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Pro-Trump Michigan attorney arrested after hearing in Washington D.C. over leaking Dominion documents

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Pro-Trump Michigan attorney arrested after hearing in Washington D.C. over leaking Dominion documents


An attorney facing criminal charges for illegally accessing Michigan voting machines after the 2020 election was arrested Monday after a hearing in a separate case in federal court in Washington, D.C.

Stefanie Lambert was arrested by U.S. Marshals after a hearing over possible sanctions against her for disseminating confidential emails from Dominion Voting Systems, the target of conspiracy theories over former President Donald Trump’s 2020 election loss. Lambert obtained the Dominion emails by representing Patrick Byrne, a prominent funder of election conspiracy theorists who is being sued by Dominion for defamation.

In a statement, the Marshals office said Lambert was arrested on “local charges.” A Michigan judge earlier this month issued a bench warrant for Lambert after she missed a hearing in her case, in which she’s charged with four felonies for accessing voting machines in a search for evidence of a conspiracy theory against Trump. Lambert had earlier, unsuccessfully, sued to overturn Trump’s loss in Michigan.

Earlier Monday, Lambert had acknowledged passing on the records from Dominion Voting Systems to “law enforcement.” She then attached an affidavit that included some of the leaked emails and was signed by Dar Leaf, a county sheriff in northern Michigan who has investigated false claims of widespread election fraud from the 2020 election to a filing in her own case in Michigan. The rest of the documents were posted to an account under Leaf’s name on X, the social platform formally known as Twitter.

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Leaf did not respond to requests for comment. Lambert’s attorney, Daniel Hartman, did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Byrne wrote in a text that he did not know if Lambert had been arrested, “but if she was, I respect her even more, and she can raise her rate to me.”

Lambert contended the Dominion documents obtained under discovery were evidence of “crimes” and needed to be disclosed.

Byrne wrote on X that Lambert “signed an NDA, but she found evidence of ongoing crime, and reported it to law enforcement. If she found a severed head in discovery box she had a duty to report it to law-enforcement, too.”

Dominion on Friday filed a motion demanding Lambert be removed from the Byrne case for violating a protective order that U.S. District Court Judge Moxila A. Upadhyaya had placed on documents in the case. It said Lambert’s disclosure had triggered a new round of threats toward the company, which has been at the center of elaborate conspiracy theories about Trump’s loss.

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“These actions should shock the conscience,” Dominion wrote in its motion seeking to disqualify Lambert. “They reflect a total disregard for this Court’s orders, to say nothing of the safety of Dominion employees.”

Upadhyaya during a hearing Monday said she had scheduled a subsequent one to determine whether sanctions against Lambert or removing her from the case were appropriate.

Dominion filed several defamation lawsuits against those who spread conspiracy theories blaming its election equipment for Trump’s 2020 loss. Fox News settled the most prominent of these cases for $787 million last year.

Dominion’s suit against Byrne is one of several the company has filed against prominent election deniers, including MyPillow founder Mike Lindell and attorney Sidney Powell.

___

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Washington, D.C

Washington, D.C. shouldn’t run the nation’s economy

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Washington, D.C. shouldn’t run the nation’s economy


In the popular mind, nearly every American city owes its prominence to one private industry or another: steel barons built Pittsburgh, modern finance defined New York City, San Francisco and Austin have ridden high on technology. The one big city without a defining private industry, of course, is Washington, D.C., home of America’s federal government. That’s why it’s so odd that many on the right are now championing “industrial policy” efforts that would try to transform D.C. into a center of economic innovation.

Indeed, proposals for this heavy level of government engagement in the economy, once considered by many on the right as a crony-capitalist venture favored mostly by Democrats, has become increasingly popular with Republicans ranging from presidential candidate Donald Trump to Florida Sen. Marco Rubio. The sheer size of the federal government – more than a fifth of the economy – means that a totally hands-off attitude towards industry is impossible. But, even if the government can’t stay out of the economy entirely, recent history shows it can still foster innovation without picking winners and losers.

The actions typically thought of as industrial policy have an undeniable allure: nearly all experts consider important certain sectors such as artificial intelligence, energy production and biomedicine. By earmarking resources, changing regulations and imposing tariffs on non-U.S. industries and companies, the thinking goes that D.C. can secure prosperity. This is the fundamental approach taken by the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act subsidies for green energy as well as proposals from Republicans to bolster heavy manufacturing and fossil-fuel production.

