Louisiana
‘Point of no return’: New Orleans relocation must start now due to sea level, study finds
The process of relocating people from New Orleans should start immediately as the city has reached a “point of no return” that will see it surrounded by the ocean within decades due to the climate crisis, a stark new study has concluded.
Ongoing sea level rise and the rampant erosion of wetlands in southern Louisiana will swallow up the New Orleans area within a few generations, with the new paper estimating the city “may well be surrounded by the Gulf of Mexico before the end of this century”.
Low-lying southern Louisiana faces multiple threats, with rising sea levels driven by global heating, compounded by strengthening hurricanes, also a feature of the climate crisis, and the gradual subsidence of a coastline that has been carved apart by the oil and gas industry.
Southern Louisiana is facing 3-7 metres of sea level rise and the loss of three-quarters of its remaining coastal wetlands, which will cause the shoreline “to migrate as much as 100km (62 miles) inland”, thereby stranding New Orleans and Baton Rouge, according to the study, which compared today’s rising global temperatures with a period of similar heat 125,000 years ago that caused a rise in sea level.
This scenario makes the region the “most physically vulnerable coastal zone in the world”, the researchers state, and requires immediate action to prepare a smooth transition for people away from New Orleans, which has a population of about 360,000 people, to safer ground.
Louisiana has already experienced population loss in recent years, and this trend will accelerate in a disordered way, the paper warns, should no action be taken to confront the perils faced by its largest city and surrounding communities.
“While climate mitigation should remain the first step to prevent the worst outcomes, coastal Louisiana has evidently already crossed the point of no return,” added the perspectives paper, published in the Nature Sustainability journal. A perspectives paper is a scholarly article that provides an assessment, rather than new data.
Billions of dollars have been spent to fortify New Orleans with a vast network of levees, floodgates and pumps erected after 2005’s catastrophic Hurricane Katrina. But the growing threats to the city mean the levees, which already require hefty upgrades to remain sufficient, will not be able to save the city in the long run, the new paper warns.
“In paleo-climate terms, New Orleans is gone; the question is how long it has,” said Jesse Keenan, an expert in climate adaptation at Tulane University and one of the paper’s five co-authors.
“How long is not certain but it’s most likely decades rather than centuries. Even if you stopped climate change today, New Orleans’s days are still numbered. It will be surrounded by open water, and you can’t keep an island situated below sea level afloat. There’s no amount of money that can do that.”
City, state and federal leaders should begin work to help support people moving away from the New Orleans region in a coordinated way, starting with the most vulnerable communities, such as those in Plaquemines parish who live outside the levee system, Keenan said.
“New Orleans is in a terminal condition, and we need to be clear with the patient that it is terminal,” he said. “There is an opportunity for palliative care, we can transition people and the economy. We can get ahead of this.”
But, he added, “no politician wants to first give this terminal diagnosis. They will speak about it behind closed doors, but never in public.”
New Orleans faces obvious challenges – situated in a bowl-shaped basin below sea level, the city already has 99% of its population at major risk of severe flooding, the worst exposure of any US city according to a separate study released last week.
“Even compared to all other US cities, New Orleans really stands out, which is alarming,” said Wanyun Shao, a co-author of this study and a geographer at the University of Alabama.
“There is no specific timeline to how long New Orleans has left but we know it’s in big trouble. They are facing one of the highest sea level rises in the world and I don’t know how long human effort can fight against that tide. It’s like a timebomb.”
Shao said she concurred that relocation of people would have to take place. “I know it’s a politically and emotionally charged issue, there are people with a deep attachment to New Orleans,” she said. “But managed retreat, no matter how unappealing it may be, is the ultimate solution at some point.”
A major pressure upon this southern cultural hotspot is that its surrounding land is briskly receding. Since the 1930s, Louisiana has lost 2,000 sq miles of land to coastal erosion, equivalent to the size of Delaware, with a further 3,000 sq miles set to vanish over the next 50 years. The rate of land loss is so rapid that a football pitch-sized area is wiped out every 100 minutes.
