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How The New York Times Is Reporting on the Trump Administration

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How The New York Times Is Reporting on the Trump Administration

We invited readers of The New York Times to ask about our reporting on the second Trump administration, and hundreds responded. We read every question that came in, selected those that represented some of the most common themes and then distributed them to editors and reporters responsible for our daily coverage of the administration. Here are their answers.

How has covering the White House changed in the past few weeks? The executive branch, and journalism surrounding it, used to be such a well-oiled machine. How do Times journalists handle the chaos? — Cameron Hughes

Answered by Richard W. Stevenson, the editor in charge of our reporting operations in Washington:

You’ve no doubt heard of the president’s “flood the zone” strategy: pump out so many developments on so many fronts that journalists will be overwhelmed and unable to focus properly on any of them. Certainly this White House makes news almost constantly, seven days a week, but we have enough reporters and editors to keep track of it all and present it to our audience with, we hope, the context and analysis necessary to make sense of it and separate substance from bluster, and facts from falsehoods.

Since the election we have brought on new reporters and editors who give us additional capability. They include an expanded corps of White House reporters and a new investigative team focused on how President Trump (and Elon Musk) are upending the federal government and driving policy in new directions.

Given the sheer volume of news, we also strive to step back from the fire hose at regular intervals to try to sum up for readers what they need to know about a set of developments on a particular theme or in a specific period. For example, this piece by Luke Broadwater, one of our White House correspondents, explained how a particularly eventful stretch demonstrated how Mr. Trump was acting free of so many of the constraints that had kept him from pursuing his agenda and instincts during his first term. And The Times has a range of other formats that we use to help guide readers through the maelstrom, including our newsletters, our audio programs and our video journalism.

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A free press is more important than ever under the Trump administration. What are the major challenges you face in carrying out that mission, and how do you meet them? Do you believe you can count on the full backing of your publisher? How does The NYT resist the kind of pressure to which The Washington Post and The LA Times succumbed? — Constance Nathanson, New York, N.Y.

Will The Times be censoring its work to avoid lawsuits and/or imprisonment of their journalists? What rights do journalists have? Who protects them? — Cooper Couch, Mount Vernon, Wash.

Answered by Carolyn Ryan, one of our managing editors, the No. 2 role in the newsroom:

At The Times, our most important principle is our commitment to independent reporting. That means that we don’t embrace a political party or a point of view. And it means that we will cover the new administration aggressively, fairly and comprehensively.

That commitment is shared throughout the organization, from the newest reporter all the way up to the publisher, A.G. Sulzberger, whose family has stood for independent journalism for generations.

You have probably heard about recent efforts by the White House and the Pentagon to limit access and exert more control over the press corps. We believe strongly that our readers and the broader public benefit from detailed reporting on our government’s activities. We are fighting to have as much access and visibility as we can into this administration and will resist efforts to block our access or undermine our reporting.

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Journalism is a constitutionally protected activity. Right now, journalists face intense pressures, threats and harassment.

We will not be intimidated in this climate and will continue to do what our readers most rely on us for — report, without fear or favor.

I’m curious about what lessons Times journalists and the Times newsroom more broadly have learned from the way they covered the first Trump administration. Are there things that have changed on the level of editorial guidance? Are there any hard-won lessons for reporters? — Morgan Spector, Hillsdale, N.Y.

Answered by Richard W. Stevenson, the editor in charge of our reporting operations in Washington:

The main lesson is to try to separate what some would call “The Trump Show” — his ability to command attention, often by making norm-breaking or outrageous statements — from the concrete policy decisions and substantive changes in the direction of the country.

The first requires some of our attention and a lot of contextualization and fact-checking, but also the discipline not to treat everything he says and does as inherently newsworthy. The second demands rigorous, open-minded journalism that explains what the changes are, what is driving them, who wins and loses, and what the ultimate impact is on the country.

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Just the first month of Mr. Trump’s second term showed how determined he is this time around not just to occupy the role of president but to drive fundamental changes while also punishing perceived enemies — developments that we will cover from multiple angles.

Do reporters choose their stories, or are they assigned? How many times is a story reviewed before it is printed? Do you have different levels of reviewers? For example, if you feel you will get extra pushback from the government, is the article scrutinized more carefully? — Shari Macdonald-Miller, Vancouver, British Columbia

Answered by Marc Lacey, one of our managing editors, the No. 2 role in the newsroom:

The New York Times produces in excess of 100 stories a day. There is no single way they come into existence. In some cases, such as a significant news event, there’s no doubt we’ll be on it. We just mobilize. Many other stories are born out of suggestions by editors, whose job it is to survey the world and look for opportunities. But a good portion of the stories we publish each day come from reporters themselves. They know their beats. They talk to sources every day. And they know the words that make every editor’s day: “I’ve found a great story.”

Now what happens when that story is filed? We give it at least two thorough edits before it is published. Particularly complex or sensitive stories will get additional eyes on them, often by senior editors who have developed expertise in various coverage areas. If a story relies on anonymous sources, it receives even more scrutiny. It is not without precedent for a single piece of journalism to be read by half a dozen editors or more. Our publishing system allows all of them to be in a story at once, offering queries off to the side. Only once all those questions are addressed, and we believe the story captures the complexities of what we are writing about, does one of us push the “publish” button.

