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Inside the Rise of Luxury Fakes: How Influencers and VIP Gifts Sparked a New Counterfeit Market

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Inside the Rise of Luxury Fakes: How Influencers and VIP Gifts Sparked a New Counterfeit Market

Call her Sherlock Hermès. Ingrid Chua, a journalist and blogger behind the Bag Hag Diaries, started noticing a strange phenomenon back in 2019, mostly on Instagram and high-end resale sites. They were flooded with oddball luxury items—pouches, tote bags, and beach towels—priced at a fraction of, say, a leather purse. These goodies were touted as never-for-sale VIP gifts, treats handed to friends of the brand, influencers, or free-spending clients. Chua’s suspicions were piqued by the volumes on offer, perhaps 20 or more from a single seller who might also offer a wait list for the next delivery. “If you’re a VIP, you might get one or two things, but how do they have batch after batch of them? It was seriously shady,” she scoffs.

So, Chua started snooping, setting up fake Insta handles to query the sellers on that platform. It was obvious to her that most, if not all, of these items were counterfeit. When she started sharing screengrabs of her exchanges on her Instagram Stories, the abuse began. “I got threats, things like ‘We’re going to sue you, you’re making us lose revenue.’” Undeterred, Chua kept digging, even hiring a trio of photographers to analyze images shared as part of the sales pitches. Take the makeup pouch purportedly offered by Chanel Beauty as a thank you to certain customers that was pictured on one of the brand’s makeup counters. “Guess what? All three of them said it was superimposed on the image—there was no reflection in the vitrine,” she says.

Chua’s crusade is well-timed. Luxury brands have embraced the trappings of so-called clienteling with more gusto than ever, competing to outdo each other in their cosseting of VICs (Very Important Clients); keeping influencers onside the same way is vital, too. One now-commonplace tactic for both involves creating one-off, branded keepsakes that will be gifted rather than sold; these may be available only to certain buyers or are never even offered in the retail environment. There might be a leather wristlet, a key fob, or a small pouch; Prada sent limited-edition shirts to a small number of VICs as a Christmas gift, while Chanel could send a top buyer some throw pillows as a birthday shoutout.

Still, those who don’t receive such treats still want them and will pay handsomely for that freebie. “I often get sourcing requests for VIP gifts, usually Chanel ones—most recently, it was the free Chanel T-shirt that was sent with invitations to the latest Chanel show in Los Angeles,” says Gab Waller, who runs a business scoring hard-to-find luxury items for clients. In that case, Waller, who is based in California, happened to have a personal friend who received one and was happy to resell it. “It was a one-off exception, because 99 percent of the time, I decline the request,” she says. “With my flat-rate sourcing fee, the price could get high very quickly. And it’s hard for me to justify the resale price on an item that was essentially free. That doesn’t sit right with me.” The fact that most come via the resale market—and have murky provenance as a result—makes Waller even warier.

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Courtesy of Ingrid Chua

Delphine Sarfati-Sobreira agrees. The Paris-based executive runs Unifab, or the Union des Fabricants, which effectively campaigns against counterfeiting on all fronts on behalf of 200 or so members, including Hermès, Yves Saint Laurent, and Balenciaga. She cites data that 52 percent of Europeans aged 15 to 24 bought a counterfeit product last year, and in France, just over a third of buyers unknowingly bought a fake online. “The difference between now and 15 years ago, when someone was press or a VIP client and received a gift, they will keep it,” Sarfati-Sobreira tells Robb Report, “Now, with the rise of influencers, they resell it on secondhand platforms. And then counterfeiters see that and decide to sell their own products the same way.” Influencers, she explains, both turned on a spigot of selling VIP gifts on the secondary market while driving up demand for them in the luxury-loving public.

“Gifts have been quietly regifted or resold forever,” says Susan Scafidi, “but in the era of influencers, luxury is being defined as access to experience, [rather] than to goods anyone can buy with enough money. And these items are now proof of that experience.” Scafidi is a Fordham University professor in New York City, with particular expertise in luxury counterfeiting and head of the non-profit Fashion Law Institute. She says these freebies are heavy with “cultural capital,” tokens of clout and access. That little bag on the front-row seat at a show is a heavy hitter for a certain demographic. “They appeal to people who wish they could have been there, and want to emulate the people who were,” Scafidi says.

