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Lawmakers in Alaska and other states push to uncover riches shielded by state secrecy laws

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Lawmakers in Alaska and other states push to uncover riches shielded by state secrecy laws


Lawmakers in Alaska, probably the most liberal tax havens in the USA, are urgent to finish a key tenet of economic secrecy by requiring the homeowners of extremely confidential trusts to determine themselves.

The proposal in Alaska is a part of a rising push to cease the circulation of undisclosed cash into the U.S., which has for years drawn worldwide wealth by way of state legal guidelines that present anonymity for the homeowners of trusts, restricted legal responsibility corporations and different monetary preparations.

New York and Wyoming are additionally weighing reforms and, on the federal degree, the bipartisan Enablers Act would for the primary time require belief corporations, registered brokers and others to scrutinize shoppers and report suspicious transactions.

State and federal lawmakers say the adjustments are lengthy overdue. They cite new efforts to hint and seize the belongings of Russian oligarchs in addition to findings from the Pandora Papers, a world media investigation revealed in October by the Worldwide Consortium of Investigative Journalists, The Washington Publish and greater than 150 different media retailers. The tales uncovered how oligarchs, political elites and others conceal wealth in the USA and world wide.

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The investigation recognized 206 U.S.-based trusts holding mixed belongings value greater than $1 billion. Practically 30, a lot of which have been in South Dakota, held belongings linked to folks or corporations accused of fraud, bribery or human rights abuses.

“I feel this can be a good second when everybody is targeted on Ukraine and on strengthening sanctions enforcement to maneuver the invoice ahead, strike whereas the iron and metal are sizzling,” mentioned Rep. Tom Malinowski, D-N.J., a key sponsor of the proposed Enablers Act. “Sanctions don’t work should you can’t discover their cash … Our extraordinarily lax legal guidelines allow them to cover it nearly and not using a hint.”

[Pandora Papers show foreign money secretly floods U.S. tax havens. Some of it is tainted.]

The proposal in Alaska, launched earlier this month by the co-chairs of the state’s Home Labor and Commerce Committee, would for the primary time give regulators perception into people and households who shelter cash and different belongings in Alaskan trusts.

“When Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine, I mirrored on all of the methods a state may have an effect on wealth that oligarchs . . . would possibly be capable to conceal,” mentioned committee co-chair Zack Fields, an Anchorage Democrat. “We’d like transparency to verify the dangerous actors usually are not abusing the system.”

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Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy, a Republican who has directed state businesses to divest from Russia, has not taken a place on the proposal. Former Alaska Gov. Tony Knowles, a Democrat who authorised the state’s first main belief legislation in 1996, mentioned in an electronic mail that the proposed laws is “very well timed and essential safety for Alaska’s safety in addition to our nationwide safety.”

“If handed,” he mentioned, “Alaska can be a pacesetter in belief belongings reform.”

The nonprofit Alaska Belief & Property Professionals has opposed the measure. In a submission to lawmakers, the group mentioned the invoice “could have an entire chilling impact on the creation of trusts in Alaska.”

Fields mentioned debate in Alaska’s Legislature has to this point been minimal. “A invoice like this given the state of affairs in Russia actually has extra of an opportunity … we’ve seen within the Legislature lots of curiosity,” he mentioned.

Citing the Pandora Papers and different stories, lawmakers in New York final month launched laws requiring restricted legal responsibility corporations to publicly disclose their homeowners. The proposal goes one step additional than a brand new federal legislation requiring LLCs to offer possession data to a authorities database. That data won’t be made public.

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“I do have a say in how we govern the world’s monetary middle in New York, and I see it as my duty to make sure our metropolis isn’t a haven for tax evasion, cash laundering, or political corruption,” mentioned New York Meeting member Emily Gallagher, a Democrat, who sponsored the invoice.

Gallagher mentioned she initially took up the problem to pursue nameless landlords who listed solely submit workplace packing containers as addresses. Then Russia invaded Ukraine in late February.

“A lot cash is hidden in New York state and New York Metropolis — particularly, actual property — that it simply actually appeared prefer it was the appropriate second and the appropriate transfer,” she mentioned.

In Wyoming, the legislature’s joint income committee introduced a evaluate of the state’s belief legal guidelines later this month. Belief corporations within the state final 12 months managed greater than $31 billion, together with belongings tied to a Russian oligarch in addition to the household of a former aide to a Latin American dictator.

