Governor Gavin Newsom unveils an expansion of California’s film and TV tax credit program in October 2024.
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California
California Is Doubling Its Film Incentive, but It May Be Too Late to Stop Runaway Production
“Mad Men” was set in 1960s New York, but it was mostly filmed at a studio just west of downtown Los Angeles. Sienna DeGovia was one of hundreds of people who worked on the show. Someone needed to re-create the food of that era, like savory Jell-Os and the carrots cut into one-inch cubes that used to be served on airplanes, and that’s what she does — she’s a food stylist. She started as an assistant 25 years ago and after learning the craft, became a lead stylist.
Los Angeles is full of weird jobs like that — or at least it used to be. But content production peaked in 2022, and the world’s entertainment capital has since been battered by a global contraction.
“The beginning of 2024, everything fell off a cliff,” DeGovia says. “I called all my old mentors and begged to be taken on as an assistant. I never had to do that in 20 years.”
The lack of work in Hollywood has renewed age-old calls for government intervention. Her father, Jack DeGovia, was a production designer who worked on “Die Hard” and “Speed.” In response to a downturn in 1999, he organized the Film and Television Action Committee, which took aim at “runaway production,” particularly the then-new phenomenon of shooting American films in Canada because it was cheaper.
“They were taking the bread out of our mouths and attacking our families,” says DeGovia, now 84. “They were making believe they were America. They’re not; they’re Canada. We were willing to play hardball with these guys.”
DeGovia led rallies in L.A. and Sacramento, where crews chanted “Film American!” and demanded a state tax incentive to match Canadian subsidies. That effort fizzled out. But a generation later, California has a production tax credit and is poised to double it in response to foreign incentives.
“We have to be more competitive,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said on May 14, noting that the business is on “life support.”
That may not be enough. Doubling the program should generate 4,000 to 5,000 jobs, according to state estimates. But in the past two years, California has lost 40,000 production jobs, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
“Trying to be competitive, or close to competitive, is going to require not only a state effort but some sort of federal incentive,” says film producer Chris Bender, noting that at least 70 countries have a national subsidy. Jon Voight, a “special ambassador” appointed by President Trump, has pitched a national incentive as part of a plan to save Hollywood.
The industry has been dreaming about that idea for generations. Ronald Reagan backed a federal tax break to counter runaway production when he was governor of California in 1970. Twenty years before that, as president of the Screen Actors Guild, he lobbied President Truman on the issue.
“Runaway production is not new,” says Russell Hollander, national executive director of the Directors Guild of America. “What is different now is that we are experiencing a tremendous global contraction in film and television production.”
According to DGA data, every major production center — California, New York, Georgia, Canada and London — has seen a downturn in the past couple years. But it’s been more severe in the U.S. than overseas.
“Under these circumstances, every job that leaves the United States to chase foreign tax incentives takes on added significance,” Hollander says. “Recapturing that work has to become an even more important priority.”
In Canada, production subsidies are a matter of cultural sovereignty. Without them, Canadian movie theaters and TV screens would be overwhelmed by American content.
“We want to see ourselves reflected on our airwaves, as does every other country,” says Norm Bolen, former president of the Canadian Media Producers Association. Bolen is skeptical that the U.S. needs a federal subsidy. “From a Canadian perspective, that’s absurd,” he says. “Hollywood dominates everywhere. What’s the deficiency that needs to be addressed?”
He also disputes the idea that Canada offering subsidies to international producers caused a loss of U.S. jobs. “They weren’t really taking jobs away from Americans,” he says. “They were providing financial resources that allowed these productions to be made. They wouldn’t have been made at all.”
In 1986, Stephen J. Cannell was producing an L.A.-based action show for NBC called “Stingray.” Facing declining network fees, he hit on the idea of saving money by filming in Canada.
“We didn’t have much choice,” says Michael Dubelko, who was president of Cannell’s company. “We were a small company. We did it for survival.”