The surge in branded items that have little to no value—a cotton T-shirt or plastic pouch rather than a leather bag, for example—has been driven by the clampdown in tax law, Scafidi explains, whereby freebies like this are taxable. (Last year’s Oscar gift bag, for example, would trigger at least $46,000 to the IRS, and came with a 1099 to make declaring that debt even easier.) Better, then, to offer something whose value is merely branding rather than the materials from which it’s made. Counterfeiting a logo, of course, is much easier than duplicating workmanship or high-quality hide. Scafidi herself points to a T-shirt sent out by a brand she declines to name citing professional concerns: “On the front, in big bold letters, was the logo and, still attached, was the American Apparel label, too.”

Scafidi adds that there’s a particular wrinkle in American law that makes faking these freebies even more appealing stateside. “U.S. law requires that a trademark be used in commerce to protect it. Something given away in a product category that a brand doesn’t ordinarily produce—a Champagne flute from a company that produces clothing and small leather goods, for example. Technically it wouldn’t be protected.” Household names, she continues, could pursue claims against brand dilution, but anti-counterfeiting controls are much harder to apply to anything that was, at least initially, given rather than sold.

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There’s another reason driving the surge in sales of shoddy, or counterfeit, gifts: the explosion of resale sites like TheRealReal or Vinted. Unlike a traditional consignment boutique, which operated on a smaller scale often with regular consignees known to the owner, these are world-spanning businesses with aggressive ambitions to scale. See, for example, how Vestiaire Collective is now run by start-up superstar Max Bittner, whose first business sold for billions to Alibaba, or the blockbuster IPO four years ago from TheRealReal, which raised $300 million (though the shares, priced at $20 for the offering, now hover at barely one-tenth of that). “Once you give the average consumer out there control to post anything in a marketplace, you’re basically putting up a luxury Craigslist,” says Chua, “It’s a free-for-all and caveat emptor. You just have to hope not to get screwed.” Indeed, one reseller—in this case, the decades-old What Goes Around Comes Around in New York—just lost a lawsuit with Chanel around these very items. The French luxury house accused the shop of selling counterfeit goods and promotional items that were not intended for sale. The judge just ruled in Chanel’s favor over everything from trademark infringement to false advertising, landing the reseller with a $4 million bill for damages.

An authentic Chanel logo item (top) and a counterfeit one.

Courtesy of Ingrid Chua

London-based Winston Chesterfield runs his own luxury consultancy, Barton. He says the Internet-driven transformation of the secondary market is fundamental to the problem: “When you do a private show for your ultra-high-end clients, those spending more than $100,000 in a Mayfair townhouse, they’ll give a bag of goodies at the end of it. But the client isn’t interested in them—nine out of 10 people like that you speak to? They’ll give those to their PA or housemaid.” In the past, Chesterfield says, that pass-along treat would have been used or perhaps occasionally sold to a friend. Now, it’s a lucrative moneymaker on eBay, creating a secondary market that’s easily exploited by unscrupulous counterfeiters. Chesterfield echoes Scafidi’s idea that the current quality of these giveaways is also a factor. “They’re producing for the lowest common denominator, pap that the higher-end, higher-value clients don’t want and don’t need. It’s the marketing department taking the initiative, and it’s a little bit out of control.”

Brands, unsurprisingly, aren’t keen to engage on the topic, whether those resale platforms or the designer marques themselves. May Berthelot, who runs the anti-counterfeiting operation at Vinted and has shared social media screeds on this topic, declined to speak to Robb Report. Note, though, that platforms like that are increasingly banning VIP gifts from being offered for sale—the Bittner-run Vestiaire Collective, for example, will not sell “VIP gifts (items received at press or VIP events, items gifted by the brand, free gifts offered in-store as part of a purchase), or items not for sale (including items marked as Not for Sale, samples, packaging etc.).” 

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Still, perhaps the best way to tackle the issue isn’t policing the sale but polluting the appeal. Harriet Quick cofounded Luminaire, a luxury sourcing start-up aimed at VICs. “I don’t think our clients are that interested in these items, the whole swathe of gifting that goes to influencers,” she says. “It doesn’t suit them, because it’s all a bit too hype-y.” Put simply, such items are both exclusive, and not very exclusive at all. Certainly, anyone trying to offload one online won’t be the original recipient. “The irony of this is that the VIP, that high-spending couture buyer somewhere like Dior or Chanel, probably just gives away the gift to someone or, quite frankly, throws it in the trash,” says Barton’s Chesterfield, of their tarnished appeal. “They’re very unlikely to bother taking pictures, writing up a description, and then chucking it online.”

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See Where U.S. Sites Have Been Damaged in War With Iran

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See Where U.S. Sites Have Been Damaged in War With Iran

U.S. installations damaged in strikes

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Note: Some sites shown were claimed to have been struck by Iran-aligned militias. Data are as of March 10. The New York Times

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Iran has responded to the U.S.-Israeli assault on the country by launching drones and missiles at American targets across the Middle East, hitting embassies, killing U.S. soldiers, and damaging military bases and air defense infrastructure.