Why does The Times not use words such as “propaganda” or “lies” more frequently when Trump/his staff are stating known untruths? It is clear that we are in a new era of propaganda. I would ask how can The NYT take more control of the language we use to discuss this disaster instead of letting Trump set that agenda by deferring to his terminology. Amy Burroughs, Rock Hill, S.C.

Answered by Susan Wessling, the head of the Standards department, which helps maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

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The newsroom of The Times has been reporting for years on Donald Trump’s tenuous relationship with facts. We routinely point out falsehoods, exaggerations and misstatements, making sure that we also then let readers know what’s accurate. We do that in news articles, and also in more formal fact-checks of speeches and other public events. That kind of accountability coverage, by the way, is not confined to Mr. Trump and the people in his orbit. Our obligation to the truth and to our readers means that we don’t let false information go unchecked, regardless of the topic or source.

So it’s hard to argue that The Times is not letting readers know the full reality behind what Mr. Trump says. But we are cautious about describing a statement as an intentional lie, or using our news report to effectively accuse someone of being a liar. We have robust discussions in individual cases when we think something is egregious enough or frequent enough to warrant the use of “lie,” and we have indeed used the word. But “falsehood” and “false statement” are not weak ways of assessing what Mr. Trump says.

Now that “pauses” have been invoked across many agencies and work the government does, how will we know if government-reported data is vetted and accurate or twisted and compromised? How can The Times illuminate this? Especially as we enter possible health crises or as we attempt to verify programs’ success or failures? Obfuscation and muddy data counts can undo us. — Jane McDonough, Hillsdale, N.Y.

Answered by Jeremy Singer-Vine and Rachel Shorey, editors specializing in data journalism:

A core principle of data journalism is not to mindlessly trust data, no matter the source. When assessing data, we seek to understand how the data we use are collected, how they’re processed, and what parts of the real world they represent well — or not so well. We speak to experts, read what others have written about a given data set, compare data sets to one another, and use “shoe leather” reporting techniques to probe their accuracy.

The Times is keeping an eye on the quality of federal data under the new administration, given its plans to cut many government programs and overhaul others. As Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency seeks to gain access to more data systems, our reporters are asking sources about what effects this may have.

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Sometimes, government data sets are so unreliable that those failings are news. As a case in point, Times journalists have reported extensively about the repeated and substantial errors in DOGE’s “wall of receipts.”

The Times has also been archiving many federal reports and data sets, so that we can compare prior versions to new ones. In addition, several external organizations, including Harvard’s Library Innovation Lab, are at work archiving federal government data sets.

Are you keeping a complete scorecard of Trump’s orders and actions, the responses to them and eventual outcomes from them? — Ron Randall, Edgewater, N.J.

Answered by Haeyoun Park, a deputy editor in the Graphics department:

In February we began a large effort to track every major move the administration is making. A team of journalists updates the page daily by reviewing the previous day’s Washington coverage, presidential actions on whitehouse.gov and Mr. Trump’s social media feeds. There have been an average of about 11 actions every day. You can filter the list to show actions in a number of different categories.

We are also keeping an eye on legal challenges to the administration’s actions. We are tracking all the lawsuits against Mr. Trump’s agenda here. We have also published a piece showing examples of Mr. Trump’s actions that defy legal limits, as well as a legal guide to the president’s moves so far.

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I’d love The Times’s genius visual presentation folks to keep some sort of diagram or infographic of all the parts of our government that are being stifled, gutted, defunded or redirected. Good government is often invisible. Make the harm more visible. — Edie E., New York City

Answered by Haeyoun Park, a deputy editor in the Graphics department:

Every day, we are working to break down the changes being made to the federal government in a digestible and meaningful way.

We will be publishing more visual stories to explain the scale and impact of cuts. We started to keep a running tally of firings of federal workers. We are using a spreadsheet to track updates agency by agency and will republish the page periodically as we confirm the numbers.

We are looking at tangible impacts of the administration’s cuts. For example, one story showed how the administration’s proposal to reduce grants for universities and hospitals could discourage medical research, including in areas like cancer and infectious diseases.

Do reporters have a plan if Trump changes press briefings to limit sharing info on what he’s doing? Are the Times folks picked to ask questions as much as other big papers that are Trump fans? — Dorothy Wilson, Texas

Answered by Richard W. Stevenson, the editor in charge of our reporting operations in Washington:

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It’s a common misconception that reporters rely heavily on White House press briefings as a source of news. While the briefings are useful in requiring the administration to face questions on the record and on camera, and sometimes do yield new information or insight, they are often an exercise in talking points.

Our reporters attend because it’s important to pose those questions, and they are called on regularly. But the vast majority of the work our journalists do takes place outside the briefing room and away from the cameras, and involves regular contact with administration officials, presidential advisers, members of Congress and other people involved in government and policy.

One way in which this administration is different from its predecessor is that President Trump himself is far more accessible to reporters than was President Joe Biden, who rarely took questions or did sit-down interviews. Mr. Trump, of course, presents a different set of challenges, starting with the need to fact-check nearly everything he says.

