West
New California firearms tax prompts Second Amendment lawsuit to block 'modern Jim Crow law'
A consortium of Second Amendment advocacy groups and two residents filed suit seeking to block California’s new 11% excise tax on firearms, parts and ammunition.
The case, Jaymes v. Maduros, alleged that the Supreme Court has previously ruled that constitutional rights should not be subject to taxation, and sought to block the tax that went into effect July 1.
One of the precedents cited was Murdock v. Pennsylvania, in which the court sided with a Jehovah’s Witness who had been required to purchase a permit to evangelize door-to-door in Westmoreland County.
In that regard, the Firearms Policy Coalition (FPC), National Rifle Association (NRA), California Rifle & Pistol Association and the two civilians filed their complaint against California Department of Tax & Fee Administration Director Nicolas Maduros in his official capacity, citing similar protections.
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Attendees view handguns at the Walther booth during the National Rifle Association (NRA) annual convention in Indianapolis, Indiana. (Getty Images )
FPC President Brandon Combs called California’s tax a “modern Jim Crow law” that targets people who are disliked by those in power, such as California Gov. Gavin Newsom.
“Thankfully, the Constitution forbids California’s political warfare scheme. FPC and our allies are committed to restoring the right to keep and bear arms in California and throughout the United States,” Combs said in a statement.
The complaint, filed in state court in San Diego, alleges that California seeks to “destroy the exercise of a Constitutional right by singling it out for special taxation.”
The plaintiffs further argue that, if allowed to stand, the levy means that California can tax behavior associated with any other Constitutional rights at 50% or 100% if the government doesn’t favor them.
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The filing also cites the recent New York Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen case, which targeted the Empire State’s requirements for concealed-carry permitting.
Bruen “guarantee[s] the individual right to possess and carry weapons in case of confrontation,” the plaintiffs said.
In a statement, the NRA said that although the tax is formally levied on gun dealers, the amount is passed down to the consumer.
Randy Kozuch, executive director of the NRA’s Institute for Legislative Action, said the Virginia-based association has a long history of defending the right to bear arms and challenging laws that abridge it.
“California’s firearms excise tax is a blatant and egregious attack on the rights of Californians and a calculated maneuver to dismantle the Second Amendment,” Kozuch said.
A Newsom spokesman, however, disagreed with the allegations.
“This is a modest investment in gun violence prevention programs that are proven to work,” Daniel Villaseñor told the Los Angeles Times, calling the Golden State “No. 1 for gun safety.”
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San Francisco, CA
Contributor: May we never grow inured to homelessness
Most Saturday mornings, I stroll half a mile downhill from my tiny apartment in a bosky part of San Francisco to a farmers market. My usual reverie of anticipation (about carrots with their tops attached, about the price of berries) was interrupted recently by the sight of three bodies.
That is, I thought of them as bodies; it was not evident whether they were alive or dead. All lay splayed on the sidewalk, one a couple blocks from my home, the other two, blocks apart, closer to the market, itself located in a neighborhood where need is evident. (Food stamps are often the tender for buying produce.) The bodies belonged to shabbily but fully dressed men — except one man, who was missing a shoe. Maybe the men are sleeping, I thought, or unconscious from drink or drugs. Or maybe they are dead. Nobody walking by — including me — slowed down to pay attention to them, beyond a glance.
For decades, encountering such a scene, I used to stop, then wait to see a leg twitch, a chest rise. I rarely do even that anymore. In high school, I had read with shock that poor people in India, people with no home, slept on the sidewalk, while others just walked by. How awful of those others, I remember thinking. How could they live with themselves? The reproach has come home. We’ve gotten used to homelessness — the homelessness of others.
I guessed the three men on that recent Saturday had no homes, but from many years interviewing a formerly homeless man who is now a civic leader in San Francisco, I learned not to rush to conclusions. Del Seymour, today known locally as the mayor of the Tenderloin, taught me that a man lying with his eyes closed on a sidewalk may have a home, but perhaps was interrupted by temptation or a medical situation on his way there. I also learned from Del, to my initial shock, that some homeless people work full-time jobs. I’ve learned a lot about homelessness, mostly from him, but also from my daily Google alert for the word in the news.
Because those alerts are so rarely encouraging, one seeming spark of good news recently stood out. In Los Angeles County, according to newly released statistics about 2024, the number of deaths among the homeless population decreased from 2023. Yay! I thought. The myriad programs are working! Whether naloxone intervention or tiny houses or new shelters or other efforts (free job training like Del initiated in San Francisco?) are to praise, I felt a surge of hope. Then I read more closely.
Deaths among unhoused individuals in L.A. County had fallen in 2024 not to 100 or so, as I naively hoped, but to 2,208. A trend in the right direction, yes. A cause for celebration, no.
Far too many people know firsthand the emotional and physical grind of homelessness. Virtually all other Californians know it secondhand and have probably asked themselves the same question: What is a (presumably well-meaning) housed person to do in response to the sight of an unhoused person, not to mention many unhoused people? I know of a nurse in San Francisco who screeches her car to a stop when she spots a person in bodily distress and administers CPR if appropriate. I admire her action, but doubt I could replicate it.