The New York Times has identified at least 17 damaged U.S. sites and other installations, several of which have been struck more than once since the war began. Our analysis is based on high-resolution, commercial satellite imagery, verified social media videos and statements by U.S. officials and Iranian state media.

The intensity of the retaliatory strikes has signaled that Iran was more prepared for the war than many in the Trump administration had anticipated, U.S. military officials say.

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For this article, we are presenting satellite images to show the scale of the damage from Iran’s attacks on U.S. sites and installations. Many of these images have been circulating publicly on news sites and social media. But in cases where they have not been, we present the imagery we obtained from satellite image companies and show only a zoomed-out view of each location to limit the amount of detail viewable in those images.

Military sites

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Iran has fired thousands of missiles and drones at both U.S. and allied country military sites across the region. The United States and its allies have intercepted most of them, U.S. officials say, but at least 11 American military bases or installations have been damaged — nearly half of all such sites in the region.

On Feb. 28, the first day of conflict, Iran targeted several U.S. military facilities, including Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia; Ali Al Salem Air Base and Camp Buehring Base in Kuwait; and Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, the largest U.S. base in the Middle East.

Satellite images show extensive damage to buildings and communication infrastructure at several locations.

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Ali Al Salem, Kuwait
March 1

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Camp Arifjan, Kuwait
March 4

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Shuaiba port, Kuwait
March 2

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Camp Buehring, Kuwait
March 5

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U.S. Navy 5th Fleet HQ, Bahrain
March 1

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Prince Sultan, Saudi Arabia
March 1

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Jebel Ali port, U.A.E.
March 1

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Muwaffaq Salti, Jordan
March 4

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Erbil Airport, Iraq
March 1

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Satellite images by Airbus DS and Planet Labs.

A video taken on March 1 shows an Iranian drone exploding near sports facilities at Camp Buehring in Kuwait. No casualties were reported.

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Camp Buehring, Kuwait
March 1

It is difficult to estimate the full cost of damage inflicted by Iran’s retaliatory strikes. A Pentagon assessment provided to Congress last week put the cost of the single strike on the U.S. Navy Fifth Fleet headquarters in Bahrain on Feb. 28 at about $200 million, according to a congressional official.

On March 1, an Iranian drone struck a structure housing military personnel at the Shuaiba port in Kuwait, killing six American service members.

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Satellite imagery shows the roof of that building partially collapsed.

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Shuaiba port
June 26, 2025

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Satellite images by Planet Labs.

An additional U.S. service member was killed in a separate Iranian strike on March 1 at a U.S. base in Saudi Arabia, bringing the toll to seven, the Pentagon said on Sunday.

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The pace of Iranian attacks has slowed since the war’s opening days, but the strikes have continued. Al Udeid Air Base, Ali Al Salem Air Base, Al Dhafra Air Base, Camp Buehring and the Navy’s Fifth Fleet headquarters have all been struck more than once.

Missiles launched from Iran have flown as far away as Turkey. On March 4, NATO intercepted an Iranian ballistic missile headed toward Incirlik Air Base in Turkey, according to a senior U.S. military official. The base hosts a large U.S. Air Force contingent. Iran’s military denied firing the missile.

A second Iranian missile entered Turkish airspace and was shot down by NATO, according to a Turkish defense ministry statement on Monday.

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Air defense and communication infrastructure

Among the costliest American losses to infrastructure have been to the air defense systems that protect U.S. and allied interests across the Middle East.

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Iran has systematically targeted radar and communications systems, including components of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, known as THAAD, which uses a radar to track and intercept incoming aerial threats throughout the region.

At Muwaffaq Salti Air Base, an important hub for the U.S. Air Force in Jordan, satellite imagery from February shows radar equipment at the base’s southern edge. An image taken two days after the war began shows severe damage to what appears to be an air defense sensor.

Military budget and contract documents indicate a single radar unit of this type can cost up to half a billion dollars.

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Muwaffaq Salti, Jordan
March 2

Satellite image by Airbus DS.

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A video from Feb. 28 shows an Iranian drone striking the headquarters of the U.S. Navy’s Fifth Fleet in Manama, Bahrain, damaging what appears to be a communications radome, a weatherproof cover that protects radar and communication equipment.

Gulf nations have also bought air defense equipment from American companies and deployed them near critical infrastructure, including oil refineries. Those foreign radar systems share information with the U.S. military, forming what defense analysts describe as a de facto, expanded U.S. military sensor network.

