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Austin, TX

How the San Antonio-Austin area economy builds a mega-metro

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How the San Antonio-Austin area economy builds a mega-metro


Fireworks display reflecting on the facility during the Tesla Giga Texas manufacturing “Cyber Rodeo” grand opening party on April 7, 2022 in Austin, Texas. – Tesla welcomed throngs of electric car lovers to Texas on April 7 for a huge party inaugurating a “gigafactory” the size of 100 professional soccer fields.

SUZANNE CORDEIRO/AFP via Getty Images

But for economic development leaders, the only thing new about the San Antonio-Austin mega-metro is the name. For those working to attract high-dollar business deals in the corridor between the two cities, the allure of the proximity to two major talent centers has been a selling point for at least a decade.

In this installment, which will focus on business, we spoke with economic development directors in the smaller mega-metro cities to understand when everything changed, how the influx of technology has transformed their towns, and what the future might look like as the region grows.

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Tesla leads billion dollar business boom in mega-metro

“I think in reality, we’ve been a mega region and operating as a mega region for a period of time now for at least a decade,” says Will Conley, former CEO of the Greater San Marcos Partnership. 

Conley serves in an interim capacity as the non-profit economic development company serving the city and Hays and Caldwell Counties searches for its next top executive.

San Marcos and the surrounding area has been able to recruit high-dollar business to the region since Conley has been involved. The city is attractive to businesses because of some combination of population explosion — San Marcos grew more than 50% between 2010 and 2020 — and its proximity to talent centers in San Antonio and Austin.

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Whereas 20 years ago, a prospective business might need an explanation on the city and the region, Conley says that the job of economic development professionals has gotten much easier. Thanks to companies like Samsung, Apple, Toyota, and Tesla, all of whom have invested hundreds of millions or billions of dollars into the mega-region, former outliers like San Marcos have become hotspots.

Tesla, Apple, Samsung are leading the San Antonio-Austin mega-metro business boom.GettyImages

Conley says he recently sat in on an economic development conference in Williamson County, at which the principals involved discussed billion dollar deals for three hours.

“If you were in the $500 million range,” he says, “you were no longer part of the three hours.”

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Even though San Marcos sits almost dead center in the middle of the mega-region, New Braunfels, considered a suburb of San Antonio, has also approached economic development on a regional basis for years.

Jeff Jewell, director of economic development for New Braunfels, says that from a governance perspective (spoiler alert, more on that in a future story), the mega-region lags behind the economics.

“The developers, definitely, I think, do look at it as one market,” he says. “I think everybody’s pretty bullish on the region generally.”

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Tesla’s vehicles on display at Giga Texas.GettyImages

Similarly to San Marcos, Jewell points to Giga Texas, Tesla’s flagship manufacturing factory in Austin and Samsung’s $17 billion chip plant in Taylor as bellwethers for massive expansion in New Braunfels. The money, it appears, has trickled south down I-35.

In Kyle, Tesla recently signed a lease for one million square feet at the Kyle 35 Logistics Park. At an event announcing the deal, Mayor Travis Mitchell slyly mentioned that they were confident that at least some of the 1.4 million square feet of warehouse space meant to attract big business would net at least a supplier to Tesla.

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“What we got instead was Tesla,” Mitchell said.

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Though all cities along the corridor looking to be major players offer incentives to developers and businesses looking to invest in the region, with the influx of companies like Tesla, many are now able to be much more selective. The relationship, once one-sided, has shifted some of the leverage toward smaller cities in the mega-metro. They no longer have to bat their eyes and wait in the corner of the dancehall, hoping for big tech to ask for a dance.

“[The Tesla deal] gives Kyle credibility,” said Victoria Vargas, director of economic development for the City of Kyle. “Other companies can see that if there’s a large investment by Tesla here, then we’ve got to be doing something right.”

A freight train over the Guadalupe River at sunset in New Braunfels.

A freight train over the Guadalupe River at sunset in New Braunfels.

Sinisa Kukic/Getty Images

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How can the small town Texas vibe survive in a mega-metro?

As these communities grow, they face major concern from residents about what will happen to both the physical architecture of the cities and how they will feel. There’s a line between the past and the future, and many of these cities are standing with one foot on either side.

“I don’t think it’s healthy for the city to just never change and evolve over time,” Jewell says. 

But there’s a balance that each of these communities has to strike. After all, though developers view the region as a monolith, the people within those communities find personal identities in their cities and towns. After all, New Braunfels is different than Seguin and Lockhart is different from Kyle in the same way that Dallas and Fort Worth are joined, and yet not so inextricably linked.