The company ended up in Vancouver, which had almost no production industry at the time. Cannell turned a former distillery into a TV factory, churning out “21 Jump Street,” “Wiseguy,” “The Commish” and other shows.
“We didn’t know what we were doing when we started,” Dubelko says. “It was crazy.”
In his view, filming on location in Los Angeles had simply become too expensive. Homeowners would demand $5,000 or $10,000 to rent their house for a day. Once the crew got there, a neighbor would fire up the lawnmower and demand to be paid to turn it off.
“We go to Vancouver, and they’d say, ‘Come on in and shoot for free,’” he recalls. “We weren’t being ripped off all the time.”
And with a favorable exchange rate, Dubelko estimates they saved at least $100,000 an episode — or more than $2 million a season. Of course, leaving L.A. behind created some backlash. “We took heat for it,” he says.
But soon, others followed.
Producer Stephen J. Cannell at his production offices at Paramount Studios in 1983.
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The British Columbia film industry now employs thousands of people. Dubelko remembers being in Vancouver with Cannell a few years before he died. “We were going down the street, and people were stopping us, saying, ‘Oh my God, we’re in the business because of you,’” Dubelko says. “It was not one or two. Maybe 20 people came up to us and told us how grateful they were to him. He was really the one that pushed all this stuff. He was really a visionary.”
Lately, though, Vancouver has been hit hard by the contraction. According to the local crew union, only 25% of its members are working.
“We have been dead,” says Tonya Hartz, who has worked as a location scout in Vancouver for 28 years. “Production levels have been incredibly slow in 2025.”
Hartz knows people who have lost houses and are struggling to afford groceries.
Trump’s threat to impose a 100% tariff on foreign-made films, coming on top of blanket tariffs on Canadian goods and threats of annexation, has added to the strain.
“You can imagine the panic that rippled through our membership,” says Crystal Braunwarth, business representative of IATSE Local 891 in Vancouver, who fielded at least 50 calls after Trump’s threat.
While a movie tariff would probably be unworkable, some worry that U.S. producers may nevertheless shy away from filming abroad, exacerbating the downturn.
“This is a global industry,” says Spencer Chandra Herbert, B.C.’s minister of tourism, arts, culture and sport. “Trying to shut the door on it being a global industry misunderstands how the industry works.”
Canadian-based Gary Lam, an editor whose credits include “District 9” and “Terminator: Dark Fate,” says it’s not a zero-sum situation. “If it’s slow in Hollywood, it’s slow here,” he says. “We want Hollywood to be busy. When they get so busy they have trouble finding crew, that’s when we tend to get the call.”
Several in the Vancouver industry agree that the business moves in cycles, and they expect the slow period will not last forever. Lam says it’s also up to local governments to do what they can to help. “I do think that tax breaks and government support are the way to go,” he says.
So does the B.C. government, which recently increased its production incentive. “We’ve made this a priority,” Chandra Herbert says. “We’re responding to the same thing everyone else is. The major studios have reduced how much they’re spending. It’s been very hard on our workers.”
Dubelko isn’t convinced that a U.S. incentive is a great idea. When he was making TV, there were about 50 shows on the air. They would get Nielsen reports, and they all fit on one page. Now there are 500. “All this production that currently exists couldn’t have been done in one city or one state,” he says. “The business became very mobile in the mid-’80s. It was a very natural evolution that it would start being done outside Los Angeles.”
“How do you get that business back?” he says. “I don’t know. I don’t see how that happens.”
California
Two Jewish men beaten in San Jose after speaking Hebrew | The Jerusalem Post
Two Jewish men were beaten, and later briefly hospitalized, after they were heard speaking Hebrew in front of a restaurant in San Jose’s Santana Row in California, local media reported on Tuesday.
Footage of the incident, shot by local witnesses, shows the pair of victims attacked by three other individuals outside the Augustine restaurant, NBC Bay Area reported.