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Iran has targeted such sites where air defense equipment was recently observed, like the Al Ruwais facility in the United Arab Emirates. Satellite imagery of the site from last year shows a THAAD unit near storage structures.

A satellite image taken after Iranian attacks shows significant damage to the storage structures. The Times was unable to verify whether the mobile THAAD unit was inside the storage structures at the time of the strikes.

Near Umm Dahal in Qatar, a long range AN/FPS-132 radar — built at a cost of $1.1 billion to provide early warning coverage across a 3,000 mile radius — apparently sustained damage to its main radar structure, as seen in satellite imagery.

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Umm Dahal, Qatar
Feb. 3, 2025

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Al Ruwais, U.A.E.
Aug. 13, 2025

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Al Sader, U.A.E.
Oct.. 22, 2025

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Al Sader, U.A.E.
Oct. 22, 2025

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Satellite images by Airbus DS and Planet Labs.

The full extent of damage to U.S. air defense and communication infrastructure remains unclear. Michael Eisenstadt, a director at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said that the affected radars would be difficult to repair or replace.

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But Seth G. Jones, a president at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said that the damage would most likely not significantly degrade U.S. military capabilities in this war. “The U.S. has such redundancy in collecting intelligence and other information from sensor networks, whether it’s land-based radars, aircrafts or space-based systems,” he said.

Diplomatic sites

Iran has also struck nonmilitary U.S. targets such as the consulate in Dubai, and embassies in Kuwait City, Kuwait, and Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, forcing temporary closures. There have been no reported injuries in any of these attacks.

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On Saturday night, the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad was targeted in a rocket attack. No casualties were reported. It was not immediately clear who was behind it and how much damage was caused. It is not included in The Times’s tally of damaged sites.

Adm. Brad Cooper, the commander of the U.S. Central Command, said on March 7 that Iranian ballistic missile attacks had dropped 90 percent since the first day of the conflict and drone attacks by 83 percent. Despite the declining pace, Iran has continued to strike American targets across the region.

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Rubio designates Afghanistan as ‘state sponsor of wrongful detention’: ‘Despicable tactics’

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Rubio designates Afghanistan as ‘state sponsor of wrongful detention’: ‘Despicable tactics’

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U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio designated Afghanistan as a “state sponsor of wrongful detention,” accusing the Taliban of “unjustly” detaining Americans and other foreign nationals.

In his announcement on Monday, Rubio said the Taliban continues to use “terrorist tactics” that he insisted “need to end.”

“I am designating Afghanistan as a State Sponsor of Wrongful Detention,” Rubio said in a statement. “The Taliban continues to use terrorist tactics, kidnapping individuals for ransom or to seek policy concessions. These despicable tactics need to end.”

The secretary also called on the terror group to free a pair of Americans who are “unjustly detained” in Afghanistan.

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IRAN REGIME CITED AS TRUMP ADMIN SET TO DESIGNATE SUDAN’S MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD A TERROR GROUP

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio designated Afghanistan as a “state sponsor of wrongful detention.” (Alex Wong/Getty Images)

“It is not safe for Americans to travel to Afghanistan because the Taliban continues to unjustly detain our fellow Americans and other foreign nationals,” he said. “The Taliban needs to release Dennis Coyle, Mahmoud Habibi, and all Americans unjustly detained in Afghanistan now and commit to cease the practice of hostage diplomacy forever.”

Coyle, 64, was detained more than a year ago without charges by the Taliban General Directorate of Intelligence, according to his family, noting that he still has not been charged. His family said he was legally working to support Afghan language communities as an academic researcher.

Habibi, a 38-year-old American citizen who was born in Afghanistan, was taken along with his driver from their vehicle in the capital of Kabul in August 2022 by the Taliban General Directorate of Intelligence, according to the State Department.

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The FBI said Habibi was previously Afghanistan’s director of civil aviation and worked for the Kabul-based telecommunications company Asia Consultancy Group. The FBI said the Taliban detained 29 other employees of the company but has released most of them.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the Taliban continues to use “terrorist tactics” that he insisted “need to end.” (J. Scott Applewhite/AP Photo)

Habibi has not been heard from since his arrest, and the Taliban has not disclosed his whereabouts or condition, according to the State Department and FBI. The Taliban has previously denied it detained Habibi.

The U.S. is also calling for the return of the remains of Paul Overby, an author who was last seen close to Afghanistan’s border with Pakistan in 2014, according to Reuters, citing two sources familiar with the situation.

The State Department could restrict the use of U.S. passports for travel to Afghanistan if the Taliban does not meet the U.S. government’s demands, the sources told the outlet.