To help counter this, Louisiana last decade settled upon a new sort of plan that eschewed building yet more flood defenses and instead sought to harness the Mississippi River’s natural ability to rebuild land. Levees and other infrastructure have, until now, straitjacketed the naturally meandering Mississippi and pushed the sediment it carries straight into the Gulf of Mexico, rather than replenish the coastal wetlands.
The so-called Mid-Barataria Sediment Diversion project, which broke ground in 2023, would help restore a more natural flow in the Mississippi Delta and allow sediment to build up in coastal areas where it has been lost. More than 20 sq miles of new land would be created over the next 50 years under the plan, the project estimated.
However, Jeff Landry, Louisiana’s Republican governor, scrapped the project last year, arguing its $3bn cost was too high and that it threatened the state’s fishing industry. “This level of spending is unsustainable,” Landry said at the time, adding that the project imperiled the livelihoods of “people who have sustained our state for generations”.
Proponents of the project, which was funded via a settlement from BP over the Deepwater Horizon disaster in 2010, decried the decision as disastrous for the state, pointing out fishing communities will need to move anyway because of worsening erosion.
Garret Graves, a Republican former Congressman who once led the state’s coastal restoration agency, said Landry was guilty of a “boneheaded decision” that will “result in one of the largest setbacks for our coast and the protection of our communities in decades”.
According to the new research paper, the loss of the sediment diversion plan “effectively means giving up on extensive portions of coastal Louisiana, including the New Orleans area”.
A legal bid to force oil and gas companies to pay for damage to Louisiana’s coastline, meanwhile, is also in doubt. This month, the US supreme court allowed the fossil fuel industry to federally contest a state jury decision that Chevron pay $740m to remedy harm caused to wetlands by dredging canals, drilling wells and dumping wastewater.
“The combination of these decisions is driving a scenario where the state has stopped trying to build land,” Keenan said. “That just accelerates the timeline. They could be buying time, but that option is foreclosed now, meaning it’s a certainty the New Orleans levees will fail again multiple times. The flood water will have nowhere else to go.”
While the US has never wholesale moved a major city before, numerous communities have relocated for economic reasons in the past, with some now being shifted due to the climate crisis, too. In Louisiana, the government could start planning and building appropriate infrastructure in safer areas on the other side of Lake Pontchartrain, the large estuary that sits to the north of New Orleans, Keenan said.
“This could be an opportunity for New Orleans to help migrate people further north, invest in long-term infrastructure and make that sustainable,” Keenan said.
“That exodus has already begun, so if nothing is done, people will just trickle out over time and it will be an uncoordinated mess. The market will speak as people won’t be able to get insurance. Louisiana has to stop the bleeding and acknowledge this is happening. But at the moment there is no plan.”
Timothy Dixon, an expert in coastal environments at the University of South Florida who was not involved in the new paper, said the study “does a nice job” of highlighting the challenge Louisiana faces with subsiding land combined with rising sea levels.
“New Orleans is not going to disappear in 10 years or anything like that, but policymakers really should’ve thought about a relocation plan a century ago,” said Dixon, whose own research has recommended a measured retreat from coastal Louisiana.
“Governments may not have the ability to just command people to leave, but people will volunteer to move and we are seeing that already. I’m not optimistic our political system is capable of dealing with this stuff, it will take leadership and unpopular decisions. Also, many people don’t want to move. They love where they are born.”
Landry’s office was contacted for comment but did not respond.
Louisiana
Latin Mass is back in the news. But some Louisiana Catholics wonder what’s all the fuss?
When Wesley Franatovich settles into a church pew for the Latin Mass at St. Patrick’s Church in New Orleans, he feels a sense of calm wash over him.
There’s ritual and mystery and choreography, and in that, Franatovich said, “there’s comfort.”