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Because of its history as a tourist town, “New Braunfels has kind of its own thing going on along the corridor, and its own identity,” Jewell says. It can’t — and won’t — change in the same way that a place like Buda might.

In that way, it won’t look like one big urban zone through the mega-metro, each city and town erecting downtowns and smashing them together.

“You’re never going to see high rises in Wimberley,” Conley says. “I don’t care what year it is.”

The Hays County Courthouse in San Marcos.

The Hays County Courthouse in San Marcos.

DenisTangneyJr/Getty Images/iStockphoto

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But you might see them just 25 miles east on FM 150.

Vargas hears every day from residents concerned about Kyle’s future. To balance the immense growth, the city has invested millions in new parks and sought out retail opportunities to provide residents with a sense of pride in the city.

But she admits that being one of the fastest-growing cities in America makes retaining small-town charm a difficult task. Instead, Kyle is using this time to plow ahead into the future, using the formal formation of the mega-metro as a way to shed its former identity as purely an Austin suburb.

Vargas says that Kyle’s proximity to Austin has been a huge benefit, but since about 2016, when the city adopted a new economic development strategic plan, it realized that it wanted its own identity. They found, through research, that 80% of the city’s population left every weekday, primarily to work in Austin. Additionally, they found that shoppers regularly bounced to nearby cities like New Braunfels to get their fix. That’s leaving money on the table.

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“We’re trying to shed the image of the bedroom community,” Vargas says. “We no longer have to say, ‘Oh, we’re just south of Austin.’ I don’t remember the last time I said that to anyone.”



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Austin, TX

Misuse of Texas Troopers Has Broader Implications for the US

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Misuse of Texas Troopers Has Broader Implications for the US


While the pro-Palestinian student protests and accounts of police crackdowns at universities across the United States in April have fallen out of the newscycle, students at the University of Texas at Austin continue to face criminal charges and other punishment after Texas Governor Greg Abbott deployed the same police used to harm migrants at the US-Mexico border. The misuse of police against student and faculty protesters in Texas was perhaps the mostegregious example from across the nation.

It is also a reminder that unchecked abuses carried out at the border often foreshadow abuses of people living in the US interior. And like the students, migrants also continue to pay a high price for exercising their rights in Texas.

The Columbia University encampment of solidarity with the Palestinian people sparked a wave of student solidarity encampments across the nation, including at UT Austin. Student leaders said they objected to the “Israel-led, US-backed genocide in Gaza” and called for an immediate ceasefire as “Israel continues to bomb hospitals, schools, homes, and refugee camps while cutting off food and water to more than 2 million Palestinians in Gaza.” The protesters demanded UT Austin divest from Israeli companies they say are complicit in killing Palestinians.

While university administrators in some states called local police to break up protest encampments, on April 24, Abbott also deployed the Texas Department of Public Safety – the same heavily militarized state troopers used against asylum seekers and border residents under Operation Lone Star.

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Abbott’s multibillion-dollar Operation Lone Star has violated the rights of migrants and Texans alike and is enforced primarily by troopers, who have been involved in injuries and deaths under the program, including at least 74 deaths from high-speed vehicle chases. Operation Lone Star has also included attacks on freedom of association and expression of groups providing support to migrants in Texas.

On June 15, Abbott renewed the “disaster proclamation concerning border security,” first issued in 2021 and triggering the deployment of thousands of state troopers to the Texas-Mexico border to arrest migrants on state charges, including criminal trespass. Abbott’s perpetuation of the invasion and disaster narratives are false and risk fueling white nationalist violence.

The deployment of state troopers to disperse the peaceful protest and arrest students and faculty is just one manifestation of the growing misuse of police in Texas, demonstrating mission creep of the troubled Operation Lone Star. Under the program, the Department of Public Safety  regularly carries out air and digital surveillance, racial profiling, unlawful arrests, and deadly high-speed chases; deaths and injurieshave also resulted from its use of razor wire and buoys with saw blades.

On June 13, Human Rights Watch filed a complaint with the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division calling for a swift investigation into allegations of abuse under Operation Lone Star, including asylum pushbacks and the beating of one migrant man to death.

At both the border and at UT Austin, Abbott’s use of state troopers represents a worrying expansion of state control of public spaces at the expense of rights and democracy.