“I just turned around, and they literally started punching,” one of the victims, who wished not to be identified, told the outlet. “We got swarmed very badly. I’m in a lot of pain. I still cannot chew. My jaw hurts, my back is hurting.”
According to NBC, the victims said they did not recognize their assailants, and police are investigating the incident as a possible hate crime.
According to ABC7 News, both Jewish men were waiting to be seated at the restaurant when the incident occurred.
“One of the witnesses said that they heard them saying, ‘don’t mess with Iran’, which we don’t know why,” one of the victims told the outlet. “We don’t have any problem with them. But, I heard at the beginning of the fight, something with, ‘F the Jews’.”
ABC7 added that one of the victims had been knocked out and needed stitches after the assault.
In a statement, the Bay Area Jewish Community Relations Council identified the pair of victims as Israeli Americans.
Sam Liccardo, the Democratic representative of California’s 16th Congressional District and former San Jose mayor, condemned the assault in a subsequent statement on X/Twitter.
“Violence targeting any members of our community—including our Jewish and Israeli community members—amounts to an attack on all of us,” he wrote.
Current San Jose Mayor also weighed in on X, stating that “Antisemitism and all acts of hatred have no place in San Jose. Being able to talk about our differences and celebrate them is what makes us the safest big city in America.”
“I have been in touch with our police department and leaders in the local Jewish community regarding this deeply disturbing incident and will continue to monitor the situation closely as the investigation continues,” he added.
California
California’s Voter ID Initiative is Way More Chill Than Trump’s SAVE Act
Sources: California Voter ID Initiative text (proposed); H.R. 7296, Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, 119th Congress, 2d Session (introduced January 30, 2026); Congressional Research Service Bill Summary; California Secretary of State; National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL).
Background: How California Currently Handles Voter Identification
Under current California law, U.S. citizenship is required to vote, but the state relies on voters to simply attest to their citizenship when registering. California does not generally require voters to show identification at the polls. The limited exceptions apply only to first-time federal election voters who registered by mail or online without providing a California ID or Social Security number, and even then, the state allows a broad range of documents, including utility bills, bank statements, paychecks, or official government mail.
In 2024, Governor Gavin Newsom signed legislation explicitly banning local jurisdictions from requiring voter ID, following Huntington Beach voters’ approval of a local measure to do so. California currently has among the most permissive voter identification rules in the nation.
The California Initiative: A Targeted, Inclusive Reform
A proposed California ballot initiative would amend the state constitution to add a new Section 3.1 to Article II. The initiative states three purposes: to “promote public confidence and trust in the electoral process,” to “deter and detect voter fraud by maintaining accurate voter registration records and confirming eligibility to vote,” and to “minimize the risk of voter impersonation by requiring proof of identity to vote.”
The measure is notable for what it does and, just as importantly, for what it does not do.
For in-person voting, the initiative requires that “each time a voter casts a ballot in person in any election in the State, the voter shall present government-issued identification.” The initiative defines government-issued identification as “documentation that allows conclusive verification of the voter’s identity.”
For mail voting, the requirement is far more limited. The voter needs only to provide “the last four digits of a unique identifying number from government-issued identification that matches the one designated solely by the voter for their voter registration.” Importantly, the type of ID designated by each voter “must be indicated in their voter registration record, noted on the mail ballot envelope provided to them, and available to them on request by phone or electronically,” so voters are never caught off guard.
On the question of cost, the initiative is explicit: “Upon request by an eligible voter, the state shall provide, at no charge, a voter ID card for use in casting a ballot.” This is perhaps the most important provision in the measure. One of the most common and legitimate criticisms of voter ID laws is that they can function as a de facto poll tax. This initiative addresses that concern directly by guaranteeing that the means of compliance are freely available to every eligible voter.
On citizenship verification, the initiative directs the Secretary of State and county elections officials to “use best efforts to verify citizenship attestations using government data” and to “annually report what percentage of each county’s voter rolls have been citizenship-verified.” This is a transparency measure, not a documentation barrier.
