the French spy agency D.G.S.E., killing Fernando Pereira, a photographer, and igniting international outrage.

France later apologized and was ordered to pay $8 million in damages to Greenpeace, and reached a separate settlement with Mr. Pereira’s family.

A new Rainbow Warrior is now one of three Greenpeace vessels in operation. It is sailing this month in the Marshall Islands to “elevate calls for nuclear and climate justice,” the group said, and to support research on the effects of past nuclear weapons testing.

By the 1990s, Greenpeace’s attention-grabbing environmentalism was capturing the imagination of a new generation of people like Valentina Stackl, 39, who learned of its exploits as a girl in Europe. She worked with Greenpeace USA from 2019 to 2023.

“The idea of Greenpeace ships, and save the whales and hanging off a bridge or something like that was truly magical,” she said. “And on the best days Greenpeace really was like that. Of course, there’s also the slog of the day-to-day that is less sparkly.”

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One constant concern was fund-raising: Greenpeace USA is largely funded by individual donations, which can fluctuate. Tax filings show its revenue has been stable in recent years.

The group’s priorities shifted to climate and how to incorporate what is known as “environmental justice,” the fact that pollution and other environmental hazards often disproportionally affect poor and minority areas. The historically mostly white and male-dominated organization had to grapple with how to increasingly collaborate with a diverse range of other groups. And it had to reckon with historical tensions with Indigenous communities over its whaling and sealing campaigns, as well as other missteps.

One of those mistakes occurred in Peru in 2014, when there was an uproar over a Greenpeace action that damaged the Nazca lines, ancient man-made patterns etched in the desert. Activists from Greenpeace Germany entered the restricted area to place a protest message about renewable energy. The Peruvian cultural minister called it an act of “stupidity” that had “co-opted part of the identity of our heritage.”

The organization apologized, and the episode prompted Greenpeace USA to adopt a formal policy on interactions with Indigenous communities, according to Rolf Skar, the group’s campaigns director. In short, Greenpeace would not get involved in struggles led by Indigenous people unless specifically asked to do so.

That policy has come up in this month’s trial in North Dakota. Greenpeace argued that it had offered support in the Dakota Access Pipeline protest only after it was asked to do so by Indigenous leaders, and did not seek any major role in the demonstrations.

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On Monday in a courtroom in the small city of Mandan, N.D., jury members are expected to start hearing closing arguments, after which they will consider Greenpeace’s fate.

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Rudolph Marcus, Caltech chemist who won Nobel Prize, dies at 102

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Rudolph Marcus, Caltech chemist who won Nobel Prize, dies at 102

Rudolph Marcus was perplexed. It was 1955 and Marcus, a 31-year-old associate professor of chemistry still in the early stages of his career, had found an elementary mistake in the work of an esteemed scientist.

“Something doesn’t add up,” Marcus thought..

Marcus had discovered a calculation that violated the law of conservation of energy, a bedrock scientific principle, tucked inside a new theory on electron behavior. This frustrated Marcus because he otherwise liked the innovative theory that had been proposed by Willard Libby, a physicist who had helped develop the atom bomb.

Marcus set out to fix the problem, but ended up doing much more. Within a month, he had developed an elegant formula that would upend scientific understanding of how molecules use energy and eventually win him the Nobel Prize.

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“When I got the result it was the most exciting moment that I’d ever had in science in my life,” he recalled in a Caltech oral history interview in 1993. “There was just such exhilaration. … It came out in such a simple form. It really was a thing of beauty — to me, anyway.”

Marcus, a Caltech professor for nearly half a century and a longtime Pasadena resident, died peacefully Thursday at home, Caltech and his family said. He was 102.

“Rudy Marcus’s career exemplified the beauty and reach of fundamental science, and he will be deeply missed,” said Caltech President Ray Jayawardhana. “He was a visionary scientist who transformed our understanding of chemical reactions at their most elementary level, [and] laid the conceptual foundations that continue to shape advances in clean energy, catalysis, electronics, and beyond.”

Marcus, who would have turned 103 on Tuesday, was at work on three separate research papers at the time of his death, his family said.

Marcus first published his conclusions on “electron transfer reactions” in 1956 and continued to refine them over the next nine years. His ideas were controversial until they were confirmed by experiments over three decades. In 1992, he was awarded the Nobel for chemistry.