I realize you have fairness and impartiality foremost in mind as The New York Times. That said, what about a spinoff doing advocacy journalism? We need, we WANT to DO something. But what? And how? Simply documenting the slow-motion train wreck of democracy seems inadequate. — Henry V. Dedrick, San Antonio

Answered by Katie Kingsbury, the editor who oversees The Times’s Opinion section, including its editorial board:

The New York Times takes our commitment to independence seriously. Our newsroom pursues original, investigative and fact-based reporting without fear or favor, seeking the truth wherever it may lead, and our Opinion department elevates ideas, explores arguments and challenges assumptions to enrich and enliven public discussion. Advocacy-based groups have their own valuable missions, but our mission as an independent news organization is incompatible with full-throated activism. Open-minded inquiry is at the heart of our mission, and being activists for a cause — however worthy or urgent — would undercut our role as a trusted source of independent journalism that serves a broad cross-section of readers, listeners and viewers.

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Yet Times Opinion is also unflinching in its effort to call out any institution, including the government, when our journalism surfaces illegal actions, lies, corruption and immorality. This commitment is felt regardless of who is in power. We are unflinching in Times Opinion’s mission to offer a breadth of perspectives that help people understand the forces shaping our world and to develop and challenge their own views. The columnists, editorial board, guest essays and letters to the editor, as well as Opinion’s newsletters, audio, video, graphics and design, bring trusted signature voices and strongly edited, fact-based commentary to the major questions of the day — on democracy, war, technology, climate, the way we live now. We do this while not explicitly advocating on behalf of any specific group or people on an institutional level. We let the work speak for itself.

I’m wondering if you are closely following what’s happening locally with raids on immigrants.Heather Ash, Decatur, Ga.

Answered by Ana Ley, a reporter who covers immigration in New York City:

We spend a lot of time searching for clues in places such as police reports and social media platforms, and we frequently call people who are in a position to know whether raids are happening, such as immigrants themselves and their neighbors. These sources can also include members of law enforcement, immigration lawyers or advocates for immigrant communities. Our newsroom also pays for services that help us detect emergencies such as mass arrests or spikes in law enforcement activity.

As you can imagine, we encounter a lot of false alarms and misinformation. Many of the posts we see online about raids lack context and crucial information such as the size of groups that are detained and deported. And what some observers have described as raids have turned out to be routine, small-scale arrests.

Once we have a solid lead about a potential raid, we go to people with direct knowledge to confirm whether the information is accurate or not.

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In New York City, which has the largest immigrant population in the country, there has been no credible proof of any large-scale immigrant detentions other than a highly publicized crackdown in late January that yielded 39 arrests. Even so, many immigrants tell us that they are terrified about being caught in a dragnet, especially in heavily Latino communities. And legal aid groups are ramping up efforts to inform immigrants of their rights.

What connections/relationships do you have with trusted/respected scientists and others who can speak to the impact of Trump’s environmental policy changes? — Valerie Beeman, San Francisco Bay Area

Answered by Raymond Zhong, a reporter on the Climate team:

For decades scientists have driven the global conversation about climate change and what to do about it, which is why their expertise has long informed The Times’s climate and environmental coverage. Researchers do not lock themselves away in ivory towers, as people sometimes imagine. Many of them actively follow policy changes and try to inform the public, in a timely way, about what they mean for our planet. My fellow climate reporters and I constantly talk to researchers and infuse their findings into our coverage.

How do we decide which experts to speak with? Science, unlike many human endeavors, is largely conducted out in the open: Researchers publish their results for everyone to see and scrutinize. As a climate science reporter, I spend a lot of time keeping up with scholarly journals. I read new studies, each of which has a bibliography that leads me to more studies. By perusing the academic literature, you can get a pretty good sense of which scientists are influential in their field, who has made interesting discoveries and who’s well respected by their peers.

Something else that helps us make sure we’re talking to credible researchers: The top science journals generally require the authors of every study to disclose potential conflicts of interest.

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Will you please run articles which plainly explain how tariffs affect prices and pocketbooks of consumers? It would be nice if these articles could be read by people who aren’t economists or tax professionals. — Mary Moore, Maryland

Answered by editors on the Trust team, which helps maintain the overall quality of our work:

President Trump’s tariffs are a complex subject, and our journalists strive to explain their ramifications in ways that readers can understand. A good place to start is our graphical explainer on how tariffs work. We also broke down the automotive supply chain to illustrate how multiple countries contribute to the production of a single vehicle.

Rebecca F. Elliott, a reporter who covers energy, visited the largest oil refinery in the Midwest, which depends on heavy crude from Canada. It could be forced by tariffs to cut back its production of gasoline and airplane fuel, which could lead to an increase in prices. Another one of our reporters talked to small-business owners who warned that tariffs on Chinese-made goods would be passed on to consumers in the form of higher prices.

We have reported that the economy is already starting to show signs of strain, as the fear of trade wars combines with federal funding freezes and mass firings to sour consumer sentiment and stall business investment. Some readers told us they were already stockpiling goods for fear of rising prices. Overall, polling suggests a mixed view of tariffs among Americans.

Ronda Kaysen, one of our real estate reporters, talked to developers who said the tariff threat had created instability in the price of materials, which could drive up housing costs. Even the price of happy hour could be affected: A reporter in Brussels, Jeanna Smialek, described a long-running game of tit-for-tat tariffs on spirits between the European Union and the United States.