On accountability, the initiative requires that “during every odd-numbered year, the State Auditor shall audit the State’s and each county’s compliance with this section and report its findings and recommendations for improving the integrity of elections to the public.” Citizens may also “seek judicial review and remedy of the State’s or any county’s compliance with this section.”
What the initiative does not do is equally important. It does not require documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote. It does not require voters to submit citizenship documents with mail ballots beyond the last four digits of an ID number. It does not impose criminal penalties on election officials. It does not create unfunded mandates. It does not establish a private right of action against election workers.
In short, the California initiative is a narrowly drawn measure. It asks voters to confirm who they are while ensuring that the tools to do so are freely available to all.
The Federal SAVE Act (H.R. 7296): A Sweeping and Problematic Mandate
Introduced in the House on January 30, 2026, by Rep. Chip Roy and referred to the Committee on House Administration, the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act amends the National Voter Registration Act of 1993. Unlike the California initiative, which works within existing systems, the SAVE Act would fundamentally restructure how Americans register to vote and cast ballots in federal elections, with requirements that, in many cases, are practically impossible for millions of eligible citizens to meet.
Here is what the bill actually requires, provision by provision, and why each raises serious concerns.
1. Documentary Proof of Citizenship Required to Register
The bill is unambiguous on this point. It states that “a State may not register an individual to vote in elections for Federal office held in the State unless, at the time the individual applies to register to vote, the individual provides documentary proof of United States citizenship.”
The bill defines acceptable proof narrowly. It includes a REAL ID-compliant document “that indicates the applicant is a citizen of the United States,” a valid U.S. passport, or a military ID combined with “a United States military record of service showing that the applicant’s place of birth was in the United States.” For voters who cannot provide those documents, the bill allows a government photo ID paired with a certified birth certificate, but that birth certificate must meet an exacting list of requirements: it must include “the full name, date of birth, and place of birth of the applicant,” must list “the full names of one or both of the parents of the applicant,” must carry “the signature of an individual who is authorized to sign birth certificates,” must include “the date that the certificate was filed with the office responsible for keeping vital records in the State,” and must bear “the seal of the State, unit of local government, or Tribal government that issued the birth certificate.”
This is an extraordinarily demanding standard. Birth certificates are lost, damaged, or were never properly recorded, particularly for older Americans, rural residents, and low-income citizens.
The bill does include a fallback process for applicants who cannot produce these documents. They may “sign an attestation under penalty of perjury that the applicant is a citizen of the United States” and “submit such other evidence to the appropriate State or local official demonstrating that the applicant is a citizen.” The official then makes a personal judgment and must sign a sworn affidavit “swearing or affirming the applicant sufficiently established United States citizenship.” This places an unusual and significant legal burden on individual election workers who are simply trying to help voters register.
2. A Photo ID Requirement That Specifies Citizenship on the Face of the Document
The bill requires that every voter in a federal election present an “eligible photo identification document.” The bill defines that document as one containing “a photograph of the individual identified on the document,” “an indication on the front of the document that the individual identified on the document is a United States citizen,” and either an ID number or “the last four digits of the social security number of the individual identified on the document.”
The citizenship indicator requirement is the critical problem. Currently, only a handful of states denote citizenship status directly on driver’s licenses. Even REAL ID-compliant cards display the same gold star insignia for citizens and lawfully present non-citizens alike. The bill does include a limited workaround: a voter may present a non-compliant ID “together with another identification document that indicates the individual is a United States citizen.” But requiring two documents at the polls is itself a significant additional burden, and it would disqualify the standard ID held by the vast majority of Americans unless paired with a second document.
The bill also specifies that for in-person voting, the eligible photo identification document “shall be a tangible (not digital) document,” closing off the possibility of using a digital ID on a smartphone, a technology that several states have begun adopting.
