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‘Civil War’ has a stark warning for Washington

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‘Civil War’ has a stark warning for Washington


In the 2014 film “Ex Machina,” director Alex Garland offered a chilling forecast of a future dominated by unchecked artificial intelligence. The groundbreaking sci-fi thriller prompted us to consider what happens when such technology is developed by an unscrupulous narcissist who sidesteps profound ethical quandaries. The film was both prescient and clear in its warnings: Be wary of concentrated power and take precautions to prevent such a catastrophe.

A decade later, “Civil War,” Garland’s latest dystopian offering, threads a similar cautionary tale, but with key differences. This time, the calamity is unfolding and its catalysts are largely unexplored.

The film’s vagueness has elicited mixed — yet strikingly similar — reactions across the political spectrum. On the left, critics accuse the film of “utter cowardice” and betraying audiences for not denouncing MAGA. Meanwhile, the right blasts the film for overlooking the “socialist, anarchist” roots of our divisions and its treatment of the media. Alas, both sides are essentially making the same argument by demanding that Hollywood vindicate their respective worldviews.

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This isn’t just horseshoe theory. Social science teaches us this need for validation, known as confirmation bias, is endemic to the human condition. In this vein, central to “Civil War” is its auteur’s belief that Republicans and Democrats are more alike than partisans care to admit. The film is more concerned with probing the underlying psychology, incentives and structures that could precipitate a national cataclysm than it is with scapegoating individual politicians or the ideologies they champion as intellectual scaffolding. This approach may not flatter our partisan biases, but it offers a more truthful — and cinematically superior — alternative to more simplistic counterparts.

Like William Wyler’s portrayal of post–World War II America and Sergio Leone’s reinvention of the Western, “Civil War” follows the tradition of incisive commentaries on American life filtered through a foreign lens. The British Garland, himself the son of a newsman, seems especially interested in political journalism’s role in our decay. The film is hardly coy about this — it begins and ends at the nexus of media and politics in Washington. If Garland were to expose the Beltway any more explicitly, he would literally have to hold up a mirror to it in a cameo.

These bookends invite us to scrutinize the role of the “Grift Industrial Complex” — the sordid ecosystem of fame-first politicians and their networks of online influencers and clickbait media platforms — in eroding our politics and culture. With the help of social media companies, those at the top profit handsomely off the paranoia, resentment and pervasive sense of victimhood they cultivate among their audiences.

Their exploitation is particularly troubling, not only because of the psychological harm it inflicts, but because a victimhood mentality inherently requires an aggressor. Viewing the other half of the country as enemies rather than as neighbors with differing opinions sets the stage for animosity.

One of the film’s most critical insights is that hatred leads to asking others “what kind of Americans” they are. In fairness, the nation may already be lost if significant numbers despise their countrymen on account of a few grifters. But you don’t have to believe we’re on the brink of an armed internal conflict to see the prudence in pumping the brakes.

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In addition to muting, unfollowing and unsubscribing, a critical first step is recognizing that the Grift Industrial Complex thrives on the demise of institutions. This underscores the urgent need for people of good conscience within ostensibly nonpartisan organizations to reassert their independence, exercise restraint and resist indulging in divisive ideological projects.

In theory, our system is built to withstand self-interest and audience capture, but, as Madison famously argued in Federalist No. 10, a republican form of government is crucial for mitigating their effects. Much of our dysfunction — evident in real life and implied in “Civil War” — is rooted in the outsized influence of the federal government, especially the executive branch. Why else would the film’s fictional president go to such extreme lengths to secure a blatantly unconstitutional third term, if not for its expansive reach?

Politics should matter in a healthy society, but not that much. As the son of Cuban exiles, I’ve seen what happens when every facet of life becomes politicized, and it isn’t pretty. We should heed the film’s call for introspection and turn our attention inward — to our communities, houses of worship, families, friends and civic associations as better sources of meaning in life than the dopamine kicks we derive from D.C.’s made-for-Twitter controversies

For all the argument about “Civil War,” its most profound lesson — one that movie studios will certainly appreciate — is relatively simple: We should tune out the outrage hustlers, put down our phones and spend more time sharing experiences with fellow Americans, like enjoying movies, instead of fighting over politics. By doing so, we can begin to heal the wounds that Garland vividly portrays in his haunting depiction of our fractured nation.