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The president has argued that this turmoil will pay off in the long run. On “The Daily” podcast, our economics reporter Ana Swanson interviewed Mr. Trump’s trade adviser, Peter Navarro, who believes tariffs will usher in a new age of American prosperity. Ms. Swanson also wrote about Mr. Trump’s ambition to strike a wide-ranging trade deal with China’s leader, Xi Jinping, that would result in more American exports to China.

To better understand the big picture on Mr. Trump’s tariffs, you should also read this analysis by our global economics reporter, Peter S. Goodman.

Please find a way to isolate Trump news to its own category or page so us subscribers don’t have to be exposed as much as he would like. Trump plays the press like a fiddle. I, like many, have to limit my intake to keep sane and have terminated subscriptions to do so. I’m still keeping NYT’s for now but would like to see more effort from The Times not to play into his hands so much. — C.M. Houska, Bend, Ore.

Answered by Karron Skog, an assistant managing editor who oversees home screen programming:

The top of our home screen reflects the stories The Times believes are the most important. Our newsroom leadership team — referred to as the masthead — discusses each day’s priorities with other editors from across the newsroom, and these days President Trump typically dominates those conversations. The Times is committed to covering all aspects of Mr. Trump and his administration, and we aim not just to recount the news but also to provide analysis and context to help readers understand what it all means.

We think about packaging Trump stories thematically on our home screen — you might see a group of stories about his economic moves, a collection about his foreign policy and another about deconstructing the federal government. We try to keep those packages tight. If you want to read every word, you can dive in; if you’d rather read about something else, you can scroll past.

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We program our home screen with a wide selection of stories and visuals to appeal to all types of readers. We always offer news from around the world and around the country; stories that engage readers on a variety of topics, like The Great Read; journalism that helps you live a better life, like our Well coverage; or pieces that offer specific guidance, like recipes or shopping advice. And in the app, we have even more room to showcase the breadth of our journalism. A ribbon across the top lets you scroll to find lifestyle coverage, sports, opinion pieces and more.

We are always looking for the best balance and mix for the home screen and thinking about the best ways to get our journalism in front of readers.

How are you reporting on the consequences of Trump’s decisions? For example, freezing federal grants could harm communities that rely on them. Hearing directly from those affected would provide valuable insight. In particular, interviews with Trump supporters who are directly impacted by his policies could be especially compelling. It would shed light on their perspectives and whether their views on his administration shift as a result. — Eran Basis, Rochelle Park, N.J.

I would like to hear from people who agree with Trump’s decisions also, and why. We all crave media that tells the objective truth about the issues instead of telling only negative reports about the decisions they personally disagree with, or positive reports about the decisions they agree with. We crave the truth! — Christine McCurdy, Mount Rainier, Wash.

Answered by editors on the Trust and Standards teams, which help maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

The Times has made it a priority to put reporters on the ground, talking to Americans about President Trump’s actions and how their local communities are being affected.

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Kellen Browning, one of our political reporters, found guarded optimism among Trump supporters in one Arizona swing district. We sought out the opinions of Black voters and asked people what they think of Elon Musk. Another reporter attended a town-hall meeting in rural Texas where a Republican member of Congress was confronted by angry constituents.

We met government workers and federal contractors struggling to pay their bills after being abruptly laid off, and interviewed dozens of American farmers about how funding freezes have affected their businesses.

Eduardo Medina and Emily Cochrane, two of our reporters who cover the South, found both anxiety and optimism in Huntsville, Ala., about the future of the city’s aerospace industry, which depends heavily on federal funding and workers.

We ran the numbers on how proposed reductions in funding for medical research would hit colleges and hospitals in every state and reported on concerns that the country will be more exposed to catastrophic wildfires and other natural disasters after layoffs at the U.S. Forest Service and the virtual elimination of an office that coordinates disaster recovery efforts.

Our reporters continue to seek out views from a diverse array of Americans and explore the effects of a dizzying series of policy changes emerging from the administration.

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How do journalists feel about their job security and fear of retaliation when reporting on the Trump administration? As we have seen the president retaliate against people that he’s identified as those who have crossed him. How do journalists handle death threats, and how often have they received them for specifically writing about Trump? — E. Sykes, Seattle

Answered by Jason Reich, vice president of safety and security for The New York Times Company:

The profession of journalism always comes with risk. Reporting is done best when journalists move within the cultures they’re covering and talk directly to people with lived experiences and firsthand knowledge of events, wherever that might be in the world. Perfect security would mean not being able to do any of these things.

But clearly, risks increase as reporters and their news outlets are more prominent, more out in the world and engaging with people who have hostility or resistance to independent media.

Unfortunately, Times reporters covering politics and government do face threats from time to time. This includes online harassment, threatening and hateful letters and emails, physical intimidation while in the field reporting and, in rare cases, more serious threats.

Our security and legal teams are among the best in the industry — skilled groups of professionals who ensure that our journalists can be at the forward edge of coverage and that our journalism is published with confidence and surety. Threats against journalists are concerning, and our company strives to show the value of independent journalism for the good of society. Despite escalating anti-press rhetoric in the country, our reporters tell us they have confidence and zero hesitation in the work that they do.