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The Marcus Theory, as it came to be known, provides a mathematical way to determine how fast or slow, or in what direction, electrons jump between molecules without breaking chemical bonds. It expanded scientists’ knowledge of a wide spectrum of processes, such as how plants gain energy from sunlight, how animals use oxygen and food as fuel, and how batteries use chemicals to create electricity.

He was also known for his part in what was called the RRKM theory, named for the four scientists, including Marcus, who developed it. It describes how energy is released from the chemical reactions of molecules in the gas phase.

“The RRKM theory is one of the outstanding theories of chemical physics,” said Harold Johnson, a physics professor at UC Berkeley, in 1985. “Marcus took a good theory developed in the 1920s and ‘30s, brought it up to date in 1951 and made it complete. All kinds of people in chemistry use it.”

Rudolph Arthur Marcus was born July 21, 1923, in Montreal, the only child of American-born Myer Marcus and English-born Esther Marcus, both of Jewish Lithuanian descent. His father had various jobs, selling picture frames at one point, later managing a fruit store. When he was 3, his family moved to Detroit, then returned to Montreal when he was 9.

While his father had little interest in education, Marcus found academic inspiration in two uncles who were doctors, a great-uncle who could speak nine languages and, mostly, his mother.

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“She liked school so much that she went to the last grade twice, because she couldn’t afford to go on,” Marcus recalled in a 1991 interview with the Chemical Heritage Foundation.

In high school, he developed a love for mathematics: “If the teacher said do every alternate problem, I’d do every problem, just simply for the fun of doing it.”

At Montreal’s McGill University, he majored in chemistry, partly because an advisor said that as a Jew he would have a harder time finding a job in mathematics. He received his bachelor’s degree in 1943 and a PhD in 1946, both in chemistry and both from McGill.

Marcus did his first postdoctoral research in Ottawa, but in 1949 he jumped at the chance to study theory — instead of hands-on, experimental chemistry — at the University of North Carolina. Within his first few days there, Marcus met Laura Hearne, a graduate student in sociology, and they married six months later. They would have three sons together and remain married until her death in 2003.

In 1951, Marcus landed at the Polytechnic Institute of Brooklyn as an assistant professor. It was there, four years later, that he had his Nobel-winning insight.

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“We’ve heard of ‘eureka’ and, yes, there was this eureka moment,” he recalled. “I’ve never solved a problem so quickly, before or after.”

In 1958, he was naturalized as an American citizen.

In 1964, Marcus left Brooklyn’s Polytechnic to be a chemistry professor at the University of Illinois. He spent 14 years there — even turning down a professorship at England’s Oxford University because he didn’t want to uproot his family — before coming to Pasadena and the California Institute of Technology in 1978. Caltech was his home for the rest of his career, though he stepped down from teaching at the age of 95.

“Enough is enough,” he joked in 2023. “They should really have somebody who really knows something.”

The Nobel and its $1.2-million prize did little to change Marcus. A 1994 Los Angeles Times profile noted that he continued to walk to work most days from his home just off the Pasadena campus, and still drove a 16-year-old car. He said proudly that when Laura met Sweden’s King Carl Gustav XVI, she was wearing a homemade dress.

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Around the Caltech campus, Marcus remained so unaffected and so focused on his research that one colleague quipped that he “must have spent his million dollars on a new sweater.”

Said Marcus: “It’s best if one doesn’t think too much about prizes and things. That puts the focus in the wrong place, which should be on your work … on a particular problem and how you should solve it.”

Marcus is survived by sons Alan, Kenneth and Raymond; four grandchildren; one great-grandson; and his long-term colleague and companion Maria-Elizabeth Michel-Beyerle.

In 2023 Caltech held a symposium in honor of Marcus’ 100th birthday. As family, friends and colleagues dropped by his table to offer congratulations, he confessed that he was eager to get back to the office. He had a new experiment he was excited to work on.

“The main thing is finding something that you enjoy doing, that preferably doesn’t harm others, and that tests whatever aptitude one has, that tests one’s ingenuity,” he said of his approach to life. “It’s almost like a kind of a game. You against nature.”

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The Latest Texas Floods Tested Warning Systems. This Time, They Passed.

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The Latest Texas Floods Tested Warning Systems. This Time, They Passed.

It was after 3 a.m. Thursday when Joe Swann got word from someone at a bar perched on the banks of the Guadalupe River in Ingram, Texas, that rising floodwaters had triggered a new flood warning device. The alarm was flashing a bright light and blaring orders.