In different states, together with South Dakota — probably the most well-liked tax havens within the U.S. — reforms aren’t but on the desk.

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In South Dakota, with greater than $360 billion held in trusts, a small group of protesters final month rallied in Sioux Falls simply earlier than the top of the legislative session to induce lawmakers to determine belief beneficiaries and freeze belongings related to Russia.

Republican South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem has beforehand mentioned “our belief trade does have integrity and it has been confirmed to be an excellent lawful system within the nation.”

The legislature adjourned with out taking motion.

“I had some hopes that possibly they might be shamed into doing one thing proper after the struggle began, and we have been flooded with photographs of Ukrainians being attacked,” mentioned Andy Sivertson, a retired social employee who organized the rally. “However I’ve my doubts in regards to the South Dakota legislature having the ability to do something about this sooner or later.”

Reynold Nesiba, one of many few Democratic members of the South Dakota Senate, mentioned the surest method to remove secrecy within the South Dakota belief trade is thru federal laws. With out it, Nesiba mentioned, belief holders and firm homeowners may merely transfer to different states.

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“We now have this lowest widespread denominator competitors that goes on between Delaware, South Dakota, Nevada, Alaska, by way of who has essentially the most favorable belief legal guidelines,” mentioned Nesiba, an economics professor at Augustana College in Sioux Falls. “Fairly than take part additional in that race to the underside, it might actually assist to have some federal guardrails, notably on disclosure.”

In February, a coalition of economic transparency advocates known as on Congress to go the Enablers Act. The invoice’s sponsors in latest weeks have urged the Home Monetary Companies Committee to take up the measure, fueled partially by the worldwide hunt for the belongings of oligarchs.

This month, the U.Okay. sanctioned the cousin of Russian aluminum magnate Oleg Deripaska as a part of a broader effort focusing on the kin, associates and workers of oligarchs.

A Pandora Papers story earlier this month described how Deripaska’s cousin, Pavel Ezubov, arrange an LLC in Delaware to purchase a $15 million mansion close to Embassy Row in Northwest Washington. In October, the FBI searched the house as a part of an unspecified federal investigation. Ezubov didn’t reply to a earlier request for remark.

Deripaska, a key Putin ally sanctioned by the USA in 2018, has denied proudly owning the house.

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Fitzgibbon is with the Worldwide Consortium of Investigative Journalists. Herscowitz is a pupil journalist at Northwestern College’s Medill Investigative Lab.





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Alaska Supreme Court weighs whether correspondence education lawsuit wrongly targeted state • Alaska Beacon

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Alaska Supreme Court weighs whether correspondence education lawsuit wrongly targeted state • Alaska Beacon


Alaska Supreme Court justices on Thursday weighed whether a lawsuit seeking to have the large portions of the state’s correspondence school program found unconstitutional wrongly focused on the state government.

The justices heard arguments in the appeal of a Superior Court ruling that found a correspondence school program law to be unconstitutional.

A central question from the justices during oral arguments was whether plaintiffs should be suing the state’s education department or individual districts.

The case whose decision is under appeal is State of Alaska, Department of Education and Early Development v. Alexander, in which plaintiffs argued that it is unconstitutional for public education money to be spent on private school tuition. Superior Court Judge Adolf Zeman found the spending unconstitutional and struck down the parts of statute that allow homeschool allotment money; he suggested lawmakers could rewrite the law to make it constitutional.

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The state constitution does not allow the use of public funds for the benefit of private or religious schools.

Attorneys for the state of Alaska, a group of parents whose children attend private school using allotment money and another set of parents who argue that spending is unconstitutional all made oral arguments. Justices interrupted all three of the attorneys’ arguments with pointed questions about how the case should be decided.

Attorneys for the state appealed Zeman’s ruling and said the case should not hold the state’s education department to account because individual school districts are the only oversight body for homeschool spending.

In May, Gov. Mike Dunleavy and Deputy Attorney General Cori Mills argued the lower court’s ruling should be thrown out because it is too broad, but Elbert Lin, a Virginia lawyer hired by the state, argued that since the Alaska statute that governs homeschool allotment spending has many constitutional applications, such as spending for school supplies as retailers like Target, it should not be thrown out — even if there is also the opportunity for the statute to be applied unconstitutionally.