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Does The Times have some kind of strategy for making Trump-related news available to people who do not subscribe? Many people probably can’t afford The New York Times and aren’t able to access the valuable information here as a result. They only access free “news” outlets and social media sites that are full of misinformation and propaganda.

Answered by Danielle Rhoades Ha, senior vice president and head of external communications for The New York Times Company:

Subscribers make our journalism possible. Our newsroom sends journalists to report on the ground from 160 countries. Independent and original reporting is expensive to produce. For example, we provide protection for reporters in war zones and other physical and digital security measures for our journalists, as my colleague Jason Reich shared in the previous answer. We currently have the largest team we’ve ever had covering the new administration. We couldn’t do this without subscriptions, which make up a majority of The Times’s revenue.

That said, our news reporting is viewed tens of millions of times each week, and we make a significant amount of our journalism available to anyone not ready or able to subscribe. Our home page, The Morning email newsletter and “The Daily” podcast deliver headlines and daily summaries to anyone at no cost.

Are quotes by the president printed as presented or are they edited, as some have claimed The Times does? Please quote exactly as stated and then offer analysis/paraphrasing if the quote requires further explanation. — Connie Guglielmo, San Francisco Bay Area

Answered by Mike Abrams, a deputy editor on the Standards team, which helps maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

The Times has clear rules about quotations. We believe that readers have a right to assume that every word between quotation marks is what the speaker said. We don’t “clean up” quotations. If a statement is hard to follow, we recommend paraphrasing it for the sake of clarity.

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When the president — or anyone else — says something confusing, it’s our job to press for an explanation. When we can’t get clarity on deadline, we should share what we know and don’t know in the coverage.

There are cases where the very confusing wording is part of the story. Perhaps it is a social post by the president. Our stylebook instructs reporters and editors to render such material faithfully. We want readers to see that language just as they would find it on social platforms like X or Truth Social.

There are times when we impose our style rules on spoken quotes and statements. For example, we abbreviate state names after cities and use the dollar sign ($) for references to money instead of the word “dollars.” The idea is to provide consistency for readers.

If we learn that we quoted someone or something inaccurately, we will fix the passage and append a correction to the article.

Why do you keep referring to the president as “Mr. Trump” instead of President Trump? The Times has not done this with previous sitting presidents.

Answered by Mike Abrams, a deputy editor on the Standards team, which helps maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

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We get this accusation every time the White House changes hands, but it is simply not true. The Times has referred to the president in the same way dating back at least to Abraham Lincoln. He is always President Trump the first time he is mentioned in an article. On subsequent references, to avoid repetition, reporters may also use “the president” or “Mr. Trump.” This was the case for Mr. Biden, Mr. Obama, Mr. Bush, Mr. Clinton …

The “courtesy title,” as we call it — Mr., Ms., Mrs., Dr. — is used throughout The Times, with some exceptions, including coverage of culture and sports and publications like The New York Times Magazine.

Politics

Inside the US military playbook to cripple Iran if nuclear talks collapse

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Inside the US military playbook to cripple Iran if nuclear talks collapse

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

If negotiations with Iran collapse, the U.S. likely is to move quickly to degrade Tehran’s military capabilities — a campaign analysts say would begin with missile systems, naval assets and command networks before escalating to more controversial targets.

Negotiators are still working toward what officials describe as a preliminary framework agreement — effectively a one-page starting point for broader talks centered on Iran’s nuclear program and potential sanctions relief. But deep mistrust on both sides has left the process fragile, raising the stakes if diplomacy fails. 

“We’re not starting at zero,” retired Army Col. Seth Krummrich, a former Joint Staff planner and current Vice President at Global Guardian, told Fox News Digital. “We’re both starting at minus 1,000 because neither side trusts each other at all. This is going to be a pretty hard process going forward.” 

That tension was on display Thursday, when a senior U.S. official confirmed American forces struck Iran’s Qeshm port and Bandar Abbas — key locations near the Strait of Hormuz — while insisting the operation did not mark a restart of the war or the end of the ceasefire.

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The strike on one of Iran’s oil ports came two days after Iran launched 15 ballistic and cruise missiles at the UAE’s Fujairah Port, drawing anger from Gulf allies. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Dan Caine said earlier this week the attack did not rise to the level of breaking the ceasefire, describing it as a low-level strike.

President Donald Trump repeatedly has warned that if negotiations collapse, the U.S. could resume bombing Iran — even signaling before the recent ceasefire was implemented that Washington could target the country’s energy infrastructure and key economic assets. But any escalation would likely unfold in phases, beginning with efforts to dismantle Iran’s ability to project force across the region before expanding to more controversial targets.

President Donald Trump has warned repeatedly that if negotiations collapse, the U.S. could resume bombing Iran.  (Aaron Schwartz/CNP/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

If talks break down, any renewed conflict would likely become a “contest for escalation control,” where Iran seeks to impose costs without provoking regime-threatening retaliation while the U.S. works to strip away Tehran’s remaining leverage, according to retired Air Force Lt. Gen. David Deptula.

