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Corps of Engineers says Standing Rock can’t sue over pipeline inaction • North Dakota Monitor

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Corps of Engineers says Standing Rock can’t sue over pipeline inaction • North Dakota Monitor


The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers says the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe’s latest lawsuit over the Dakota Access Pipeline should be tossed, arguing the tribe can’t sue the agency over a permit that hasn’t been granted yet.

The lawsuit, filed in October, accuses the Army Corps of unlawfully allowing the Dakota Access Pipeline to operate without an easement, a complete environmental assessment or sufficient emergency spill response plans. The tribe wants a federal judge to shut the pipeline down. 

The Army Corps of Engineers has jurisdiction over a part of the pipeline that passes below a reservoir on the Missouri River less than a half-mile upstream from the Standing Rock Reservation.

The agency for the past several years has been working on an environmental impact statement that, once finalized, will inform whether or not the Corps will grant the easement for that segment of the pipeline.

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Standing Rock argues the Corps should never have allowed the pipeline to operate while the study is still pending. 

Standing Rock has opposed the pipeline for years, saying it infringes upon the tribe’s sovereignty, has damaged sacred cultural sites and will pollute the tribe’s water supply.  

“The Corps has failed to act and failed to protect the tribe,” Standing Rock Chair Janet Alkire said in an October press conference announcing the lawsuit.

Standing Rock Sioux Tribe files new lawsuit over DAPL

The Army Corps previously approved the easement in 2017, but a federal judge revoked it in 2020, finding that the Corps violated environmental law by granting it without properly researching how the pipeline would affect the surrounding environment.

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U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg consequently instructed the Army Corps of Engineers to complete the environmental impact study. Boasberg also ordered the pipeline to stop operating and be drained, though that demand was overturned by an appellate court.

In a 2021 ruling, Boasberg wrote he could not shutter the pipeline because the tribe hadn’t sufficiently demonstrated that it posed an immediate threat of irreparable harm.

Standing Rock’s latest lawsuit, which is also before Boasberg, seeks to bring new evidence to light, including a 2024 engineering report that raised questions about the construction of the pipeline underneath the reservoir, also known as Lake Oahe.

Still, the Army Corps wrote in its January filings that the evidence isn’t enough for Boasberg to change his position.

The Corps also said that Standing Rock cannot take the agency to court over the easement at this time.

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“At the heart of plaintiff’s complaint is a contradiction. The contradiction lies in the fact that the entire complaint is devoted to challenging a decision that has not yet been made,” the Corps wrote.

The tribe argues the Corps’ lack of a position on the pipeline’s continued operation is, in and of itself, illegal. It says that judges can order a federal agency to take action when that agency unlawfully fails to do so.

In his 2021 order, Boasberg also indicated the Corps could have taken a more firm stance on whether the pipeline should be allowed to continue operating while the environmental impact study is underway.

“Ever since this Court’s vacatur order in July 2020, and across two presidential administrations, the Corps has conspicuously declined to adopt a conclusive position regarding the pipeline’s continued operation, despite repeated prodding from this Court and the Court of Appeals to do so,” Boasberg wrote. He also said, however, that this matter was not the place of a court to decide.

The Corps claims that even if it does deny the easement under Lake Oahe, it doesn’t have the authority to shut the pipeline down.

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Pipeline owner joins lawsuit over Dakota Access Pipeline

Standing Rock accuses the Army Corps of several other violations in its complaint. For one, the agency should have closed the pipeline due to evidence its construction damaged Native sacred sites near Standing Rock in 2016, the tribe argues.

It also says the Army Corps should have required the pipeline developers to improve its emergency response plans and share them with Standing Rock in the case of a spill under Lake Oahe. 

The pipeline’s parent company denies the allegations that it damaged archeological sites and that the company failed to prepare and disclose adequate emergency response plans.

The Army Corps says Boasberg should reject these and other alleged violations raised by the tribe since the Corps is still working on its environmental review.

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It’s not the court’s role to review a federal agency decision until it’s final, the Corps wrote.

The Corps also says some of Standing Rock’s allegations are the jurisdiction of other federal agencies, like the Pipeline Hazardous Materials Safety Administration.

The more than 1,000-mile pipeline passes through North Dakota, South Dakota, Iowa and Illinois. Its pathway includes unceded land recognized as belonging to the Sioux Nation under an 1851 treaty with the U.S. government.

Pipeline company Dakota Access LLC, North Dakota and 13 other Republican-led states joined the lawsuit on the side of the Army Corps of Engineers.

Dakota Access in court documents emphasized its business interest in keeping the pipeline operational.

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The states have argued shutting down DAPL would harm the regional economy, violate state rights and make road and rail transit less safe.

The pipeline has provided tens of millions of dollars in tax revenue to North Dakota, South Dakota, Iowa and Illinois, the states said in documents filed in the lawsuit.

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North Dakota lawmakers consider 3-cent gas tax hike

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North Dakota lawmakers consider 3-cent gas tax hike


BISMARCK — North Dakota lawmakers are considering a bill that would increase the state gas tax by 3 cents per gallon, bringing it to 26 cents. The Senate Finance Committee heard arguments on the proposal Friday.

Currently, North Dakota’s gas tax stands at 23 cents per gallon. If approved, the increase would help create a county, city and township road fund.

Opponents argue that road maintenance is already funded by other sources. The bill also proposes raising the electric vehicle road use fee from $120 to $150 and increasing the plug-in hybrid vehicle road use fee from $50 to $60.

Rep. Jared Hagert, R-Emerado, who introduced the bill, said the benefits of the proposal outweigh the costs.