“Move away from the tower,” the device warned, alerting a nearby campground. By the time Mr. Swann arrived to see it for himself, campers were already leaving for higher ground.

Mr. Swann and his company, River Sentry, had installed 100 of the eight-foot-tall devices along the Guadalupe in the year since a deluge surged down the river and shocked the Hill Country region last July 4, killing dozens of people, many of them children at summer camp. Government money and philanthropic investment have also funded other flood siren systems that kicked in when Hill Country flooded again this week, devastating many of the same areas as last summer’s tragedy.

This time, the systems worked, though they could not prevent at least two deaths. In Kerrville, where floods wrecked areas still in the process of recovering from last summer’s deluge, Mayor Joe Herring Jr. said all residents were accounted for as of Thursday night.

“We had better warning,” he said in a phone interview.

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“I’m thankful to the state of Texas and the Upper Guadalupe River Authority for working to install an automated, data-driven warning system,” he added. “And that helped save lives today.”

But the latest disaster also underscored a need to continue investing in improved forecasting and warning systems, said Phil Bedient, a professor at Rice University working on such a project.

“It’s wonderful to have that warning going off,” Dr. Bedient said of the new siren systems. “You’ve got to have more than that to have a bona fide early flood warning system.”

Texas made significant investments in flood warning systems after the tragedy last July. The state legislature and Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, approved $50 million for warning systems, rain and river gauges and other flood infrastructure.

Much of that was in place before this week’s storms, including sirens that blared across Kerr County, home to the worst of the flooding last summer.

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Other work is still ongoing.

The Upper Guadalupe River Authority, a group responsible for guarding the health of the river, installed new sirens in May. It plans to install more river and rain gauges and develop software to help predict flooding, according to its website. An authority official could not be reached for comment.

Dr. Bedient and colleagues at the University of Texas, Arlington, are using $4 million from the state to develop a system to monitor rainfall on radar and use computer models to compare that data with a range of flooding scenarios. The goal is to increase the lead time for warning systems like flood sirens, he said.

“They will then know to turn sirens on even before the flood gets there,” Dr. Bedient said.

Researchers at Texas Tech University are using another $24 million in state funds to increase radar coverage and capability for meteorological analysis across Hill Country and other parts of rural Texas where flood risks are high but forecasting can be spotty.

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River Sentry installed devices, including the ones that alerted campers in Ingram, using private fund-raising led by the owners of Camp Mystic, where 28 children and counselors died in last July’s floods. Each device cost $8,000, said Ian Cunningham, the company’s CEO.

The company, based in the Austin area, plans to add more capabilities, including connecting the network of devices wirelessly and adding small, portable sensors that people can keep with them to receive flood alerts and call for help when needed, Mr. Cunningham said.

Mr. Cunningham also works as an American Airlines pilot, but because he has two daughters who attend summer camp, he used his background in the U.S. Navy to lead River Sentry’s quick work to build the flood warning system.

“We can’t have what occurred last summer occur here again,” Mr. Cunningham said.

Pooja Salhotra contributed reporting.

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After wildfires destroyed 95% of this California tribe’s forests, members uncovered 1,200 ancestral sites

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After wildfires destroyed 95% of this California tribe’s forests, members uncovered 1,200 ancestral sites

Until recently, when members of the Konkow Valley Band of Maidu pulled up a map of their ancestral land in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada, only about two dozen of their historic sites appeared.

Disease, violence and forced labor had separated California tribe members from their history. Without routine Indigenous fire to clear out the foothills, the landscape — much of it now managed by the U.S. Forest Service — grew dense with conifers, obscuring the signs of their enduring presence.

As a result, archaeologists’ picture of the tribe’s past was spare. No more than 500 people. Going back about 3,000 years — a fraction of the time other tribes are known to have lived in the state.

Then the forests burned.

In less than a decade, wildfires destroyed forests across 95% of the tribe’s homelands. The Forest Service turned to the tribe for help healing the land. As members walked the wide-open moonscape, they found evidence of their vibrant history everywhere.

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Now just a few years later, their map shows more than 1,200 sites.

Each one is itself a collection: Arrowheads. Rock art. Milling stations where ancestors used cups carved into rock faces to grind salmon, manzanita berries and bay leaves. The circular pits of winter houses, where they sat around a fire under a cedar roof.