“The capabilities that would come into focus are the ones Iran uses to generate coercive leverage: ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, air defense systems, maritime strike assets, command-and-control networks, IRGC infrastructure, proxy support channels, and nuclear-related facilities,” he said, referring to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps. 

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“The military objective would be less about punishment and more about denying Iran the tools it uses to escalate,” he said. 

“President Trump has all the cards, and he wisely keeps all options on the table to ensure that Iran can never possess a nuclear weapon,” White House spokesperson Olivia Wales told Fox News Digital. The Pentagon could not immediately be reached for comment. 

One early focus could be Iran’s fleet of fast attack boats in the Strait of Hormuz — a central component of Tehran’s ability to threaten global shipping in one of the world’s most critical energy corridors.

RP Newman, a military and terrorism analyst and Marine Corp veteran, said leaving much of that fleet intact during earlier strikes was a mistake.

IRAN’S REMAINING WEAPONS: HOW TEHRAN CAN STILL DISRUPT THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ

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“We’ve blown up six of them,” he said. “They’ve got about 400 left.” 

The small, fast-moving boats are a key part of Iran’s asymmetric maritime strategy, capable of harassing commercial tankers and U.S. naval forces — and could quickly become a priority target in any renewed campaign.

Much of Iran’s core military structure also remains intact.

INSIDE IRAN’S MILITARY: MISSILES, MILITIAS AND A FORCE BUILT FOR SURVIVAL

Newman said “we’ve only killed less than one percent of IRGC troops,” leaving a large portion of the force still capable of carrying out operations. He estimated the group “numbers between 150 and 190,000.”

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But targeting the IRGC is far more complex than eliminating senior leadership.

“They’re not just a group of leaders at the top that you can kill away,” Krummrich said. “Over 47 years it’s percolated down to every level.”

An excavator removes rubble at the site of a strike that destroyed half of the Khorasaniha Synagogue and nearby residential buildings in Tehran, Iran, on April 7, 2026, according to a security official at the scene. (Francisco Seco/AP)

Retired Rear Adm. Mark Montgomery, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies policy institute, said Washington may continue tightening economic pressure before broadening military action, arguing the U.S. should “squeeze them for at least another three to six weeks” before considering more aggressive escalation.

“You could have blown Kharg Island back to smithereens,” Krummrich said, referring to Iran’s primary oil export terminal in the Persian Gulf. “But what the planner said was, no — what we can do is a maritime blockade. It will have the same effect.”

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Iran has continued moving crude through covert shipping networks and ship-to-ship transfers, with tanker trackers reporting millions of barrels still reaching markets in recent weeks.

A CIA analysis found Iran may be able to sustain those pressures for another three to four months before facing more severe economic strain, according to a report by The Washington Post.

The question is how far a U.S. campaign could expand if initial pressure fails to force concessions.

Trump has signaled a willingness to go further, warning before the ceasefire that the U.S. could “completely obliterate” Iran’s electric generating plants, oil infrastructure and key export hubs such as Kharg Island if a deal is not reached.

Strikes on the Iranian leadership, the IRGC, and Iranian naval vessels and oil infrastructure have roiled the markets. ( Sasan / Middle East Images / AFP via Getty Images)

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“You don’t do that at first,” Montgomery said, describing strikes on dual-use infrastructure as a conditional step dependent on Iran’s response.

Targeting dual-use infrastructure presents significant legal and operational challenges.

“I’ve got 500 people standing on my target. You can’t hit that,” Newman said.

Such decisions carry political and legal risks, particularly given the likelihood of international scrutiny.

Broader infrastructure strikes also could create long-term instability if they push Iran toward internal collapse.

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“In the short term, it might help. But in the long term, we’re all going to have to deal with it,” Krummrich said. “Once you pull that lever, you’re basically pushing Iran closer to the edge of the abyss.”

A collapse of state authority could create a failed-state scenario across the Strait of Hormuz, with armed groups, drones and missiles operating unchecked in one of the world’s most strategically important waterways.

Even some of the most discussed military options — such as seizing Iran’s highly enriched uranium — would be extremely difficult to execute.

“That’s much harder than it sounds,” said Montgomery.

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Such a mission would likely take months, and require engineers, technicians and heavy excavation equipment, in addition to thousands of U.S. operators providing continuous air coverage.

“When you start to stack that up, that becomes resource intensive and high risk — not even high, extreme risk,” said Krummrich.

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Commentary: For all the chatter by mayoral candidates, can anyone fix L.A.’s enduring problems?

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Commentary: For all the chatter by mayoral candidates, can anyone fix L.A.’s enduring problems?

I’m going to start this story on a quiet tree-lined street in Mar Vista, where a couple I met with on Thursday — the day after the L.A. mayoral debate — have a problem.

It’s not an unusual matter, as things go in Los Angeles. On both sides of the street, the sidewalk rises and falls, uprooted and cracked by shallow roots because over many decades, the trees were not properly maintained.

John Coanda, 61, who grew up in Los Angeles, was never bothered by torn-up sidewalks as a kid.

“In fact,” he said when he first emailed me about his predicament, “my friends and I sometimes used the ramping pavement as jumps for our bicycles.”