Granted, my own main and stubborn response, to spend nearly a decade writing a book about the subject in the hope it will have a helpful impact, is not a route available or attractive to many. And shorter term efforts, such as volunteering at local nonprofits, certainly have more immediate results. One common impulse, in which I take part, if insufficiently and awkwardly, is to give someone food or money, or call 911 when someone clearly needs help.
Yet any pedestrian, especially any female pedestrian, will attest that the impulse to help someone on the sidewalk becomes more challenging if that someone is awake, and male. Will an offering lead to a spit, a scream, a chase? Should we avoid eye contact and walk on? Not necessarily.
What I’ve learned from Del is to offer something that may mean more than a dollar or a sandwich: Say hello.
Acknowledge the person whose face is several feet below your own. This individual is part of a family, “somebody’s son, somebody’s auntie,” Del’s litany goes, and remains a human being. Remind yourself of that. More importantly, remind them. Del adds: Don’t stop if the person seems “nuts,” his enjoyed foray into politically incorrect phrasing. Otherwise, slow down for a few seconds, maybe longer. At some point, over time, and the same route, you might recognize one another and actually have a conversation. Meanwhile, keep it basic, but say something.
I obey. Often, just “Hi.”
Almost always comes an incalculably generous reward: a smile and a greeting returned. Humbled, I move on, again resolved not to let our unhoused neighbors feel invisible, nor to forget that homelessness is, among other adjectives, abnormal.
Alison Owings is the author of “Mayor of the Tenderloin: Del Seymour’s Journey From Living on the Streets to Fighting Homelessness in San Francisco.”
Denver, CO
Denver welcomes national Democrats for 2028 convention site visit, starting with a trip on the A-Line
Denver will welcome representatives from the Democratic National Committee on Tuesday for a three-day show-and-tell highlighting the city as Mayor Mike Johnston tries to woo the party’s leaders into hosting their 2028 convention in the West.
If he’s successful, it will mean 50,000 people will pour into Denver for four days in August of that year.
“It’s kind of like four Super Bowls in a row,” Johnston said in an interview with Denver Post journalists in advance of the delegation’s site visit.
Throughout the visit, much of which could happen during a spring snowstorm, Denver city leaders will attempt to demonstrate the city’s logistical, financial and merriment potential.
Denver is the only one of five finalist cities that is located west of the Mississippi River. The other options are Atlanta, Boston, Philadelphia and Chicago. DNC leaders, including chair Ken Martin, have already visited Atlanta and Philadelphia.
The competition between the rival cities has already begun.
Atlanta’s mayor recently called out most of the other bidding cities, saying, “Boston is history. Philadelphia is played out. Denver is nostalgia. Atlanta is now,” according to the Atlanta Journal-Constitution.
Johnston responded to that, saying: “Of all the disses, I thought ours was actually the best.” It refers to the city’s much-lauded hosting of the 2008 Democratic National Convention, where then-Sen. Barack Obama accepted his party’s nomination on his way to becoming the nation’s first Black president.
Denver’s plan is to focus on what the city has to offer instead of attacking the others, Johnston added. He did take a few jabs throughout the conversation, though.
“(Denver) is cool in the summertime and it’s not 110 degrees in August, like it is in some other places that I won’t name,” he said.
Talking about some of the criteria the DNC will consider in the decision, he said: “It’s very much like, you either have a 20,000-person arena or you don’t. Atlanta does not.”
The visit plan
During the site visit, Johnston and other city leaders will try to infuse “little moments of joy” while also showing off the city’s infrastructure. That will include visits to some of the city’s best restaurants and bars, along with a tour of Rockmount Ranch Wear in Lower Downtown.
If Denver wins the bid, the city plans to host excursions for the delegates in two years. While they’re in the city, visitors are likely to have downtime to explore the region. For their entertainment, Denver will offer things like craft beer tours, history courses on neighborhoods like Five Points and a trip to the city’s mountain parks, Johnston said.
Different bars would be dedicated to delegates from each state — including miniature versions of Denver’s big blue bear in front of each, with a painted flag from their state.
This week’s site visit won’t all be about bid leaders’ ideas for fun, though.
Johnston’s team will also have to show that hosting the convention in Denver will make things easier on the event planners.
After the representatives land at Denver International Airport, Denver officials will show them how to use the A-Line train to travel into the heart of the city — an option that didn’t exist in 2008. Once there, they will lead them on a short walk to some of the nearby hotels.
Johnston said that when he’s spoken to other delegates about past conventions, their biggest complaints have been mostly logistical, such as long commutes between venues. Ball Arena’s easy proximity to downtown is a strong suit of the bid.
Beyond logistical concerns, Denver’s bid team will talk about the city’s hotel offerings, space available for the convention, security options and parking spots. The city’s recent expansion of the Colorado Convention Center is also a major selling point, he said.
Another important focus will be the city’s fundraising capabilities, though officials haven’t cited a specific dollar figure they’re aiming for or disclosed their progress in securing commitments.
“I actually feel very confident about our path. … We are ahead of our projection for what we can raise,” Johnston said.
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Seattle, WA
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