But expecting these efforts to work flies in the face of history. Since World War II, nearly every president has picked out a favored industry and tried to slant things in its direction. The Trump administration proposed billions of subsidies and even more costly regulations on competitors intended to benefit coal companies which slumped anyway. Bill Clinton’s administration spent millions on a “supercar” project that angered environmentalists and set back America’s efforts to build hybrid vehicles. Richard Nixon’s Department of Housing and Urban development launched an ambitious effort to change how housing got built and ended up making housing more expensive.

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American economic leadership in the 20th century was not the result of a bureaucratically overseen industrial policy. Our nation’s dynamism flows from a broadly supportive government role that involves multi-use infrastructure, limited but important support for science and regulatory certainty.

The government’s role has been most visible in major projects like the interstate highway system and modern internet. While both would not have existed without heavy federal subsidies, neither of these projects was intended to benefit one specific sector. Nobody wanted “leadership” or “jobs” in asphalt or fiber-optic cable production. Instead, the architects of both intended to create accessible scaffolding upon which the private sector could experiment, innovate and scale. Fast-food restaurants probably gained more from the interstate system than roadbuilders.

Similarly, the breakthroughs in technology emerged from regulatory environments where the government’s role was to lay the groundwork – funding basic research, experimenting with a few pilot programs, and then stepping back to allow the private sector to take the lead in development, commercialization and scale. This approach succeeded because it created new knowledge in every field of human endeavor rather than having politicians decide what was important.

Most important, the establishment of limited, efficient regulatory systems that offer clarity and certainty for private enterprises has been critical. Such frameworks enable businesses to plan for the long term, secure in their understanding of the rules of the game. Right now, the American tort law system punishes entrepreneurs and burdensome regulations favor slow-moving incumbent companies. Furthermore, many legacy regulations are ill-suited to the characteristics of new technologies.

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For example, the foremost challenge faced by green industries is regulatory burdens, whereas most green subsidies in the Inflation Reduction Act constitute corporate welfare. Comprehensive reforms to outmoded power-industry regulation and permitting and siting processes could do more to reduce emissions than the trillions of dollars the IRA is likely to cost taxpayers.

As policymakers grapple with the best path forward, it is imperative to remember that the strength of the U.S. economy lies in freedom, diversity and innovation. Principles that emphasize a limited government role could pave the way for a new era of American leadership in the global economy in a way that picking winners and losers never has. It is a no-brainer that Washington, D.C. shouldn’t run the economy.

Eli Lehrer is president of the R Street Institute.



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D.C. United holds on tight to hold off shorthanded Sounders in 2-1 win

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D.C. United holds on tight to hold off shorthanded Sounders in 2-1 win


D.C. United’s 2-1 victory over the Seattle Sounders on Saturday night turned swiftly and severely, from a deficit at even strength to a tied match with a man advantage and, before long, a lead that would hold up through an uncomfortable second half.

Sounders goalkeeper Stefan Frei received a red card in the 28th minute for a takedown in the box. Christian Benteke cashed in from the penalty spot, and late in the opening half the Belgian striker scored again in front of 18,223 at Audi Field.

United (3-3-4) ended a three-game winless streak (0-2-1) and won for just the second time since opening day.

It did not come easily. Despite playing a man up for more than 60 minutes, United performed as if it were the shorthanded team. The Sounders applied enormous pressure in the second half and threatened to sneak out with a point. Alex Bono’s sensational save in the 88th minute preserved the victory.

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“We could have managed the game much better,” said Benteke, whose eight goals are one behind MLS leader Lionel Messi. “This is a part of the game where we have to improve, to complete our game and to manage the game.”

After a subpar performance at New York City FC last weekend, United had reason for optimism Saturday. Right back Aaron Herrera and midfielder Mateusz Klich returned from yellow-card suspensions, and rookie forward Jacob Murrell, a first-round draft pick from Georgetown, made his first start after five quality appearances as a sub.

United answered Coach Troy Lesesne’s call for a better start than its slumber in New York, playing with purpose and passion. Opportunities, though, were unfulfilled before and after Seattle’s icebreaker.

In the 14th minute, at the end of a long possession that began in Seattle’s end, Jordan Morris crossed to Léo Chú for an uncontested header past Bono.

“Even though we give up the early goal,” Lesesne said, “I still feel like we were pushing the game in the right way.”