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A passport restriction of this kind is currently only in place for North Korea.

The Taliban called the decision by Rubio to designate Afghanistan a “state sponsor of wrongful detention” regrettable, adding that it wanted to resolve the matter through dialogue.

STATE DEPARTMENT DEFENDS ‘PROACTIVE’ EVACUATION EFFORTS AGAINST DEMS’ CLAIMS OF DIPLOMATIC CHAOS

The Taliban called the decision to designate Afghanistan a “state sponsor of wrongful detention” regrettable. (Reuters/Ali Khara)

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The Taliban took control of Afghanistan in 2021 during the U.S. military’s chaotic withdrawal from the country that ended the 20-year war in the region.

Rubio gave the “state sponsor of wrongful detention” designation to Iran late last month, just one day before the U.S.-Israeli strikes on the country. He warned that the U.S. could restrict travel to Iran over its detention of U.S. citizens, but there have not been any restrictions yet.

“The Iranian regime must stop taking hostages and release all Americans unjustly detained in Iran, steps that could end this designation and associated actions,” Rubio said at the time.

Reuters contributed to this report.

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Von der Leyen ‘acting outside of competence,’ Araud tells Euronews

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Von der Leyen ‘acting outside of competence,’ Araud tells Euronews

Gérard Araud, the highly connected former French ambassador to the United States, said Ursula von der Leyn is exceeding the powers of her mandate by tapping into foreign policy while pushing a German-like approach in an interview with Euronews.

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From Ukraine peace negotiations to the ongoing war in Iran, von der Leyen has managed to grow her role closer to that of a head of state in a move not without controversy.

Von der Leyen was the first EU official to call for a political transition in Iran in line with the goals of the United States and Israel, who have openly called for regime change in Tehran, and have urged the bloc to seek a more pragmatic approach to foreign policy.

“She’s [acting outside of] her competence,” Araud said on Euronews’ interview programme 12 Minutes With on Tuesday, a day after von der Leyen addressed a conference of EU ambassadors in which she declared the world order conceived after the Second World War to be over and never to return.

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**”**The Treaties of the European Union, which is the basis of the EU, do not give her any special competence in foreign policy,” he added, calling her remarks “surprising.”

In the same conference, von der Leyen made headlines in Brussels after she suggested the EU would always defend the rules-based system, but it can “no longer be a custodian of the old-world order” or assume its rules will shelter Europe in the future.

Araud said her comments are problematic as the EU seeks to cement new partnerships across the world by presenting itself as the last bastion of international rules and respect for fundamental values in a brutal, increasingly chaotic world.

“Europeans are the last flag bearers of international law,” he said. “It’s a bit like someone committing adultery while saying ‘I am in favour of the principles of marital fidelity’.’

In 2019, as von der Leyen assumed her first mandate, she vowed to make the European Commission a geopolitical actor. But her power moves into foreign policy have not gone unnoticed across European capitals, with relations with Israel becoming a point of tension between EU member states, seen as supportive, critics and the Commission.

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Her complicated relationship with Kaja Kallas, the European foreign policy chief and EU High Representative, has also led to a cacophony of views when it comes to foreign policy, an area where the EU historically struggles to unite 27 voices.

Her positioning since the start of the war in Iran “is not in line with Spain, and it’s not in line with France, it’s a German line,” Araud said.

Araud, who made a name for himself in European diplomatic circles after a stint as French ambassador in the US from 2014 to 2019, said Trump has miscalculated the ramifications of attacking Iran, which he described as far more complicated than Venezuela, where the US was easily able to swap the leadership to a more friendly one.

“What is the goal of this operation? At the beginning, it was regime change, then it was the nuclear programme, and now it’s a question of destroying the Iranian military apparatus,” Araud said. “He thought he would encounter a situation closer to Venezuela, but that hasn’t worked…Iran has made the choice of waiting.”

The former French ambassador to Israel said he also worries Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has “dragged the US” into a war without a clear plan and cautioned that Israel will not stop in its main objective of becoming the main player in the region, even if that means another round of military escalation and broader conflict in the region.

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“There is a trauma after October 7th. For Israel, it cannot go back to the (scenario) that existed before that, and now it is about a new regime in the Middle East. Until now, they have been successful. But the biggest obstacle remains Iran.”

Asked how the war could end, he said Trump could play the TACO card — an acronym for Trump Always Chickens Out — which could see the US President declaring victory and settling for a half-cooked resolution. Still, Araud said he does not believe Israel will leave its objectives incomplete when it comes to Iran. “I don’t think they will stop,” he said.

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