“It is irrelevant whether the provision might be applied unconstitutionally in the view of the plaintiffs or even this court,” he said. Lin argued that if there is an unconstitutional use of the funds, the plaintiffs should sue individual districts, not the state. That way the courts can enforce any unconstitutional spending with a “scalpel rather than a sledgehammer.”

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The state’s education department was once responsible for monitoring homeschool allotment spending, but a 2014 law proposed by Dunleavy, then a state senator, put that responsibility on districts instead.

Justice Dario Borghesan probed Lin’s argument and asked if state law allows allotments to be spent on full-time private school tuition. He said “both text and legislative history” suggest that full-time enrollment in private school is not correspondence study, which requires a certified teacher to come up with a learning plan for the student. “That seems somewhat nullified, or maybe a rubber stamp, if the child is just attending private school full time,” he said.

Anchorage parents who use homeschool allotments to pay for private school educations joined the case as intervenors, as people who could be affected by its outcome. Their attorney, Kirby Thomas West, took a different tack than the attorney for the state, and argued that the court should make a decision to reverse the lower court’s ruling. She argued that it would violate the United States Constitution to tell parents how they can spend their money.

Borghesan pushed back on that assessment because allotments are public school money. He cited previous case law: “While parents may have a fundamental right to decide whether to send their child to public school, they do not have a fundamental right, generally, to direct how a public school teaches their child,” he read. Essentially, he said, states have authority over how public education money is spent, so the state can stipulate that it may not be spent on a private education.

West sought to make her point through a different comparison: “It would be absurd and patently unconstitutional to suggest that the state must police the use of Permanent Fund dividends to ensure that no Alaskan ever uses that money to defray the cost of their child’s tuition at a private school,” she said. “It’s just as unconstitutional to do so here.”

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She asked the justices to place a stay, which is a pause on the implementation of a ruling, on the lower court’s decision if they sent the case back to the lower court for reconsideration. The stay would mean her clients could continue to spend public education money on private school tuition.

After the arguments, Chief Deputy Attorney General Margaret Paton-Walsh said she thought the case went well for the defense. “It’s always hard to read the tea leaves, but I think some of the justices certainly seem to be pretty skeptical of that superior court decision,” she said.

She pointed out that it is not typical for the intervenors to make a distinct argument from the defense: “So I think that creates an extra wrinkle for the justices to try to noodle through as they think about the case,” she said.

The plaintiffs’ attorney, Scott Kendall, asked the court to uphold Zeman’s ruling. He argued that the judge was right to strike down homeschool allotments because the intent of the statute is to allow unconstitutional spending.

He pointed to legislative history in his appeal: when Dunleavy proposed the allotment law, he also sought a change to the state constitution to allow public funds to be spent at private schools. Dunleavy also proposed enacting school vouchers, which like the amendment, did not pass.

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Kendall said that for that reason the plaintiffs should not have to sue individual school districts, because the statute is meant to allow unconstitutional spending: “When a statute grants a plainly unconstitutional power, as it does in this case — and in fact, the legislative history meticulously explains that that was the very sole reason why this legislation was passed — then it’s clearly unconstitutional on its face,” he said.

Borghesan pushed back on this argument. He repeatedly asked Kendall why the whole statute should be thrown out, rather than targeting unconstitutional uses by suing districts. “Why does that bad purpose, you know, defeat the whole rest of the statute? I mean, we have separation of powers. We’re respectful of the Legislature’s actions,” he said. “We kind of have a duty to uphold constitutional applications of statutes.”

Kendall conceded there may be a way to keep the statute without allowing public education dollars to pay for private school tuition: “There is a possibility this court, with ingenuity, could do a limiting construction — could sever parts of this — and that would be an outcome we would support,” he said.

He then referred to an early court case, in which the Supreme Court invalidated state scholarships for Sheldon Jackson College, a Sitka institution that later closed.

“Because the real core concern here, again, is the core concern when you go back to the Sheldon Jackson case, which is, are we using public funds to subsidize a private educational purpose?” Kendall said. “Here it is clear. It’s clear from the purpose of the statute, it’s clear from the interveners’ very presence here, it’s clear this is happening, and it’s clear this was the purpose of the statute.”