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The game flipped dramatically when Jared Stroud got behind defender Cody Baker on Christopher McVey’s long ball and was taken down by Frei. Not only did United receive a penalty kick — Benteke converted easily — but Frei was sent off. Andrew Thomas, who started three matches for the injured Frei early this season, entered. With the Sounders (1-5-3) needing to remove an outfield player, Chú was sacrificed.

United took advantage in the 45th minute. Herrera crossed to the back side of the six-yard box. Positioned behind 5-foot-8 Cristian Roldan, the 6-3 Benteke won the aerial battle as if no one was there and powered a six-yard header over the leaping Thomas.

For a team playing with an extra man, United conceded too much space and possession early in the second half, leading to some anxious moments.

“It just was kind of a choppy game,” Lesesne said. “A lot of set pieces, too many fouls from us. That breaks up the rhythm. So that’s something we have to be aware of. We want to be aggressive, but we don’t want to create fouls that slow the game down and then allow them to put balls in our box that are really dangerous.”

Benteke threatened to complete a hat trick in the 59th minute with a booming side volley that skipped over the crossbar, but United continued to struggle keeping possession. João Paulo hit the near post. Martín Rodríguez’s timely tackle in the box prevented Seattle’s Raúl Ruidíaz from shooting deep in the box.

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In the waning moments, Bono extended himself to his left to touch aside Albert Rusnak’s header and Cristian Roldan failed to make solid contact inside the six-yard box.

“He’s been phenomenal all year,” center back Lucas Bartlett said of Bono. “We love the relationship we have built. We trust him, and he trusts us.”

The end of six minutes of stoppage time brought relief to the antsy crowd and to a D.C. squad that was clinging desperately to three points.

Here’s what else to know about United’s victory:

During the pregame team photo, players held up Russell Canouse’s No. 6 uniform — a show of support for the 28-year-old midfielder, who is expected to miss the season after having his colon removed last month.

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When the sixth minute passed, fans in the supporters’ groups held up small “6” posts and unfurled a banner that read: “Husband. Father. Fighter. 6 Get Well Soon Russell.”

Captain Steven Birnbaum was in uniform for the first time this season — his 11th with the club — after undergoing knee surgery in February. Still about a week from being fully ready, the center back did not play.

Forward Ted Ku-DiPietro (adductor) and defender Conner Antley (calf) remain sidelined. Lesesne said they would need to make “a lot of progress” to return next week against visiting Philadelphia.

With Tyler Miller (25 starts in 2023) back from last fall’s shoulder surgery, Luis Zamudio will go on loan to a team in the second-flight USL Championship. Miller’s return will “create competition [for the starting job], and that’s a good thing,” Lesesne said.



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A little rain fell in D.C. on Saturday, and a little was a lot

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A little rain fell in D.C. on Saturday, and a little was a lot


Only a little rain fell in the District on Saturday, but over the past two weeks, a little has come to seem like a lot.

The official rainfall total for D.C. as of 5 p.m. Saturday was 0.03 inches, a relatively meager amount for the city by normal standards. At Dulles International Airport, the rain amounted to 0.15 inches.

Even that quantity did not seem particularly large, but at Dulles, about 25 miles northwest of the District, it was, in a relative sense, substantial. Saturday was by far the wettest day there in more than three weeks.

In the District, the gray look and damp feel of the day may have amplified the impression made by the small amount of rain that fell.

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Thick clouds covered the sky from earliest morning until evening. In the day’s clouded dimness, it sometimes seemed as if the air was filled with tiny droplets, even when no rain was measured.

But in the afternoon, streets and sidewalks glistened with a thin film of moisture, attesting to the actual descent of a fine spring rain.

For much of the darkly overcast day, it appeared as if at any moment the heavens might open, unleashing great torrents.

But in the District, the official rainfall figure remained puny and almost trivial. Yet it still made Saturday the second-wettest day in the city in more than two weeks.

At times in that period, it seemed almost justifiable to inquire of nature about the fate of April’s reputed showers — the showers that are celebrated in song as bringing the flowers that bloom in May.

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On April 12, 0.19 inches fell in the District. Since then, Washington’s wettest day was April 15, with 0.14 inches. At Dulles, where the lack of rain has been more noticeable, 0.66 inches fell April 3. Since then, the total measured has been a little less than a quarter-inch.

So, although in many places Saturday’s raindrops may not have amounted to much in the absolute sense, they appeared to be comparatively significant entries on this month’s rainfall ledgers.



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