But his wife, Barbara, was diagnosed in 2024 with ALS, and she uses a wheelchair. When John pushes her, they can’t use the sidewalk if they want to go to the store or meet with friends, or just enjoy a nice pass through the neighborhood without getting into a vehicle.

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So John pushes Barbara’s wheelchair in the street, which creates an obvious safety problem. And despite John’s best efforts to get City Hall to fix the sidewalks, he’s not expecting help anytime soon.

I’ll circle back to this story, but first, about that debate.

I recruited a half-dozen L.A. residents to watch and send me their thoughts about how the candidates tackled the important issues. And then I felt guilty for having done so, because the candidates didn’t do much tackling at all.

Candidate Spencer Pratt is shown on a television while journalists work during the 2026 Los Angeles mayoral debate at Skirball Cultural Center.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

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They hit their talking points, for sure, and Mayor Karen Bass, Councilmember Nithya Raman and TV personality Spencer Pratt each had their moments. But by the end of the debate, and two straight nights of gubernatorial debates as well, I came away thinking there were no clear winners, but there was a definite loser.

Voters.

This is the fault of the format more than of the candidates themselves. The deck is stacked against meaningful, substantive discussions, especially when moderators ask — as they did several times — for one-word answers.

“Moderator questions are so meaningless … and they make it easy for candidates to take potshots at each other,” said longtime political sage Darry Sragow. “The format is guaranteed to elicit nothing that matters.”

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It’d be better to have single-issue debates, and to have candidates pressed for details by journalists who cover those issues and can push back against unrealistic promises and expose a lack of depth.

My debate watchers did some of that themselves. CSUN librarian Yi Ding had praise and criticism for each candidate, but was looking for concrete plans and didn’t get many.

Ding was also disappointed that two other mayoral candidates — Ray Huang and Adam Miller — were not invited to the debate, and I agree with her. Both have been polling low, but with so many undecided voters, and such high unfavorability ratings for Bass, they should have been in the mix.

Mike Washington, a retired pharmacist and West Adams resident, said Bass has done better than previous mayors on homelessness and he didn’t think Raman or Pratt came off as worthy of bumping her out of City Hall.

“The public would have benefited from more questions related to the challenges young people are facing,” said Juan Solorio Jr., president of the San Fernando Valley Young Democrats club. His colleague David Ramirez agreed, saying he was hoping for “more discussion about the cost of living for young adults,” but he and Solorio are both backing Bass.

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West L.A. software developer Mike Eveloff asked the million-dollar question in one of his many observations during the debate:

“Why is LA spending record amounts on homelessness, fire, police, and infrastructure while results deteriorate? Streets and sidewalks crumble. Even the city emblem right in front of City Hall is deteriorated. With the World Cup and Olympics approaching, voters need to know: Do these leaders have the financial discipline and operational competence to manage a fourteen billion dollar city?”

Venice resident Dennis Hathaway, author of “An Octogenarian’s Journal,” said he thinks “these kinds of debates are pretty non-edifying.” And, as someone I wrote about two years ago regarding busted sidewalks in his neighborhood, he shared this lament about Thursday’s debate:

“No mention of broken sidewalks, potholed streets, other deteriorated infrastructure. To me, that’s a much more important subject than non-citizens voting in city elections.”

(Bass did say during the debate that there was a new infrastucture plan in place, and that’s a step in the right direction. But there was no discussion, and when you read the details, 2028 Olympics projects will be prioritized, and it’ll take years to figure out how to fund thousands of additional much-needed fixes.)

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The Coandas live not far from Hathaway, and their lives have been upended first by Barbara’s diagnosis and then by John getting laid off in February from his job as a data analyst. Barbara still teaches French via Zoom, and John is tending to her needs. They started a Gofundme campaign to help pay their bills.

With Barbara in a wheelchair, John contacted the city’s Safe Sidewalks L.A. program last fall, and I think it’s fair to say that name is somewhere between a misnomer and a bad joke.

The “program” responded by email on Halloween, appropriately enough, informing him that under the City Council-approved “Sidewalk Repair Program Prioritization and Scoring System,” his request for help merits only 15 points out of a possible 45.

“Currently,” he was informed, “the estimated wait time for completion of an Access Request with a score of 15 is in excess of 10 years.”

Happy Halloween.

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Over the years, responsibility for sidewalk repairs has shifted between the city and homeowners. There’s a rebate program available to people who repair their own sidewalks, but it’s capped at an amount that doesn’t always cover the costs. And ruptured pavement is keeping lots of lawyers busy with trip-and-fall lawsuits that cost the city millions each year.

Barbara Durieux Coanda and her husband, John Coanda, make their way down the ramp in front of their home in Mar Vista.

Barbara Durieux Coanda, who has ALS, and her husband, John Coanda, make their way down the ramp in front of their home in Mar Vista.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

Coanda told me he doesn’t have the funds at the moment to pay for repairs, and even if he did, there are several more sidewalk disaster zones on both sides of his street, so he’d still have to push his wife’s wheelchair in the street even if he fixed the cracks in front of his own house.

Barbara graciously said she thinks the city has other, higher priorities, but in November her husband contacted the office of Councilmember Traci Park, saying he was told that he would have to wait 10 years for repairs.

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“Sadly,” he wrote, “I don’t think my wife will live that long.”

