The next time someone admonishes you to “follow the science” in safeguarding the environment, you might tell them about the latest proceedings of the Colorado Air Quality Control Commission.
The commission, which plays a pivotal role in setting our state’s air quality standards, purports to be science driven. Yet, science had little to do with a new — and potentially costly — policy tentatively adopted by commissioners at a hearing last week. The commissioners admitted as much.
The policy could lead to onerous regulations on some key economic sectors like oil-and-gas production, wastewater processing and medical equipment sterilization. Yet, the commission’s designation Friday of five so-called toxic air contaminants for eventual regulation was based on little more than the commission’s expressed desire to appear sensitive to underprivileged communities.
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That shouldn’t come as a surprise considering the whole category of supposed pollutants known as “toxic air contaminants” was conjured up in state law just a few years ago by the non-scientists who serve in Colorado’s Legislature. Their House Bill 22-1244 explicitly gave the commission marching orders to “identify by rule up to five toxic air contaminants that may pose a risk of harm to public health…”
That’s right; the Legislature sent state regulators on a hunting expedition without a clue as to what they were supposed to be looking for.
Under the gun from lawmakers, the commission’s staff came up with a short list of substances like formaldehyde and benzene. They’re among the many widely used compounds that may cause cancer or other maladies if consumed intensively in some form or fashion. But they likely are harmless to the public’s health in trace amounts in the air.
In fact, the 2022 bill’s summary makes clear lawmakers weren’t even sure whether any of the substances the state’s regulators might come up with were in the air at all. So, the bill charged the division with developing, “a monitoring program to determine the concentration of toxic air contaminants in the ambient air of the state.” A case of ready, fire, aim.
Lawmakers only seemed sure that whatever might be in the air should be regulated. Accordingly, health-based standards for the presumed contaminants will be developed by September of this year under the legislation, followed by the enactment of emission-control rules for those contaminants in 2026.
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As reported by The Colorado Chamber of Commerce’s Sum & Substance news service, business leaders have been left to wonder why the state is moving ahead with regulations before it even knows how feasible or possible it is to control the compounds on the new list.
That didn’t matter to most of the commissioners, who also heard at Friday’s meeting from “environmental justice” activists claiming to represent north Denver’s low-income residents. The activists claimed the residents suffer from headaches and nosebleeds from contaminants.
Naturally, the activists support the pending regulations even though they, like the commissioners, haven’t any idea if the effort serves a purpose other than to saddle businesses with an impossible mandate.
As Sum & Substance also reported, one of the commissioners, pulmonary medicine Professor Tony Gerber, dared to speak up. He questioned the inclusion of hydrogen sulfide on the list of redlined compounds when no one was able to link it to any of the ills cited by activists.
But fellow Commissioners Jon Slutsky and Elise Jones weren’t about to let science — or even common sense — intrude. Slutsky said the regulations were about addressing concerned citizens’ mental health as well as their physical health. Jones said including hydrogen sulfide would let lower-income communities know the state is listening to them.
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“We as a state are putting a huge priority on righting environmental wrongs and prioritizing communities that have been disproportionately impacted,” Jones said. “We don’t have to sit here and say there’s causality; we can sit here and say there’s concern. And I think that’s important in building trust.”
In other words, science be damned — it’s about politics.
If you are upset with the increasing regulatory burden in Colorado, the exodus of too many large employers, accelerating property taxes, the condition of the roads and all of the funding for transit schemes with low demand, of course you can lay the blame on Democrats who control all levers of state government. The same holds if your misgiving centers on annual […]
Industrious, a national coworking brand, is opening a new location in LoHi.
The company has snapped up 25,000 square feet at The Lab building at 2420 17th St., just off Platte Street. Industrious has an existing LoHi location just up the road at 2128 W. 32nd Ave.
“They are going to draw from different populations. … No doubt they’re close to each other, but [this is a] different product type, just in terms of build-out,” said Peri Demestihas, an Industrious executive.
Demestihas said the current LoHi location has been full for two years, which indicates demand for more space. That existing spot is more for established businesses with a greater emphasis on private offices. The new location will be geared more toward smaller companies and the solo entrepreneur.
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In total, there will be 379 dedicated “office seats” and 18 “access seats,” which can be used by anyone.
Industrious has a conservative mindset when it comes to growth, Demestihas said. The company also operates in Upper Downtown and by I-25 and Colorado Blvd.