“And I think people are looking for a sense of comfort these days,” Franatovich, a 29-year-old New Orleans real estate agent and longtime Roman Catholic, said Mass at the church. “A lot of people are searching for things that ground them in a way — a lot of people see that in the Latin Mass.” There’s a reverence about it.”
Franatovich said a favorite moment comes when the congregation, together with the priest, sings the Nicene Creed in Latin: Credo in unum Deum …
“It’s powerful,” he said.
The Latin Mass has been in the news lately, following Pope Leo XIV’s escalated warnings to the Society of St. Pius X that its planned consecration of bishops without papal consent is a schismatic act. The group was formed in 1970 in opposition to the Roman Catholic Church reforms of the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s and largely broke with Rome in 1988.
One of the group’s hallmarks is its adherence to the Latin Mass.
But in south Louisiana, where the Latin Mass has enjoyed a growing following in recent years, and where the various dioceses have allowed it with some restrictions, the controversy surrounding the practice is muted.
“For those who are devotees, the traditional Mass is not a controversial thing,” said the Rev. Brent Maher, pastor of St. Agnes Catholic Church in Baton Rouge.
“Vatican II brought change,” he said. Many people appreciated it, he added, but some did not.
Maher said St. Agnes, which offers Latin Mass on Wednesday evenings and Sunday mornings and is the lone church in the Roman Catholic Diocese of Baton Rouge authorized to do so, often draws 250 people or more.
“We have a good mix of people, but a large number of them are young families,” Maher said.
Also called the Tridentine Mass, Latin Mass became increasingly rare following the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. Among the most notable differences between Latin Masses and contemporary Masses is that the priest spends much of his time with his back to the worshippers and, of course, most of the Mass is said in Latin.
Pope Francis reimposed restrictions in 2021, concerned that the growing use of Latin Mass might divide the Church.
Those restrictions spelled out when priests must use the vernacular, or the common language of the place where the Mass is being said, and allowed bishops to decide whether and where to have Latin Masses in their dioceses.
But many Catholics, particularly traditionalists, find comfort in the rituals, motions and language used in the Latin Mass.
“It’s important to recognize the complexity,” said Tom Ryan, chaplain of Loyola University in New Orleans, who is also a professor of theology and ministry. “The beauty is the Latin. There’s tradition in Latin. Latin can also be a unifying source.”
Ryan also said that residents of New Orleans and south Louisiana often hold tighter to traditions, religious traditions among them.
“I do think Catholicism here is a bit more traditional than other places,” he said.
On the other side, Ryan said, some might use the Latin Mass as a way to separate themselves from others in the church or to suggest that it somehow holds a deeper meaning. Also, he added, “the appeal can be limited. There’s only so many people who will do what it takes for the effort to understand it.”
Maher, meanwhile, said the theological issues between the Vatican and the Society of St. Pius X go much deeper than the Latin Mass. Ryan agreed and added that it’s likely a broader issue of power.
There are a few Society of St. Pius X-affiliated churches in the region, but efforts to contact them for comment were not successful.
An Archdiocese of New Orleans spokesperson, Sarah McDonald, said new Archbishop James Checchio has not issued any formal statements on the Latin Mass, which a small number of archdiocesan churches offer. The Latin Masses the archdiocese recognizes are not those affiliated with the Society of St. Pius X, McDonald noted.
Checchio was scheduled to attend a Latin Mass on Sunday at Our Lady of Mount Carmel near Covington.
‘Each little gesture’
Our Lady of Mount Carmel’s Latin Mass services have grown in popularity in recent years. The church’s pastor, the Rev. Damien Zablocki, was not available for comment for this story.
Inside St. Patrick’s, a Gothic-style church built on Camp Street in New Orleans in 1840 as a place for Irish immigrants to worship in splendor and designated a National Historic Landmark in 1975, snippets of the Rev. Garrett O’Brien’s Latin words floated over the pews early Wednesday morning.
