Business
Consumer agency drops Zelle lawsuit against big banks in latest legal pullback
In the waning days of the Biden administration, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau filed a series of lawsuits against financial companies it accused of running roughshod over the public.
Now, the agency under a new interim director is rapidly withdrawing those cases and others, with the CFPB most recently filing a motion this week in federal court in Arizona to drop a December lawsuit against payment app Zelle and its big bank backers.
The lawsuit accused the company that operates the app on behalf of a consortium of banks — including defendants Wells Fargo, JP Morgan Chase and Bank of America — of rushing to launch the service to compete with Venmo and other payment apps.
Without adequate consumer safeguards, Zelle users experienced $870 million in fraud-related losses, it alleged.
“We welcome the CFPB’s decision to drop its lawsuit against the Zelle network. As we’ve said before, this lawsuit was without merit, and legally and factually flawed,” said a spokesperson for Early Warning, the Scottsdale, Ariz., company that operates Zelle for the banks.
The CFPB moved to dismiss the case in a brief legal filing and has not issued a statement explaining its decision, but the move is the latest in a series of case dismissals and other actions intended to rein in the agency since Biden appointee Rohit Chopra was fired by President Trump on Feb. 1.
The agency did not respond to a request for comment.
Acting chief Russell Vought — also Trump’s director of the Office of Management and Budget and a leader of the administration’s mission to downsize the federal government — has ordered staff to stop all “supervision and examination activity” and has sought to reduce the agency’s funding, saying in a tweet: “This spigot, long contributing to CFPB’s unaccountability, is now being turned off.”
The CFPB filed a lawsuit in January against Capital One Financial Corp., accusing the financial services company of cheating customers out of $2 billion in interest payments, but the agency dropped the case last month.
The CFPB similarly withdrew a case it had filed against Vanderbilt Mortgage and Finance, a company owned by Warren Buffett’s Berkshire Hathaway, which it had accused of trapping mobile home buyers into unaffordable loans that cost them fees and penalties and even the loss of their homes.
Other lawsuits that have been dropped include cases against student loan servicer Pennsylvania Higher Education Assistance Agency, which was accused of collecting on loans in bankruptcy; Heights Finance, which allegedly engaged in illegal “loan churning” to generate more fees; and Rocket Homes, one of the country’s largest home lenders, which was accused of illegal kickbacks.
When the Rocket Homes case was dropped last month, the lender called the suit “an empty claim brought forth by former CFPB director Chopra for the sole purpose of seeing his name in headlines during the final days in public office.”
Rick Claypool, a researcher at Public Citizen, said it was expected that the Trump administration would seek to pull back from aggressively prosecuting financial companies accused of wrongdoing, but not to such an extent.
“What has happened is that it is played out with somewhat shocking speed and recklessness, with whole categories of corporate enforcement being dropped and paused,” said Claypool, author of a report released Tuesday, which calculated the administration halted or moved to dismiss investigations against 89 corporations across multiple federal agencies.
The consumer group last month joined with other advocacy groups and a federal union in filing a lawsuit against the CFPB and Vought challenging what it calls the “unlawful dismantling” of the agency, which was established by an act of Congress in 2011 after the industry excesses that led to the financial crisis.
During the first Trump administration, the agency issued payday lender rules that consumer groups considered weaker than what the CFPB had proposed under the Obama administration. But it also pursued enforcement actions against banks, including reaching a consent order with Citibank, which agreed to pay $335 million in restitution to customers over allegations it violated the Truth in Lending Act.
Vought is currently running the agency, but Trump has nominated attorney and former Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. Director Jonathan McKernan to be its chief.
During his confirmation hearing last month, McKernan pledged to “implement and enforce the federal consumer financial laws and perform each of [the agency’s] other statutorily assigned functions” — even as Vought has reportedly sought to cancel the lease on the CFPB’s headquarters.
Chopra, in a recent interview, said opposition to the agency stems not only from traditional banking and lending firms but from big Silicon Valley tech companies that want to get into the finance business.
“We know that their tentacles are all over, and many have significant aspirations in banking, lending and payments,” Chopra told Drop Site News, specifically mentioning Google, Apple and Facebook, which attempted to launch its own cryptocurrency, Libra, several years ago.
He also noted that Elon Musk — who in a November post on X said, “Delete CFPB. There are too many duplicative regulatory agencies” — wants to turn the social media site formerly known as Twitter into a payments platform.
“I think it’s reasonable for Americans to wonder why he is targeting this little agency. And I think a lot of the opposition is coming from tech conglomerates, because … the agency has been a speed bump in their plans,” he said.
There has been at least one enforcement that Vought said the CFPB will pursue — a lawsuit against online lender MoneyLion, which was accused by the agency in 2022 of violating the Military Lending Act by overcharging on loans to service members and their dependents. MoneyLion has denied the allegations.
The Associated Press and Bloomberg contributed to this report.
Business
In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers
Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.
As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.
Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.
Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.
That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.
“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”
The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.
The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.
“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.
“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”
SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.
The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.
City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.
There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.
“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.
Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.
California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.
That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.
In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.
Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”
Business
Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns
A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.
The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.
The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.
“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”
Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.
It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.
Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.
“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.
Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.
“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”
Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.
In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.
In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.
A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”
“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.
Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.
L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.
Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.
Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.
“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”
The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.
“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.
Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.
Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.
The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.
Business
Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley
Dear Mr. Pelley:
I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.
Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.
Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.
Sincerely,
Nick Bilton
Executive Producer, 60 Minutes
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