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Deena Bishop, the commissioner of Alaska’s Department of Education and Early Development, was in the courtroom. She said after the hearing that, in her view, districts are doing a good job of ensuring state money is spent constitutionally. She did not directly say whether the state education department is in a position to regulate spending. Foremost, she said, her interest is correspondence students: “My purpose and goals are to have a great education every day for young people, and there are nearly 23,000 — it’s 22,900 students — that we want to ensure that their education continues without disruption.”

Chief Justice Peter Maassen said the court would consider the appeal and issue “something” but did not give a time frame for a decision: “No timelines are guaranteed, but we understand the urgency of the matter,” he said. Without a new court ruling, Zeman’s ruling would go into effect on Monday.

Editor-in-Chief Andrew Kitchenman contributed reporting to this story.

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As the commercial salmon season opens, some Alaska fishermen fear for their futures

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As the commercial salmon season opens, some Alaska fishermen fear for their futures


HOMER — On a brilliant spring morning, Buck Laukitis, a longtime fisherman from this Kenai Peninsula town, stood at the city dock watching his catch come ashore.

Crew members aboard Laukitis’ boat, the Oracle, filled bags with dozens of halibut — some of the fatter ones worth $200 or more — which a crane would lift to the dock. There, processing workers on a small slime line weighed the fish, tossed crushed ice into the gills and slid them into boxes for shipment to Canada.

Harvest, unload, sell, repeat — exactly how the iconic Alaska commercial fishing industry is supposed to work. Until you ask Laukitis about the Oracle’s sister vessel, the Halcyon.

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Instead of fishing for another species, black cod, like it’s built for, the Halcyon is tied up at the dock.

For Laukitis to make money, processing companies would need to pay $2.50 for each pound of black cod delivered to a plant. But right now, buyers aren’t paying much more than $1.50, he said.

With Laukitis on the dock last month were his young grandkids and adult daughters — fishermen who run a popular brand called the Salmon Sisters.

Those generations, he said, were on his mind as a sharp downturn in Alaska’s fishing industry continues looming over his livelihood. Some say that the crisis, driven by an array of market forces and economic factors outside fishermen’s control, is the biggest for the industry since statehood.

“We’re trying to do multi-generation fishing,” Laukitis said. “But believe me: It keeps me up at night, wondering about the future.”

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Roughly a year into the downturn, with the major summer harvest of salmon just starting, there are some signs of recovery. Some fishermen say they managed to turn profits even after last year’s plunge in prices. And startup businesses are launching new models for processing that they say could help boost the quality and value of Alaska’s catch.

But major threats persist, many of which fishermen feel powerless to affect — posing existential risks to a $6 billion industry that employs more than 15,000 Alaskans.

Industry and state elected leaders say they expect Russia to continue selling huge quantities of fish into global markets, undercutting the prices of Alaska’s harvests — which also have to compete with farmed fish.

Inflation and high borrowing costs are hammering processing companies, which typically take out huge loans to buy supplies and stage workers and equipment at the start of each summer salmon season. Plants and whole processing businesses have shuttered around the state, while others are putting assets up for sale.

Then there’s the long-term uncertainty that comes with global warming, which appears to be boosting some fish populations but disrupting others.

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Fishermen who have made big investments in recent years now own permits that could be worth a fraction of the purchase price.

Permits to participate in the typically lucrative Bristol Bay salmon fishery were going for $260,000 two years ago; now they’re selling for $140,000.

Many skippers face steep startup costs for the summer season without much confidence that their harvest will pay off. Some who are nearing retirement are having to postpone those plans until they can sell their boats and permits at higher prices.

“There are people who literally cannot afford to go fishing. They’re going to be paying money out of their own pocket to deliver their fish pretty soon,” said Maddie Lightsey, who brokers sales of permits and boats at her family business in Homer. “But they also can’t afford to sell, because the market has crashed and come down so far that they’re dramatically upside down on their loans.”

Most Alaska fishermen are in the business for the long haul, not for short-term investment returns. But some, like 41-year-old Erik Velsko, are starting to hedge their bets.

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Velsko, another longtime Homer fisherman, is training to be a ship’s pilot, in case his chosen career doesn’t work out. Others said they’re looking at jobs in health care and aboard state ferries.

“That’s how much faith I have in, at least, the fisheries we’re doing,” Velsko said. “It was pretty good, for quite a while.”

‘Nothing to fall back on’

The industry turmoil first started generating big headlines after last summer’s Bristol Bay salmon harvest, when processing companies announced they would pay fishermen per-pound prices that were roughly half of the previous year’s.