Giancarlo Sopo is the founder of Visto Media and cultural writer. Follow him @GiancarloSopo.

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Copyright 2024 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.





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Supreme Court rules states can count late-arriving mailed ballots, rejecting Trump-led challenge

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Supreme Court rules states can count late-arriving mailed ballots, rejecting Trump-led challenge


The Supreme Court ruled Monday that states should be allowed to count ballots that are mailed on time but arrive after Election Day.

In a 5-4 decision, the high court rejected a Republican-led attack on laws in more than half the states and the District of Columbia that permit mailed ballots to arrive and be counted some number of days after the election, provided they are postmarked by Election Day. The outcome spares officials the headache of changing their ballot rules just a few months before the 2026 midterm congressional elections.

The decision, written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, is a defeat for President Donald Trump who has repeatedly claimed mail-in voting encourages fraud, an assertion not backed up by evidence. Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. also joined the court’s three liberals in the ruling.

The question before the court was whether Mississippi was acting legally when it permitted ballots postmarked by Election Day to be counted if they arrived within five business days of the election.

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“The federal election-day statutes do not preempt Mississippi’s law because the defining element of an ‘election’ has always been the electorate’s choice of candidate,” the decision said.

A voter’s choice is made when voting is complete, not when ballots are received, it said.

Thirteen other states have grace periods for ballots cast by mail. Another 15 have longer deadlines for military and overseas voters.

Last year, Trump signed an executive order that would require votes to be “cast and received” by Election Day, but it has been blocked by court challenges.

Mississippi Solicitor General Scott Stewart noted during arguments before the Supreme Court in March that the Trump administration had failed to produce a single case of fraud due to mail ballots that arrived after Election Day.

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Among the state with deadlines after Election Day are California, Texas, New York and Illinois. Rural areas of Alaska also allow post-Election Day ballots.

The Associated Press reported that four states dominated by Republican lawmakers, Kansas, North Dakota, Ohio and Utah, dropped their grace periods last year. That’s according to the National Conference of State Legislatures and Voting Rights Lab.

President Donald Trump said he voted by mail in a Florida election due to scheduling conflicts, explaining he could not be there in person. The remarks come as Palm Beach County records show Trump cast a mail ballot in an upcoming special election, despite his public criticism of the voting method as fraudulent.

During arguments, some of the conservative justices seemed skeptical of late-arriving mail ballots. Justice Samuel Alito for example asked about the appearance of fraud if ballots that arrived after Election Day flipped an election.

The liberal justices on the other hand indicated they would uphold the state laws and noted that federal law allows states to set their own regulations governing elections. Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the states and Congress should decide the issue, not the courts. 

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Federal law sets Election Day as “the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November.”

Mississippi passed its election law during the COVID-19 pandemic. It was challenged by the Republican National Committee, the Mississippi Republican Party and others.

An appellate court, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, struck down Mississippi’s grace period. Judge Andrew Oldham wrote that the state law allowing the late-arriving ballots to be counted violated federal law.

The three judges who decided Mississippi’s law was unconstitutional were all appointed by Trump during his first term.

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Opinion: Washington just taxed the world’s best anti-poverty program

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Opinion: Washington just taxed the world’s best anti-poverty program


Every week in Bridgeport, I sit with immigrant families as they divide their limited weekly earnings in two different directions. Part will pay the rent here in Connecticut. The remaining amount will be transferred back to a family member overseas.

I started a bilingual financial literacy program for these families, but many of the questions they ask me are not related to my services. Instead, they want to know how to safely transfer money to relatives living in Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, or Mexico. Economists call this kind of transfer a remittance. Together, millions of these transfers create a massive flow of capital out of wealthy nations and into lower and middle-income countries.

According to the World Bank, migrant workers transferred over $685 billion into low and middle income countries in 2024, a total that surpassed both foreign direct investment and international development assistance. The Inter-American Development Bank reports that Latin America and the Caribbean received approximately $161 billion in remittances during 2024, and the World Bank puts Mexico’s share at about $68 billion , making it the second largest recipient in the world.