“These are the submarkets we like and if we can find the right building and we can get the right structure, … without those things, we’re not going to go to those submarkets. It’s got to suit our members.”
The new location off Platte Street will open in July. The build-out won’t be too intensive. The space was last occupied by WeWork, a coworking business that shuttered there in 2023 and filed for bankruptcy later that year.
Industrious isn’t signing a traditional lease for the space. Instead, it opts to do a revenue sharing agreement with the landlord. The business was acquired by CBRE in 2025 for $400 million.
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Demestihas acknowledged the other competition in the area, like Switchyards, which recently opened a neighborhood work club near Industrious’ existing LoHi location.
“It’s serving a different customer base that’s looking for a different thing, which is great, and it shows you that there’s demand across the entire segment,” he said.
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The western stretch of the Arkansas River, which flows from its headwaters in the Rocky Mountains across the plains of southeastern Colorado, is in trouble. That trouble is compounded by uncertainty about what, exactly, is polluting and drying the river, and how such problems can be fixed.
Overshadowed by the ongoing political brawl over the Colorado River, the Arkansas River Valley rarely appears in national news. But since Dec. 30, when President Donald Trump vetoed a bipartisan bill that would have secured favorable terms for funding to complete a $1.39 billion, 130-mile water pipeline, the region has become the stage for yet more drama about water in the Western U.S.
The Arkansas Valley Conduit is part of a decades-long effort to replace the dwindling, contaminated water in this stretch of the Arkansas Valley with clean water from Colorado’s Western Slope and the Pueblo Reservoir. If completed, it will supply water to roughly 50,000 valley residents, many of whom can no longer count on municipal supplies for safe drinking water.
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Pundits portrayed Trump’s veto as retaliation against Colorado politicians: Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert, who helped force the November vote for the release of the Epstein files, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, who has resisted pressure to pardon Tina Peters, a county clerk in western Colorado convicted of tampering with voting machines during the 2020 election. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper, both Democrats, condemned the administration for “putting personal and political grievances ahead of Americans.” The Salida-based Ark Valley Voice declared a “Reign of Retribution Punishing Deep Red Southeastern Colorado.” The New York Times, emphasizing the same irony, observed that “A Trump Veto Leaves Republicans in Colorado Parched and Bewildered.”
For those managing the project, the veto is a setback but not a showstopper. The first dozen miles of the conduit have already been completed, and enough capital is on hand for at least three more years of construction. “Some (coverage) has been saying it’s the end of the project, which is totally false,” said Chris Woodka, senior policy and issues manager of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District. “It’s still being built; the veto was not for any reason that had anything to do with the project, and we’re working in every way we can to make this affordable.”
For valley residents, the issue is personal. This rural region is more culturally aligned with western Kansas than with Front Range cities. Like people throughout the Great Plains, the local residents are grappling with eroding social services and the rising cost of living. The scarcity of safe water magnifies uncertainty. “If you don’t have clean water,” said Jack Goble, general manager of the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District and a sixth-generation rancher, “you really don’t have anything.”
A resident prepares to fill jugs with purified water at the Rocky Ford Food Market in Rocky Ford, Colorado. The town’s water supply is contaminated with unsafe levels of radium and uranium. Credit: Michael Ciaglo
Lawrence Armijo, maintenance operator for the town of Manzanola’s water treatment plant. While the plant filters out most toxins, it is not equipped to remove radium and uranium from the groundwater. Credit: Michael Ciaglo
“HOW EASY IT IS,” wrote William Mills in his 1988 book The Arkansas, “to take a river for granted.”
The Arkansas Valley of Colorado is the ancestral homelands of the Plains Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples. A geographical corridor across the Southern Plains, it was a route for incursions and ethnic cleansing by non-Native fur trappers, traders, military expeditions, hide hunters, railroad developers and settlers. Those settlers include my ancestors; I grew up in southwest Kansas, where generations of my family farmed and ranched along the dry Cimarron River. The Arkansas Valley, with its dwindling water and flatlands, feels like home.
By 1900, settlers had diverted the Arkansas into a maze of ditches. Irrigation and migrant labor supported sugar beet factories, vegetable cultivation and Rocky Ford’s famous melons. Such practices remade the riverbed, increased salinity, and reduced flow. As with the Colorado River, water rights were assigned partly on wishful thinking. Today, the Arkansas Valley is one of the region’s most over-appropriated basins, and the river’s annual flow has dramatically declined. A short distance past the Kansas line, the river is entirely dry.
