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With major change to CHSAA’s tournament and playoff finance structure, host schools now in position to make more money off postseason

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With major change to CHSAA’s tournament and playoff finance structure, host schools now in position to make more money off postseason

LONE TREE — Colorado high schools are about to make a lot more money hosting playoff games and events.

The CHSAA Legislative Council voted to amend the association’s tournament and playoff finance structure on Tuesday at the DCSD Legacy Campus. Previously, host schools paid a percentage of their playoff gate revenue to CHSAA and also a portion to help reimburse visiting teams for traveling.

But under the new amendment — which passed overwhelmingly via a 56-14 vote — each member school will now pay an annual playoff fee to CHSAA, with the amount based on what basketball classification that school is in. With that fee paid, schools now get to keep the profits from hosting playoff games and events such as regionals, without having to share that revenue with CHSAA.

“This is a structural and fundamental change to the way that we’ve done things,” CHSAA commissioner Mike Krueger said. “This approach is more of a cost-share, because we are a membership that’s a benefit-share approach.”

The amendment came to the floor on Tuesday following months of research by CHSAA’s Tournament & Playoff Finance Committee, which found that schools hosting playoff games and tournaments (such as wrestling or volleyball regionals) were consistently finding themselves in the red.

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For example, Tournament & Playoff Finance Committee chairperson Paul Cain, the athletic director for the Mesa County Valley School District, said that 85% of last year’s hosts for wrestling regionals lost money. With this change, that deficit would now be a $5,000 profit for each host school.

The association’s tournament and playoff finance reports reveal that postseason money accounts for 5-10% of CHSAA’s organizational budget, and Cain argues that “the teams that are in the playoffs are currently subsidizing this money, and now, this would go across the membership.”

CHSAA Director of Finance Sarah Vernon-Brunner said this amendment will have “no financial effect on CHSAA.”

“The committee … looked at a five-year average of playoff revenues and used that as the basis for determining the total (playoff) fees,” Vernon-Brunner wrote in an email to The Denver Post.

While CHSAA membership fees will remain the same for a third straight year in 2024-25 — each school’s membership dues are $948, plus a $161 participation fee for each sport/activity — this playoff fee will now be tacked on to schools’ costs. Class 1A schools will pay $600; 2A $800; 3A $1,000; 4A $1,400; 5A $1,900 and 6A $2,600.

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Two of Colorado’s largest districts, Denver Public Schools and Aurora Public Schools, opposed the amendment.

In a statement to The Denver Post, DPS said that the amendment’s “year-over-year projections show significant financial impacts to the district,” and DPS district athletic director echoed that sentiment on Tuesday.

“We ran the models in Denver with our current structure,” Bendjy said. “We lost $2,000 over the last two months in postseason activities, but with this proposed structure and the same events, we’re now down $16,000. That’s a loss of 800%. Philosophically, this is not a financial structure we can get behind at this time.”

APS district athletic director Casey Powell also spoke out against the amendment ahead of its passing vote.

“This will create an absolute stable function for CHSAA, but it will completely flip my budget personally, upside-down, for the way I hold my budget,” Powell said. “Because I don’t get that (new) revenue, because my schools don’t regularly make the playoffs. So to say I’m going to get that (playoff) fee back is not true.”

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Krueger acknowledged those concerns, but said that “for all intents and purposes, this is a membership due.”

As part of the amendment, in a head-to-head playoff game, if the host makes $1,000 or more in net income, then 25% of that gets paid to the visiting team. Cain said the 75/25 split would be done on an “honor system.”

Krueger also added that this new model would incentivize schools to host regional tournaments, rather than disincentivize them, and that districts like DPS and APS could possibly recoup their playoff fee by hosting those tournaments.

“If you host a regional, this should in some ways help, because events you wouldn’t look to currently host maybe that would change and encourage our membership to host these events,” Krueger said. “And if you deserve the right to host (based off playoff seeding), should our system be one in where it costs you significantly to host that (game or) event?”

To Krueger’s point, this fall, Cherry Creek athletic director and Tournament & Playoff Finance Committee member Jason Wilkins said the Bruins took a loss on their first-round football playoff game despite a couple thousand people in attendance at the Stutler Bowl.

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Under the current model, CHSAA receives 10% of the gross receipts and 70% of the net proceeds off football playoff games from host schools. In basketball, which is traditionally the association’s biggest playoff money-maker, CHSAA’s due 20% of the adjusted gross receipts.

Wilkins said that cost structure, in addition to having to pay ticket-takers, police, security guards, officials and visiting travel expenses, “doesn’t leave a lot of opportunity for profit for hosts.”

Mead athletic director Chad Eisentrager doubled down on Wilkins’ opinion, arguing that profits from playoff games and events “should stay within those communities that are putting in the work, the time and resources.”

“Three years ago we hosted Roosevelt in the state semifinals for football,” Eisentrager explained. “We had almost $13,000 in revenue, and we lost money as a result of the security and all the other fees that went along with running that event.

“So in fact, we are losing money on these (playoff events), when my community, who had a right to host that event, got to keep zero of that revenue. This (new amendment) spreads (the cost burden) out, and if you’re successful enough to host one big basketball game, one big football game or some of these other (postseason) events like regional wrestling, (you’ll make the fee back).”

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Finance

Africa’s climate finance rules are growing, but they’re weakly enforced – new research

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Africa’s climate finance rules are growing, but they’re weakly enforced – new research

Climate change is no longer just about melting ice or hotter summers. It is also a financial problem. Droughts, floods, storms and heatwaves damage crops, factories and infrastructure. At the same time, the global push to cut greenhouse gas emissions creates risks for countries that depend on oil, gas or coal.