3. Double Documentation Required for Absentee Voting
For voters casting absentee ballots, the bill requires that a copy of the eligible photo identification document be submitted both “with the request for an absentee ballot” and again “with the submission of the absentee ballot.” This double documentation requirement, which most states do not currently impose at any stage, would add substantial friction to the process that millions of Americans, including elderly, disabled, and overseas military voters, rely upon as their primary means of voting.
4. Immediate Effective Date, No Funding, No Phase-In
The bill states plainly that its provisions “shall take effect on the date of the enactment of this section.” There is no phase-in period. There is no federal funding provided to help states implement new documentation systems, train election workers, update voter registration forms and databases, or communicate requirements to the public. The Election Assistance Commission is given just 10 days after enactment to “adopt and transmit to the chief State election official of each State guidance with respect to the implementation of the requirements.” States are given 30 days to “establish a program” for identifying non-citizens on voter rolls. These are the conditions under which states would be expected to overhaul their entire voter registration and election administration infrastructure.
5. The Risk of Bifurcated Elections
States that cannot comply with the law’s requirements could be forced to maintain two separate voter rolls: one for voters who have provided documentary proof of citizenship and are eligible to vote in federal elections, and one for voters who have not. Arizona has operated under just such a bifurcated system since 2004, resulting in nearly two decades of continuous litigation. The SAVE Act would risk spreading that legal and administrative chaos to all 50 states simultaneously, with no funding and no preparation time.
6. Mandatory Federal Database Cross-Checks and Data Sharing
The bill requires states to establish programs to identify non-citizens on voter rolls using information from the Department of Homeland Security’s SAVE system, the Social Security Administration, and state driver’s license agencies. Federal agencies must respond to state requests within 24 hours and are directed to “share information with each other with respect to an individual who is the subject of a request.”
The bill goes further: it directs the Secretary of Homeland Security to “conduct an investigation to determine whether to initiate removal proceedings” against any non-citizen found to be registered to vote. This means voter registration data would become a direct input into federal immigration enforcement. The scope of personal voter information flowing between state election systems and federal agencies raises significant privacy concerns that the bill does not address.
7. Criminal Penalties for Election Officials
The bill amends the existing criminal penalties section of the National Voter Registration Act to make it a federal crime for an election official to register “an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” The bill also criminalizes “providing material assistance to a noncitizen in attempting to register to vote or vote in an election for Federal office” for executive branch officers and employees.
Critically, the bill does not limit criminal liability to knowing or willful violations. An election official who makes an honest administrative mistake could face federal criminal prosecution. This provision could have a severe chilling effect on election administration, discouraging qualified people from serving as election officials and causing those who do serve to deny registration to borderline applicants out of fear of personal legal consequences.
8. A Private Right of Action Against Election Officials
The bill expands private right of action provisions under the National Voter Registration Act to include “the act of an election official who registers an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” This means private individuals may sue election officials directly for compliance failures, compounding the chilling effect of the criminal penalties and creating a hostile legal environment around the routine work of election administration.
Side-by-Side Comparison
The Bottom Line
Both proposals share a stated goal: ensuring that only eligible U.S. citizens cast ballots in American elections. But they represent fundamentally different visions of how to pursue that goal, and the differences matter enormously for millions of American voters.
The California initiative works within existing systems. It asks voters to confirm who they are, provides free IDs to those who need them, and builds in transparency and accountability through annual audits and public reporting. Its requirements are clearly defined, its burdens are modest, and its protections for voters are explicit.
The SAVE Act, as written in H.R. 7296, would impose requirements that tens of millions of eligible American citizens cannot currently meet, without providing a dollar in funding, a meaningful period of preparation, or protection for the election officials expected to carry it out. It takes effect the day it is signed. It gives states 30 days to overhaul their voter rolls. It exposes election workers to both criminal prosecution and private lawsuits for honest mistakes. It routes voter registration data into federal immigration enforcement. And it threatens to force all 50 states into the kind of bifurcated election chaos that Arizona has lived with for two decades.