Around 25 people attended. Most appeared to be middle-aged or older; many of the women wore chapel veils covering their hair. The weekday Masses are usually faster, with less singing, than the High Latin Mass offered on Sundays.
O’Brien declined to talk to a reporter following the Mass, saying that he thought any comments regarding the Latin Mass should come from the archdiocese.
Maher, 41, recalls the first time he attended a Latin Mass. The Denham Springs native was 20 at the time and in the seminary. He said he tagged along with a friend who asked him to help serve at the Mass.
“I walked out and said, ‘What in the world was that?’” he recalled. “It was very, very different.”
But he embraced it and now loves saying Latin Mass.
“Each little gesture has a value and a purpose and a meaning. There’s a lot of chanting — it’s part of the obligation,” he said. “And your Latin has to be up to snuff.”
Franatovich said it’s often easy to spot first-timers sitting in the pews of a Latin Mass.
“It’s so interesting to watch them,” he said, adding that the reactions are often a mix, with some seeming to enjoy it and others not so much.
It’s not for everyone, he says.
“You’re less focused on the words, and more on the actions and motions, I think,” Franatovich said.
This story includes reporting from The Associated Press.
Louisiana
U.S. citizen stopped in Lafayette, shackled, and detained in Louisiana ICE facility | The Lens
LAFAYETTE, LOUISIANA —
On Wednesday, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained a U.S.-born woman at a checkpoint in a residential area of Lafayette.
The young mother of four, who is Spanish-speaking, was already anxious as she approached the checkpoint that morning, because her baby daughter was spiking a high fever. At the agents’ request, she showed her ID and social security card. But they called it fake, and she was detained, handcuffed, shackled at the ankles, interrogated, and ultimately transported to South Louisiana ICE Processing Center in Basile. ICE held here there for about five hours, away from her sick child, and released the woman around 2 a.m. after a lawyer intervened on her behalf.
The woman asked that her name not be published for fear of retaliation against herself and her family.
Her ordeal began early Wednesday morning, as her 7-year-old daughter was waiting for the school bus, when she was alerted to the presence of ICE agents at the entrance to her apartment complex. She wasn’t worried for herself — she was born in Colorado — but she feared that ICE might stop her daughter, who is Mexican-American.
But when the mother approached the checkpoint on foot around 8 a.m., a deputy from the Lafayette Sheriff’s Office waved her over and demanded identification. She presented the deputies with her state-issued Louisiana ID and Social Security card, which she keeps on her at all times.
At first, she wasn’t worried. “I wasn’t hiding anything,” she explained through a translator. “I’m not doing anything illegal.”
But the deputies looked and insisted that both her ID and Social Security card were fake. They asked her where she was born. She answered their questions, but they soon called over ICE agents, who also accused her of providing a forged ID, she says.
“He said, ‘Who is making these IDs in numbers for you guys? Because I also have another one from another person, and it looks just like this. So they are fake. Yours is fake too.’”
When she tried to speak up and explain, they told her to stay silent.
(Photos supplied by neighbors)Detained and interrogated
For the next 20 minutes, she said, the agents had her wait. She saw them talking on the phone — she wasn’t sure if the call was about her — but they kept coming back saying the ID was forged.
Agents then detained her, put her into a white unmarked vehicle, and took her to what appears to be an unlisted U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) field office in Lafayette. While it is not listed on the USCIS website, two other Lafayette residents confirmed that ICE brings detained people to that office, and that it has government seals on its signage and framed photos of President Trump and Vice President JD Vance on the wall.
There, she was handcuffed and shackled at the ankles. Agents interrogated her, demanding that she name the person who “did these fake papers for you.”
The woman pleaded with them to contact authorities in Colorado to verify her Social Security card. She even provided additional paperwork from her phone, including tax documents for the IRS.