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Numbers this large become foreign policy issues. Researchers at the Overseas Development Institute found that in 2023, remittances to developing countries reached approximately $656 billion, three to four times greater than global foreign assistance, which totaled roughly $224 billion. Unlike foreign assistance, which can take months or years to arrive, remittances are paid directly to recipients and spent immediately on basic necessities such as food and medicine. They represent one of the most efficient poverty reduction programs yet developed, and no government designed it.

It should disturb anyone concerned with U.S. foreign policy that Congress has chosen to tax the money sent abroad through remittances.

As part of President Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law on July 4, 2025 , a new 1 percent excise tax was added on money sent abroad, beginning January 1, 2026. Earlier versions of the bill proposed a 5 percent tax and then a 3.5 percent tax before lawmakers settled on 1 percent. They also extended its scope to cover both citizens and immigrants. Based on data from the Center for Global Development, an estimated 48 million foreign-born individuals could be affected.

Although a 1 percent tax appears minor when expressed as a decimal, its implications are strategic. The same analysis projected that Mexico could lose over $1.5 billion per year, and that El Salvador, a country whose stability Washington treats as an important relationship, could lose the equivalent of roughly 0.6 percent of its national income. These are precisely the economies whose instability contributes to the migration that Washington says it wishes to reduce. By taxing remittances and lowering incomes in these countries, Washington will have worsened the root cause of the immigration problem while claiming to address it.

The tax also fails on its own merits. The law excludes bank transfers and payments made with U.S. issued debit and credit cards, so it falls hardest on cash transactions, the method used by people who do not have or cannot obtain bank accounts. As predicted, taxing the most transparent means of sending money pushes families toward less transparent channels, the reverse of what the tax intends. It also stacks on top of the roughly 6 percent that migrants already pay in transfer fees, about twice the 3 percent rate the United Nations set as a global development goal.

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I was drawn to this issue by faith as much as economics. Catholic social teaching upholds the dignity of work and the central importance of the family, and a remittance is exactly that: money earned through one’s labor and sent across a distance out of love. To tax it is to treat an act of devotion as a loophole to be closed.

There is a superior alternative to the policy our federal government is advancing on immigration. Lower the cost of transferring money internationally. Rather than punishing the people locked out of the banking system with higher costs, give them greater access to it. And treat remittances as what they are, a development tool more effective than nearly all of the direct funding we engage in. A nation confident in its own economic strength does not need to take a cut from the money a domestic worker sends home to her mother.

I will continue to spend my days with these families in Bridgeport, helping them find ways to safely send as much of their earnings as they can. But the next time I hear someone claim that Washington is trying to address immigration at its source, I will remember the new line on that $60 transfer, and I will wonder whether anyone in the room understood what they were taxing.

Marcos Cruz lives in Fairfield.

This <a target=”_blank” href=”https://ctmirror.org/2026/06/29/washington-just-taxed-the-worlds-best-anti-poverty-program/”>article</a> first appeared on <a target=”_blank” href=”https://ctmirror.org”>CT Mirror</a> and is republished here under a <a target=”_blank” href=”https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/”>Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src=”https://ctmirror.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/cropped-CTMirror_bug_rgb-180×180.jpg” style=”width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;”>

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Week Ahead in Washington: June 28

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Week Ahead in Washington: June 28


WASHINGTON (Gray DC) – The Supreme Court has one week remaining to release decisions before the end of its term, with seven cases still pending — including a major ruling on birthright citizenship.

Justices face a traditional July 1 deadline to wrap up the term. Among the remaining cases is the birthright citizenship case Trump v. Barbara, argued in April, which is one of several cases involving President Donald Trump that will test the limits of executive branch power.

Meanwhile, the president is set to travel to North Dakota for the dedication of the Theodore Roosevelt Library, the first of multiple events and speeches planned during the week of America’s 250th birthday.

On the eve of Independence Day, Trump will then visit Mount Rushmore before returning to Washington, D.C., for the nation’s semiquincentennial celebrations.

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Festivities in the nation’s capital include a fireworks display on the National Mall that organizers say will attempt to break the world record. Views of the display will be available from across Washington, D.C.

Copyright 2026 Gray DC. All rights reserved.



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