Reasonable people can disagree about whether voter ID requirements are necessary or wise as a matter of policy. But the contrast between these two proposals is instructive. One is a carefully drawn, incremental reform that takes eligible voters’ concerns seriously. The other is a sweeping federal mandate that, as written, would make voting harder for millions of lawful American citizens while creating new legal and administrative burdens that states are given neither the time nor the resources to meet.
California
Man who was severely stabbed bled to death after someone stole his ambulance, family says
Recent retiree Reinaldo Jesus Lefonts was charging his EV in a Downey library parking lot when he was attacked in a stabbing that severed both carotid arteries and both jugular veins. He was alive when an ambulance arrived at the parking lot — but that emergency vehicle was then stolen.
The driver of the ambulance, according to police, led officers on a pursuit that ended in a crash miles away.
“In that moment, every second mattered,” Lefonts’ family says in a legal claim against the city. “The City’s paramedics and rescue vehicle were Reinaldo’s only realistic chance of survival.
Lefonts died at the scene of the stabbing, authorities say.
Now his family is seeking $40 million from the city. Their attorneys cite failures in public safety and the emergency response. They say a “surveillance” sign at the lot led Lefonts to believe he was safe, and that the ambulance was missing a required locking device.
The 68-year-old had only recently retired from his job as a lab technician at UCI Medical Center when he was attacked on the morning of Sept. 13, 2025, in the Downey Civic Center parking lot adjacent to the public library at 11121 Brookshire Ave., according to the claim, filed Friday with the Downey city clerk. Suspect Giovanni Navarro, 23, had been arrested for trespassing at the same location less than 24 hours earlier.
Navarro had 28 prior criminal convictions, including brandishing a weapon, attempted burglary and criminal threats, attorneys said.
The Los Angeles County medical examiner determined that Lefonts suffered at least four sharp force injuries to his head, neck and right forearm. The fatal wound was a stab to the neck, and the manner of death was ruled a homicide, according to the autopsy report.
The Downey Fire Department rescue vehicle that responded was not equipped with a Tremco anti-theft locking device required under state law and applicable Fire Department standards, the family’s attorneys argue. While paramedics treated Lefonts, 52-year-old Nicholas DeMarco allegedly got into the ambulance and drove away. The police pursuit followed.
In the parking lot, Lefonts was pronounced dead at 9:55 a.m., the autopsy report states.
The city logged about 675 calls for service to the Civic Center and library between January 2022 and December 2025, covering assaults, robberies, sex crimes, arson and narcotics violations, according to the claim.
“While both the violent attack and theft were criminal acts, it was entirely foreseeable in light of the known conditions around the Civic Center and the repeated criminal and transient activity in the area,” the claim states. “The City’s failure to equip its own rescue vehicle and secure it properly directly interfered with the provision of emergency care to Reinaldo. As a result, Reinaldo did not receive the timely medical treatment he desperately needed.”
Just weeks before Lefonts was killed, the Downey City Council received a report at its Aug. 26, 2025, meeting on homelessness-related public safety concerns, attorneys said.
The family’s attorneys also argue that the lot’s posted signage, reading “Area Under 24 Hour Surveillance,” led Lefonts to reasonably believe he was in a protected space when he paid the city to use its EV charger, the claim states.
“The City of Downey knew this parking lot was dangerous,” lead attorney Alexis Galindo said in a statement. “They knew the man who killed Reinaldo had just been arrested there the day before. They knew their rescue vehicle wasn’t properly equipped. And still, they did nothing. Reinaldo died within reach of help that should have been there. His family deserves answers, accountability and justice.”
The claim seeks $35 million in general damages and $5 million in special economic damages. Under California law, the city has up to one year to respond by accepting, rejecting or settling. A rejection would allow the family to file the case in court as a formal lawsuit.
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