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“We have to face the reality also, of the needs that are there. They’re not wants. The roads, the conditions of the roads, they are needs for our communities,” Hagert said.

The proposed tax rate would still be lower than neighboring states. Minnesota currently charges 32 cents per gallon, South Dakota has a 28-cent tax and Montana’s rate is 33 cents.

The tax and fee increases would generate roughly $42 million per biennium. The Senate Finance Committee will now review the hearing’s findings before making a recommendation.





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The North Dakota ruling against Greenpeace is a threat to free speech | Sushma Raman and Anthony Romero

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The North Dakota ruling against Greenpeace is a threat to free speech | Sushma Raman and Anthony Romero


The first amendment guarantees freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. It will have little meaning if multibillion-dollar corporations can sue peaceful protesters out of existence for their speech. Yet, that’s exactly what was decided in a small courtroom in Morton county, North Dakota.

Energy Transfer – a Dallas-based fossil fuel company that is responsible for the Dakota Access pipeline (DAPL) – sued two Greenpeace entities in the US (Greenpeace Inc and Greenpeace Fund), and Greenpeace International. Energy Transfer was awarded more than $660m in a highly watched, month-long case. Greenpeace will appeal the verdict.

The company sued Greenpeace entities simply for peacefully supporting the Standing Rock protests against the Dakota Access pipeline back in 2016-2017. At issue in the North Dakota case are nine statements made by Greenpeace that are alleged to be defamatory. All of the statements at issue are legitimate expressions under the first amendment, and none of the statements in question were original to Greenpeace.

Energy Transfer also claims that Greenpeace made alleged false statements to financial institutions involved with financing the Dakota Access pipeline – and that based on those statements, the financial institutions took action that cost Energy Transfer hundreds of millions of dollars. The financial institutions, however, had their own commitments and conducted their own due diligence regarding the Dakota Access pipeline.

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An initial lawsuit was filed in 2017 in federal court but it was dismissed in 2019. Energy Transfer immediately refiled a virtually identical suit in state court in North Dakota, a conservative state with strong ties to the energy sector. It is a jurisdiction where public sentiment ran against the DAPL protests – which were organized by the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and Indigenous water protectors.

The ruling in the Energy Transfer case could have wide ranging consequences on first amendment rights in the US. By attempting to hold Greenpeace liable for everything that happened at Standing Rock, the case attempts to establish the idea that, for any participation in a protest, you can be held liable for the actions of other people, even if you’re not associated with them or if they’re never identified. It’s easy to see how this win for Energy Transfer could chill speech and silence future protests before they even begin.

Greenpeace USA was one of many organizations that supported the Indigenous-led resistance. Answering a request for trainings in de-escalation and non-violence, Greenpeace USA supported a delegation from the Indigenous Peoples Power Project (IP3) to travel to Standing Rock and run non-violence trainings. In no way did Greenpeace direct the Standing Rock protest movement, or engage in (or encourage others to engage in) property destruction or violence.

The legal tactic being used against the Greenpeace movement is a classic example of what’s known as a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (Slapp). Slapps are frequently used by wealthy people and corporations – in this case, the oil and gas industry – to silence constitutionally protected free speech.

Rather than a good faith attempt to seek remedies for harm, the goal of these lawsuits is often to bury the defendant in legal fees and waste their time on frivolous litigation. When used to silence criticism – including from whistleblowers, journalists and environmental advocacy organizations like Greenpeace USA and Greenpeace International – they essentially function as a tax on free speech by making it too expensive to speak truth to power. These abusive legal tactics can be used to sue critics into bankruptcy, and they serve as a threat to anyone who may want to speak up in the future.

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Although 34 states and the District of Columbia have passed anti-Slapp laws, North Dakota is not one of them. And, while support for federal anti-Slapp legislation is growing in the US, there is currently no federal law on the books. That means that corporations can continue threatening abusive lawsuits in federal court or in states without protections. Without any provisions protecting public protest, corporate operations that harm the social good can proceed without restraint.

Perhaps equally worrisome, this case is an attack on the type of ordinary advocacy that organizations like Greenpeace and the ACLU – alongside many others – rely on to do their work. Everyday actions like attending a protest, signing a letter of support, or supporting communities at risk should never be considered “unlawful”. Otherwise, the future of everyone’s first amendment rights could be at risk.

If corporations can weaponize the court system to attack protesters and advocates for their speech, then any political speech or cause could become a target. And in an environment where the Trump administration is regularly leading dangerous attacks against our basic rights and liberties, including against the press and activists, this threat is all the more serious.

The right to protest and speak out must be embraced as a core pillar in a functioning democracy – even when that speech threatens the rich and powerful, and even when it’s speech we don’t agree with.



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Blackout plates on the way to becoming a reality

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Blackout plates on the way to becoming a reality


BISMARCK, N.D. (KFYR) – North Dakota drivers are one step closer to having blackout license plates as a design choice.

The North Dakota Senate passed an initial bill to allow the plates, and the House followed suit after lowering the fee structure to a $10 initial fee and standard registration charges.

Iowa and Minnesota already have blackout license plates. North Dakota’s blackout plate is still in the design phase.

“This is just another step, in that, to customize their vehicle. And they have become extremely popular in other areas, and we are really anticipating that they are going to be extremely popular here in North Dakota,” said Brad Schaffer, the North Dakota Department of Transportation Driver and vehicle services director.

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The bill will be sent back to the Senate for consideration.

If signed by Governor Kelly Armstrong, the DOT expects over 7,500 drivers to choose blackout plates, generating more than $2 million for the state highway fund. The plates would be available in fall 2025.



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