The prices, which prompted vehement protests from fishermen, were the lowest in two decades, and they could end up being the lowest on record, according to a preliminary analysis by the Alaska Seafood Marketing Institute.

But the focus on salmon has, to a degree, overshadowed that the crisis is broader, covering an array of other species.

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Among the biggest problems is pollock — a whitefish harvested in huge quantities in the Gulf of Alaska and Bering Sea. It’s sold into markets in Asia, Europe and the U.S. to make products like fish sticks, fried fish sandwiches and imitation crab.

Many of Alaska’s big processing companies depend on revenue from consistent, multi-season harvests of pollock to smooth out the short, frenetic summer salmon season.

But processors say that huge increases in aggressively low-priced sales of pollock products from Russia — particularly of surimi, the fish paste used to make fake crab — are crowding them out of the market, especially in Asia and Europe.

Processors say they’re also facing increased competition from Russia-caught salmon, and from farm-raised fish. Other species, like black cod, are also fetching rock-bottom prices — meaning that even fishermen who have diversified into multiple species aren’t insulated from the chaos.

“There’s nothing to fall back on. Everything, across the board, is in trouble,” Lightsey said. “This is different from other downturns in that way.”

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Other dynamics that processors say are limiting the prices they can pay for fish include a historically low value of the Japanese yen against the U.S. dollar. That’s limited the demand for Alaska products in a country that’s often been a huge market.

Inflation and sharply rising borrowing costs in the past two years are also big problems.

Processing companies often take out loans of tens of millions of dollars at the start of each salmon season — money for buying empty cans and plastic, flying workers to remote plants and funding preseason boat upgrades, insurance policies and other necessities for the skippers who sell them fish.

“You had interest rates go up by three times,” said Rob Gillam, whose McKinley financial and research businesses have studied and invested in the Alaska seafood industry in recent years. “At the same time, what we can sell the fish for is going down, not up.”

Wages for processing workers, like for those in other industries, have also spiked. At a news conference last month, Joe Bundrant, the chief executive of the huge processing company Trident Seafoods, said labor costs have risen by 240% in the past five years, with diesel fuel prices also rising sharply in the same period.

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“All the while that the Russians were weaponizing their seafood industry against us, we’ve seen unprecedented cost increases,” said Bundrant. His company is based in Seattle but has operated 11 plants in Alaska — four of which Trident put up for sale last year.

Deferred loans and deepening debts

Processing companies’ woes trickle down to skippers and crew, since fishermen depend on the prices those businesses can pay for their catch. Some of the same trends hitting the processing companies, like inflation, are also affecting fishermen directly.

In interviews, numerous Homer fishermen said they’re facing steep increases in the cost of insuring their boats for the summer salmon season. Jennifer Hakala, whose husband runs a boat in Bristol Bay, said the price of insurance for this year’s six-week fishery spiked to $8,000 from $5,000 in 2023.

To survive, some fishermen are deferring loan payments or taking on more debt. Others, like Hakala, are getting creative.

Typically, her husband hires two deckhands to help on the boat, but this year, they’re depending on their 16-year-old son, and Hakala, who manages a Homer marine supply store, will help out, too.

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“I’m going to fly in on the peak and help them finish off the year — and hopefully we make our boat payment,” she said, referring to the yearly amount that’s due on the loan the family took out to buy their vessel.

Most fishermen in Kodiak have been able to get through the past year without contemplating difficult decisions like bankruptcy, according to Danielle Ringer, a fisherman and fisheries scholar from Homer who’s now based on Kodiak Island.

She’s heard of some skippers who have been working as crew members in fisheries they don’t normally participate in. Others are thinking about working construction instead of taking the risk of gearing up their boat for this coming summer.

“It could be OK,” Ringer said. “But not if it’s a couple more seasons like last year.”

Ringer said she’s seen support coming from the state and federal governments for large and small seafood processing companies.

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Those programs are legitimate, Ringer said, but she’d also like to see more support for individual fishermen, too — ideas like direct aid, or loan forbearance. She endorsed concepts being discussed by policymakers to create new programs modeled on federal supports for agriculture.

“For healthy fisheries and healthy communities, you need all of these different aspects,” she said. “Even if government folks and others are interested in supporting fishermen, I think there are still questions about how to do that the right way.”