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Abbott deployed troopers with the explicit goal of arresting protesters, making sweeping statements that the protesters “belong in jail” and “should be expelled.” Instead of respecting students’ rights to assemble peacefully and to freedom of expression, law enforcement arrived 20 minutes before the protest even started and moved to disperse it less than an hour after it began, based on university officials’ belief that protesters “intended to break… rules,” and not in response to clear evidence of imminent violence or sustained disruption.

At least two Texas troopers escalated the risk of violence by carrying military assault rifles, a needlessly intimidating move that could chill free expression and peaceful assembly. During the first day of protests, dozens of officers in riot gear marched toward the protesters. Mounted troopers pushed into hundreds of protesters, injuring a few, while some troopers shouted, “the horses will hurt you,” according to a report by the Austin-American Statesman.

Over two days, police and the troopers arrested over 100 people, many on trespass charges that have since been dismissed. Though state troopers were not the booking agency for more than a couple of arrests, Human Rights Watch witnessed the officers grabbing  and restraining people and assisting in arrests.

The US-Mexico border has long served as a laboratory for state oppression and surveillance, and the events unfolding in Texas echo the trajectory of the US Border Patrol.

After decades of unchecked abuse of migrants and border residents, including racial profiling and deadly high speed chases, the US government deployed Border Patrol officers  in 2020 to US cities to quell protests sparked by police violence against Black people. US residents were surveilled, and, at the funeral of George Floyd, 66 paramilitary agents from Border Patrol, including six snipers, were authorized to use both gas munitions and “deadly force” against mourners under certain conditions.

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People and officials in Texas and across the US should become more invested in stopping abuses wherever they begin–in this case, at the border. That means acting immediately to hold the Department of Public Safety and other agencies, as well as political leaders who deploy them like Governor Abbott, accountable for abuses. Otherwise, people across the nation stand to pay the price. 

 





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Austin, TX

Homeless man who terrorized south Austin neighborhood escapes custody

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Homeless man who terrorized south Austin neighborhood escapes custody


A homeless man known for terrorizing a South Austin neighborhood is back on the streets.

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Austin police said Rami Zawaideh escaped custody, and has a warrant out for his arrest.

Back in April, city officials confirmed Zawaideh was voluntarily committed to a hospital. 

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Since 2022, residents have spotted him smashing city property with sledgehammers, toting around a chainsaw, cutting down trees, and screaming in the early morning hours.

Zawaideh has been arrested before and charged with criminal mischief. But, the district attorney dropped those charges.

FOX 7 Austin recently spoke to Zawaideh’s mother, who drove down from New York to Austin. She said she was in the process of filing an order of protective custody, and intended to take him home with her.

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If anyone has any information on his whereabouts, call Austin police.



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Austin, TX

Former Uvalde school police chief and officer indicted over Robb Elementary response, reports say

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Former Uvalde school police chief and officer indicted over Robb Elementary response, reports say


The former Uvalde schools police chief and another former officer have been indicted over their role in the slow police response to the 2022 massacre in a Texas elementary school that left 19 children and two teachers dead, according to multiple reports Thursday.

The Uvalde Leader-News and the San Antonio Express-News reported former schools police Chief Pete Arredondo and former officer Adrian Gonzales were indicted by a grand jury on multiple counts of felony child endangerment and abandonment. The Uvalde Leader-News reported that District Attorney Christina Mitchell confirmed the indictment.

The Austin American-Statesman also reported two former officers had been indicted but did not identify them.

Mitchell did not immediately return messages from The Associated Press seeking comment. Several family members of victims of the shooting did not immediately respond to messages seeking comment.

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The indictments would make Arredondo, who was the on-site commander during the attack, and Gonzales the first officers to face criminal charges in one of the deadliest school shootings in U.S. history. A scathing report by Texas lawmakers that examined the police response described Gonzales as one of the first officers to enter the building after the shooting began.

The indictments were kept under seal until the men were in custody, and both were expected to turn themselves in by Friday, the news outlets reported.

The indictments come more than two years after an 18-year-old gunman opened fire in a fourth grade classroom, where he remained for more than 70 minutes before officers confronted and killed him. In total, 376 law enforcement officers massed at Robb Elementary School on May 24, 2022, some waiting in the hallway outside the classroom, even as the gunman could be heard firing an AR-15-style rifle inside.

The officer of a former attorney for Arredondo said they did not know whether the former chief has new representation. The AP could not immediately find a phone number to reach Gonzales.

Arredondo lost his job three months later. Several officers involved were eventually fired, and separate investigations by the Department of Justice and state lawmakers faulted law enforcement with botching their response to the massacre. A 600-page Justice Department report released in January that catalogued “cascading failures” in training, communication, leadership and technology problems that day.

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