A milling station found by the Konkow Valley Band of Maidu in their tribal homelands.

(Sara Nevis / For The Times)

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Now, as Tribal Chairperson Matthew Williford Sr. walks these lands, he imagines a much more vibrant past than the one traditionally portrayed by archeologists.

For millennia, upward of 5,000 ancestors living in the basin, many trekking to higher elevation to gather food in the summertime. Husbands venting about domestic life as they shaped their arrowheads on one side of the hill; wives doing the same at the milling stations on the other side.

Matthew Williford Sr. stands in Plumas National Forest.

Matthew Williford Sr., Konkow Valley Band of Maidu tribal chairperson, stands in Plumas National Forest.

(Sara Nevis / For The Times)

Now, to better understand the tribe’s past, the Konkow Valley Band of Maidu is teaming up with a new generation of archaeologists. On a recent day in the Plumas National Forest, Matthew O’Brien, an anthropology professor at Chico State University, worked alongside a handful of students and tribal members.

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The team excavated a house pit, carefully carrying artifacts to a rudimentary lab of folding tables and camp chairs, where students weighed them, measured them with calipers and assessed their chemical makeup with an expensive tool called an XRF analyzer. People offered explanations for how their ancestors used the artifacts.

For O’Brien, this form of archeology is worlds apart from the practice of the past. Tribal people are not voiceless historical subjects to study but active collaborators helping to understand and protect the past.

In the 20th century, “the government put archaeologists in charge of stewarding the past. In places like the United States, that leads to some serious ethical issues because what we’re in charge of protecting is not our own culture,” O’Brien said. Now, “it’s our job to help repair that relationship.”

It’s an irony lost on no one that the same policies that disconnected tribal members from their history also enabled the fires that then allowed them to rediscover it.

Even before California gained statehood, Gold Rush lawmakers banned tribes from lighting fire to rejuvenate and thin out forests. That same law also allowed white Californians to force Indigenous adults and children into labor, which separated “at least a generation of children and adults from their families, languages, and cultures,” the state later acknowledged.

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Meanwhile, the federal government refused to ratify treaties to establish reservations for tribes whose homelands lay within newly created California, leaving tribes like the Konkow Valley Band of Maidu landless. By the early 1900s, Forest Service officials were working aggressively to squash lingering sentiment among white ranchers that intentional fire was productive. Any fire that started on Forest Service land, the policy became, ought to be contained by 10 a.m. the next morning.

The Konkow Valley Band of Maidu did what they could. Tribal members drove around in a beat-up Buick flinging matches out the window. Eventually those efforts landed one elder in jail for arson.

The open forests of oak, dogwood and a few pines, once routinely thinned and maintained with low-intensity “good” fire, became thick with conifers, to the delight of the Forest Service. Now five to six times denser, the trees formed yet another barrier between the tribe and its history — yet a fragile one. When fire inevitably ignites within so much wood in such a tight space — through lightning or human error — it does not burn gently.

A statue rests amid a charred lot

A statue stands in a lot charred by the Camp fire, which tore through Paradise, Calif., in 2018.

(Noah Berger / Associated Press)

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In 2018, the Camp fire ripped through Butte County, burning 150,000 acres and killing 85 people. Three years later, the Dixie fire ravaged nearly a million acres. In its wake, a world covered in ash. Waterways turned into black sludge. A foul smell of sulfur lingered in the air.

“It was sickening,” Williford said. “Just disgusting.”

Aerial view of Plumas National Forest

Material to be burned is piled in an area of Plumas National Forest that the Konkow Valley Band of Maidu helps manage.

(Sara Nevis / For The Times)

“The land used to repay us, or acknowledge us, by giving us what we needed,” Williford said, standing on a dirt road overlooking the valley. “There were Native generations that were disconnected, unplugged. … We feel lucky that it’s our opportunity to reconnect, to let the land know that ‘Hey! We’re still here!’”

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Restoration work with the Forest Service — surveying sites, planting trees and bringing back good fire — continues to unearth long-lost artifacts. And the most exciting data from O’Brien’s team is yet to come:

The team plans to carbon-date a piece of charcoal from the house pit it excavated to see just how long ago tribal ancestors sat around its hearth.

It was an ancient fire, not the recent ones, that preserved some dead wood, and with it, a lasting elemental fingerprint saying, “We were here.”

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