Not all bad news

While many Alaska fishermen are struggling, others say they have managed to stay profitable — and that they see bright spots ahead.

Last year, Homer resident Scotty Switzer and his three crew members all made money fishing off Kodiak Island, where big runs of salmon made up for the low price they were paid.

“I’m just grateful to have made something,” said Switzer, 36. “Getting into this industry, I knew there were going to be ups and downs.”

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Switzer took on hundreds of thousands of dollars in loans to acquire his permit, boat and other assets, and he’s still deeply in debt. But, like other fishermen working on their boats in the Homer harbor, he said he’s not feeling too anxious about his future.

“Probably should, could,” he said. “But, I’m in it now.”

For the upcoming season, one processing company, seeking to reassure fishermen, has already announced its minimum price for Bristol Bay sockeye salmon. Silver Bay Seafoods, one of the biggest Alaska processing companies, says it will pay a minimum of 80 cents a pound, a significant bump from the 50-cent minimum it paid last year.

Meanwhile, two startup companies, Northline Seafoods and Circle Seafoods, are hoping to revolutionize the industry’s traditional freezing and salmon processing methods — thereby fetching higher prices from consumers.

Typically, processors send big boats known as tenders to collect salmon from fishermen, then motor the catch back to plants on shore, where workers are flown each summer to handle the fish and operate equipment. Delays in pickup and delivery — and sometimes less-than-meticulous handling and chilling by fishermen — can translate into lower-quality fillets.

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The two companies will park new, floating factory barges directly on or near the fishing grounds, reducing the amount of transit time once salmon are caught.

Once full of whole, frozen fish, the barges will be taken back to Washington state, where the salmon will be processed throughout the offseason without requiring workers to take expensive flights to rural Alaska plants.

“We’re trying to turn it into a manufactured good, as opposed to this seasonal rush of production that’s cut by temporary seasonal workers who have never seen a fish before,” said Charlie Campbell, Circle Seafoods’ co-founder. His company has raised $36 million from investors, loans and federal tax credits, he said.

A ‘bigger, more systematic downturn’

Alaska’s congressional delegation, led by Republican U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan, has also been chipping away at the problems of Russian pollock and salmon exports.

While the U.S. banned imports of Russian seafood in 2022, a loophole allowed those harvests to continue entering America if they’d been processed in China or other countries.

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Sullivan and other Alaska elected officials successfully pressured the Biden administration to fix that problem in December; he’s also appealed directly to European Union and Asian allies to consider tighter Russian import restrictions of their own.

“When the U.S. government moves in a coordinated fashion, it can get things done,” Sullivan said. “If we got international cooperation from the EU and Japan, there’s no doubt it would stabilize prices.”

Beyond pollock and salmon, there are reasons to be hopeful about the medium- and long-term prospects for two other key Alaska species, halibut and black cod, said Norm Pillen, president of the fishermen-owned Seafood Producers Cooperative, a small processor based in Sitka.

But the near-term is less promising, with continuing low prices and high borrowing and shipping costs, he added. Sitka fishermen are also nervous about a conservation group’s request to have the federal government list Gulf of Alaska king salmon under the Endangered Species Act.

“We’re going to have another tough year to get through,” Pillen said.

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Back on the Homer dock, Laukitis, the boat owner, said that last year, he thought the turmoil in the Alaska fishing industry would be short-lived, like other dips that participants have had to periodically endure over the years.

Now, he sees it differently — as a “bigger, more systematic downturn” that’s landing directly on fishermen. Processing companies may not be able to control the prices they pay for fuel or packaging, but they can reduce the price they pay for fish.

“There’s a disequilibrium,” Laukitis said. “And we’re the ones getting squeezed the hardest.”

Nathaniel Herz is an Anchorage-based reporter. Subscribe to his newsletter, Northern Journal, at northernjournal.com. Reach him at natherz@gmail.com.





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Boeing blames missing paperwork for Alaska Air incident, prompting rebuke from safety regulators – WSVN 7News | Miami News, Weather, Sports | Fort Lauderdale

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Boeing blames missing paperwork for Alaska Air incident, prompting rebuke from safety regulators – WSVN 7News | Miami News, Weather, Sports | Fort Lauderdale


Renton, Washington (CNN) — For months, missing paperwork has hindered the investigation into how a door plug blew off a 737 Max on an Alaska Airlines flight in January, making it difficult to find out who made the near tragic mistake. This week, Boeing disclosed that the paperwork may have caused the problem in the first place.