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The Arkansas is being drained in new ways. Climate change and a record-breaking snow drought are intensifying the scarcity. Over the last half-century, growing Front Range cities have purchased water rights from farmers in the valley. Exchange agreements allow cities to swap these rights for ones farther upstream, leaving the downstream flow diminished and dirtier. Between 1978 and 2022, nearly 44% of the irrigated farmland in the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District was taken out of production.
Critics call it “buy-and-dry.” They say the removal of water has disastrous consequences for an agricultural region. “If you take all of that water out of an economy that completely depends on it,” Goble said, “it just breaks a community.” Faced with the prospect of litigation from local water districts, cities like Aurora claim to be developing more sustainable arrangements.
“If you don’t have clean water, you really don’t have anything.”
THE ARKANSAS’ WATER is changing, too. The river is diverted into dozens of canals and fields. What doesn’t evaporate or get absorbed returns as runoff or sinks through the alluvial gravels that connect to the riverbed. Each time a drop of water returns, it carries more dissolved minerals. As the river’s volume lessens, the concentration increases in what is left. By the time the river reaches the Kansas border, the water regularly contains 4,000 milligrams or more per liter — making it about eight times saltier than a typical sports drink and unsuitable for growing many crops.
Minerals are not the only problem. The river basin and alluvial gravels are also contaminated with radium and uranium. Last year, a study by the Colorado Geological Survey found that the levels of radioactivity in more than 60% of the private wells sampled in the valley exceeded federal standards.
The radionuclides are called “naturally occurring.” But natural uranium usually stays locked in rock. In the valley, irrigated agriculture sets it into motion. Uranium is mobilized by complex interactions between oxygen, sediments, water, microbes and nitrate. Nitrate is a common fertilizer. One study found that valley farmers had over-applied it for decades. This pulls out radionuclides, turns them loose, and flushes them into the river’s shallow aquifer. Levels rise as the river moves east through agricultural lands.
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Contamination is not news in the valley. People have worked on cooperative solutions for decades. To meet safe water standards while the conduit is under construction, the towns of La Junta and Las Animas installed filtration systems. But cleaning the water creates hyper-contaminated wastewater, which is currently diluted and poured back into the river. “The only true solution,” said Bill Long, president of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District board, “is a new source.”
Orlando Rodriguez, Pate Construction foreman, climbs out of a hole where sections of the Arkansas Valley Conduit will be connected. Credit: Michael Ciaglo
THE CONDUIT WOULD PROVIDE safe water to a region too often disregarded. But the project also raises questions about what can truly be bypassed and what cannot, and about the fate of the river itself.
Near Cañon City, upstream from the conduit, the Lincoln Park/Cotter Superfund site contains a former uranium mill, millions of tons of radioactive waste, coal mineworks and tailing ponds. The site sits less than two miles from the Arkansas River. It is known to be contaminated with the same compounds — radionuclides, selenium, sulfates — that affect communities downstream.
Local residents have worked for decades to raise awareness and hold a revolving cast of agencies, regulators and owners accountable for the pollution. “It has taken us a lifetime,” said Jeri Fry, co-chair of Colorado Citizens Against Toxic Waste. “As the years have gone by, we have been the ones holding the memory.”
“The only true solution is a new source.”
Without memory, they say, contamination is normalized as background, treated as an isolated issue, or denied. “We’ve been stonewalled on many of our legitimate concerns,” said Carol Dunn, vice-chairperson of the Lincoln Park/Cotter Community Advisory Group. She believes state regulators avoid testing for fear of uncovering inconvenient facts.
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The most inconvenient would suggest connections between contamination in the valley and industrial pollution upstream, which affects not only Cañon City but the communities of Leadville, Pueblo and Fountain Creek. For Fry, all of the known and unknown pressures on the river point to the same fundamental problem. “We are not treating our water as though it is a sacred thing,” she said. “And it is. It’s got to be.”
Russell Van Dyk, owner of Lloyd’s Ice and Water in Rocky Ford, Colorado, closes up his store at the end of the day. The residents of Rocky Ford and surrounding towns rely on purified drinking water because the area’s groundwater has been contaminated by uranium and radium. Credit: Michael Ciaglo
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This article appeared in the May 2026 print edition of the magazine with the headline “The absence of clean water.”
This story is part of High Country News’ Conservation Beyond Boundaries project, which is supported by the BAND Foundation and the Mighty Arrow Family Foundation.
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