These pressures can destabilise entire financial systems, especially in regions already facing economic fragility. Africa is a prime example.

Although the continent contributes less than 5% of global carbon emissions, it is among the most vulnerable. In Mozambique, repeated cyclones have destroyed homes, roads and farms, forcing banks and insurers to absorb heavy losses. Kenya has experienced severe droughts that hurt agriculture, reducing farmers’ ability to repay loans. In north Africa, heatwaves strain electricity grids and increase water scarcity.

These physical risks are compounded by “transition risks”, like declining revenues from fossil fuel exports or higher borrowing costs as investors worry about climate instability. Together, they make climate governance through financial policies both urgent and complex. Without these policies, financial systems risk being caught off guard by climate shocks and the transition away from fossil fuels.

This is where climate-related financial policies come in. They provide the tools for banks, insurers and regulators to manage risks, support investment in greener sectors and strengthen financial stability.

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Regulators and banks across Africa have started to adopt climate-related financial policies. These range from rules that require banks to consider climate risks, to disclosure standards, green lending guidelines, and green bond frameworks. These tools are being tested in several countries. But their scope and enforcement vary widely across the continent.

My research compiles the first continent-wide database of climate-related financial policies in Africa and examines how differences in these policies – and in how binding they are – affect financial stability and the ability to mobilise private investment for green projects.

A new study I conducted reviewed more than two decades of policies (2000–2025) across African countries. It found stark differences.

South Africa has developed the most comprehensive framework, with policies across all categories. Kenya and Morocco are also active, particularly in disclosure and risk-management rules. In contrast, many countries in central and west Africa have introduced only a few voluntary measures.

Why does this matter? Voluntary rules can help raise awareness and encourage change, but on their own they often do not go far enough. Binding measures, on the other hand, tend to create stronger incentives and steadier progress. So far, however, most African climate-related financial policies remain voluntary. This leaves climate risk as something to consider rather than a firm requirement.

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Uneven landscape

In Africa, the 2015 Paris Agreement marked a clear turning point. Around that time, policy activity increased noticeably, suggesting that international agreements and standards could help create momentum and visibility for climate action. The expansion of climate-related financial policies was also shaped by domestic priorities and by pressure from international investors and development partners.

But since the late 2010s, progress has slowed. Limited resources, overlapping institutional responsibilities and fragmented coordination have made it difficult to sustain the earlier pace of reform.

Looking across the continent, four broad patterns have emerged.

A few countries, such as South Africa, have developed comprehensive frameworks. These include:

  • disclosure rules (requirements for banks and companies to report how climate risks affect them)

  • stress tests (simulations of extreme climate or transition scenarios to see whether banks would remain resilient).

Others, including Kenya and Morocco, are steadily expanding their policy mix, even if institutional capacity is still developing.

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Some, such as Nigeria and Egypt, are moderately active, with a focus on disclosure rules and green bonds. (Those are bonds whose proceeds are earmarked to finance environmentally friendly projects such as renewable energy, clean transport or climate-resilient infrastructure.)

Finally, many countries in central and west Africa have introduced only a limited number of measures, often voluntary in nature.

This uneven landscape has important consequences.

The net effect

In fossil fuel-dependent economies such as South Africa, Egypt and Algeria, the shift away from coal, oil and gas could generate significant transition risks. These include:

  • financial instability, for example when asset values in carbon-intensive sectors fall sharply or credit exposures deteriorate

  • stranded assets, where fossil fuel infrastructure and reserves lose their economic value before the end of their expected life because they can no longer be used or are no longer profitable under stricter climate policies.

Addressing these challenges may require policies that combine investment in new, low-carbon sectors with targeted support for affected workers, communities and households.

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Climate finance affects people directly. When droughts lead to loan defaults, local banks are strained. Insurance companies facing repeated payouts after floods may raise premiums. Pension funds invested in fossil fuels risk devaluations as these assets lose value. Climate-related financial policies therefore matter not only for regulators and markets, but also for jobs, savings, and everyday livelihoods.

At the same time, there are opportunities.

Firstly, expanding access to green bonds and sustainability-linked loans can channel private finance into renewable energy, clean transport, or resilient infrastructure.

Secondly, stronger disclosure rules can improve transparency and investor confidence.

Thirdly, regional harmonisation through common reporting standards, for example, would reduce fragmentation. This would make it easier for Africa to attract global climate finance.

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Looking ahead

International forums such as the UN climate conferences (COP) and the G20 have helped to push this agenda forward, mainly by setting expectations rather than hard rules. These initiatives create pressure and guidance. But they remain soft law. Turning them into binding, enforceable rules still depends on decisions taken by national regulators and governments.

International partners such as the African Development Bank and the African Union could support coordination by promoting continental standards that define what counts as a green investment. Donors and multilateral lenders may also provide technical expertise and financial support to countries with weaker systems, helping them move from voluntary guidelines toward more enforceable rules.

South Africa, already a regional leader, could share its experience with stress testing and green finance frameworks.

Africa also has the potential to position itself as a hub for renewable energy and sustainable finance. With vast solar and wind resources, expanding urban centres, and an increasingly digital financial sector, the continent could leapfrog towards a greener future if investment and regulation advance together.

Success stories in Kenya’s sustainable banking practices and Morocco’s renewable energy expansion show that progress is possible when financial systems adapt.

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What happens next will matter greatly. By expanding and enforcing climate-related financial rules, Africa can reduce its vulnerability to climate shocks while unlocking opportunities in green finance and renewable energy.

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