It was already well known that no documentation was found to show who worked on the door plug. At a briefing for journalists at Boeing’s 737 Max factory in Renton, Washington, Boeing said that lack of paperwork is why the four bolts needed to hold the door plug in place were never installed before the plane left the factory in October. The workers who needed to reinstall the bolts never had the work order telling them the work needed to be done.

Without the bolts, the door plug incident was pretty much inevitable. Luckily, it wasn’t fatal.

It’s a sign of the problems with the quality of work along the Boeing assembly lines. Those problems have become the focus of multiple federal investigations and whistleblower revelations, and the cause of delays in jet deliveries that are causing headaches for airlines and passengers around the globe.

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Boeing may have stepped in it … again

But Boeing may have landed itself in even more trouble with regulators for divulging the details at this stage. The National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) reprimanded Boeing Thursday for releasing “non-public investigative information” to the media. It said in a statement that the company had “blatantly violated” the agency’s rules.

“During a media briefing Tuesday about quality improvements … a Boeing executive provided investigative information and gave an analysis of factual information previously released. Both of these actions are prohibited,” the NTSB said.

Boeing would no longer have access to information generated by the NTSB during its investigation, the agency said, adding it was referring Boeing’s conduct to the Department of Justice.

“As a party to many NTSB investigations over the past decades, few entities know the rules better than Boeing,” the NTSB said.

Boeing did not immediately respond to CNN’s request for comment outside normal business hours.

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Bad paperwork trail

During the Tuesday briefing, Boeing said that the particular problem with the Alaska Air door plug occurred because two different groups of employees at the plant were charged with doing the work, with one removing and the other reinstalling the door plug as the plane was passing along the assembly line.

The first group of employees removed the door plug to address problems with some rivets that were made by a supplier, Spirit AeroSystems. But they didn’t generate the paperwork indicating they had removed the door plug, along with the four bolts necessary to hold it in place, in order to do that work.

When a different group of employees put the plug back in place, Boeing says the employees didn’t think the plane would actually fly in that condition.

Instead, they were just blocking the hole with the plug to protect the inside of the fuselage from weather as the plane moved outside. That group of employees often makes those kind of temporary fixes.

“The doors team closes up the aircraft before it is moved outside, but it’s not their responsibility to install the pins,” said Elizabeth Lund, senior vice president of quality for Boeing’s commercial airplane unit.

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Those employees likely assumed paperwork existed showing that the plug and bolts had been removed, and that paperwork would prompt someone else along the line to install the bolts.

But without the paperwork, no one elsewhere on the assembly line knew that the door plug had ever been removed, or that its bolts were missing, Lund said. Removing a door plug after a plane arrives from Spirit AeroSystems rarely happens, Lund added, so no one was aware the door plug needed attention.

“(Permanent) reinstallation is done by another team based on the paperwork showing what jobs are unfinished,” Lund said. “But there was no paperwork, so nobody knew to follow up.”

An accident waiting to happen

The plane actually flew for about two months with the door plug in place despite the lack of bolts. But minutes after the Alaska Airlines flight took off from Portland, Oregon, on January 5, the door plug blew out, leaving a gaping hole in the side of the plane. Passengers’ clothing and phones were ripped away from them and sent hurtling into the night sky. But fortunately no passengers were seriously injured, and the crew was able to land the plane safely.

The missing bolts had been identified in preliminary findings of the National Transportation Safety Board, but that report did not assess blame for the accident. And a final report is not expected for about a year or more. A spokesperson for the NTSB said that the safety agency is continuing its investigation and will not comment on Boeing’s explanation for how the mistake was made.

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The board released a preliminary report in February that said it had found the bolts were missing when it left the Boeing factory, but it did not assess blame. A final report is not expected for a year or more from now.

NTSB Chair Jennifer Homendy has testified about the missing paperwork at Congressional hearings since then.

Boeing is addressing the problem by cutting the speed that planes move along assembly lines, and making sure that planes don’t advance with problems under the assumption that those problems will be dealt with later in the assembly process, Lund said.

“We have slowed down our factories to make sure this is under control,” she said.

“I am extremely confident that the actions that we took,” will ensure every airplane leaving this factory is safe, she added.

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