A Park staffer wrote back, saying, “The turnaround time does sound realistic given the budgetary crisis the city finds itself in.” But, the staffer added, maybe the council member’s office could “help move the needle on this request.”

Coanda said he’s been too busy with his wife’s issues to follow up. But Pete Brown, Park’s communications director, told me Friday afternoon that the office is exploring ways to pay for fixes that don’t take 10 years, including the use of discretionary funds.

I don’t know how that might play out, but I do know that L.A. doesn’t need another debate like the last one.

We need a mayor and council members who refuse to accept that it takes 10 years to create safe passage for a wheelchair.

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In the national capital of broken sidewalks, we need concrete plans.

steve.lopez@latimes.com

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U.F.O. Files Released by U.S. Shed Light on What the Government Knows

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U.F.O. Files Released by U.S. Shed Light on What the Government Knows

Government drones, errant weather balloons, experimental spy planes, rocket launches and exhaust plumes are just some of the aerial phenomena that have generated U.F.O. sightings.

Whatever the source, there is no end to the public’s fascination with mysterious objects darting across the sky.

In recent years, the government has sought to disclose more of the information — including videos, historical documents and grainy images — that it has collected on what it calls unidentified anomalous phenomena. Congress has held hearings in its own search for answers.

On Friday, the Pentagon released what it called “new, never-before-seen” files related to unidentified flying objects on a webpage with fonts and graphics reminiscent of a 1990s sci-fi thriller.

President Trump described it as a promise fulfilled.

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“Whereas previous Administrations have failed to be transparent on this subject, with these new Documents and Videos, the people can decide for themselves, ‘WHAT THE HELL IS GOING ON?’” he wrote on Truth Social.

The Pentagon said more records would be released on a rolling basis.

Some of the initial files include documents from the 1960s space race between the United States and the Soviet Union, when both countries were pushing beyond Earth’s limits.

One of the documents — which has been previously cited in books — was a 1969 technical debriefing of Neil Armstrong, Buzz Aldrin and Michael Collins, the three American astronauts on the Apollo 11 moon mission.

In it, Mr. Aldrin recalls that when he was trying to sleep during the mission, “I observed what I thought were little flashes inside the cabin, spaced a couple of minutes apart.”

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Mr. Aldrin also recounts seeing “what appeared to be a fairly bright light source, which we tentatively ascribed to a possible laser.”

A 1963 government memorandum reflects concerns within the Kennedy administration that the United States was not preparing for the possibility, however remote, of humans encountering aliens.

In it, Maxwell W. Hunter II, a prominent aerospace engineer, warned that, without some planning, “our policy will be determined in the traditional manner of grand panic.”

Here’s a look at some key events in the recent push for information about U.F.O.s.

A New York Times report detailed strange aerial phenomena witnessed by Navy pilots, including flying objects that they said had no visible engines or infrared exhaust plumes, but could reach 30,000 feet and hypersonic speeds.

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The Office of the Director of National Intelligence released a report cataloging 143 unexplained aerial phenomena dating to 2004. The report did not draw conclusions or offer explanations for most of the events.

The Pentagon announced a new group to investigate reports of unidentified aerial phenomena in sensitive areas, work that would be overseen by both military and intelligence agencies.

Pentagon officials, testifying at the first congressional hearing on military reports of U.F.O.s in more than a half-century, showed a previously classified video of a reflective spherical object speeding past a military jet. It remains unexplained. Officials testified that the government had not collected material from any aliens.

NASA announced a new study of unidentified aerial phenomena. An agency official described it as “high-risk, high-impact kind of research” that could uncover some new scientific phenomenon — or nothing at all.

President Biden signed an $858 billion military spending bill that included a requirement for the Pentagon to review historical documents related to U.F.O.s dating to 1945. That was the year that, according to one account, a large, avocado-shaped object struck a communication tower in a patch of New Mexico desert now known as the Trinity Site, where the world’s first atomic bomb was detonated.

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NASA appointed its first director of research on unidentified anomalous phenomena. The position was recommended by an independent study team that called for the agency to play a bigger role in examining U.F.O.s.

A Pentagon report found no evidence that the government covered up knowledge of extraterrestrials and no evidence that any U.F.O. sightings actually were aliens visiting Earth. The 63-page report was a sweeping rebuttal to claims that the government had secretly harbored alien spacecraft or alien technology.

Former President Barack Obama tells a YouTuber that aliens are “real, but I haven’t seen them and they’re not being kept in Area 51.” The clip ricocheted across the internet, stirring wild speculation. Mr. Obama later clarified that he believed extraterrestrials likely exist in the universe, but “I saw no evidence during my presidency that extraterrestrials have made contact with us. Really!”

Mr. Trump directed his administration to begin releasing files related to aliens, extraterrestrial life and unidentified flying objects. He also attacked Mr. Obama for his comments about aliens in the YouTube interview, insisting he “gave classified information; he’s not supposed to be doing that.”

Days before the Trump administration released the latest files, Mr. Obama said in an interview with Stephen Colbert that the government was not hiding aliens. “For those of you who still think we’ve got little green men underground somewhere: One of the things you learn as president is the government is terrible at keeping secrets,” Mr. Obama said.

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