Her ordeal illustrates how ICE’s aggressive new policies and warrant-less arrests have led to what legal experts say are an alarming pattern of rights violations against both immigrants and U.S. citizens.
The woman was incorrectly assigned an Alien Registration number in 2022 when she entered the U.S. from Mexico and presented a Mexican ID at the border.
At the time, she was appointed a lawyer who told her that since she was a U.S. citizen, her immigration case would be dropped. Yet somehow, the case appears to have proceeded without her knowledge or involvement. An immigration judge in New Orleans issued a final order of removal in January 2024.
The Lens reviewed a copy of the woman’s ID and was able to quickly confirm its authenticity by entering her name and license number into the state’s official digital credential app, LA Wallet. The app brought up an image of the same ID with her photo, full name, and date of birth, and identifies the ID as valid.
The Lens has also reviewed a copy of the woman’s birth certificate, which lists the same full name and date of birth, and her place of birth in Colorado.
Accusations of forgery seem to have become part of the ICE playbook, especially with Latino people, as recounted by other U.S. citizens who have been detained. “They kept telling me I’m a criminal because I’m showing false papers, and that my penalty was going to be much higher because I’m hiding the person who created them,” the woman said.
That same day, one of the woman’s neighbors began working on her release. The neighbor, who also asked his name be withheld for safety reasons, had watched a sheriff’s bus and unmarked cars without plates begin setting up what appeared to be a checkpoint around 6 a.m. on Wednesday, he said. The checkpoint was at the only entrance to their apartment complex, where most residents are Black and Hispanic, he said.
Few residents wanted to drive through a law-enforcement checkpoint, he said. “People were scared to go to work.”
After hearing that the woman had been wrongly detained, the neighbor, who is also U.S.-born and Latino, sprang into action. He picked up the woman’s birth certificate from her distraught mother, who was “trying hard not to cry in front of her grandchildren,” he said.
He then made a copy of the birth certificate and brought that to the ICE office. But that still wasn’t enough for the agents. “They said, ‘Oh, we need the original copy…because this could be AI.’”
The neighbor tried to convince them, but stopped when an agent raised his voice in anger and said that they would not be releasing the woman.
Taken to Basile in shackles
After hours of questioning, ICE transported the shackled young mother to Basile, about an hour away, arriving around 6 p.m. She was processed and booked into the South Louisiana ICE Processing Center, which is operated by the private prison company GEO Group.
There she was put inside a shared detention area with people awaiting deportation. “I thought of my kids,” she said. “And my little five-month-old, because she had a high fever.” Before ICE took her, she’d wanted to take the baby to the doctor. Her mother, who was now watching the children, was frightened and would be unable to bring the baby to the hospital if the fever worsened.
“The whole time that I was there, I was just thinking about my kids and being afraid for my little one,” she said. While she was hopeful that she would be released soon, she knew some damage could never be undone. “If something were to happen to my five-month-old, they [ICE] wouldn’t be able to bring her back,” she said.
Immigration attorney Bridget Pranzatelli was able to secure the woman’s release by sending identification documents to ICE over email. Around 2 a.m., about 18 hours after she’d first encountered the deputies, the woman was released. ICE agents drove her back to Lafayette.
She never got an apology, nor an explanation. ICE kept her Social Security card. They also told her she cannot leave the state, she says. Though immigration courts have no jurisdiction over U.S. citizens, ICE officers gave her instructional documents, also reviewed by The Lens.
One form, labeled “Order of Supervision,” instructs her to report back to ICE in person next month. The other document is a letter about her release, saying that “ICE will continue to make efforts to obtain your travel document that will allow the United States government to carry out your removal.”
The woman plans to go to the ICE check-in accompanied by an immigration lawyer to clarify to the agency that she is in fact a U.S. citizen.
The ordeal suggests serious gaps in ICE’s ability or willingness to investigate people’s immigration status before arresting them, amid what has long been called a “detain first, investigate second” approach. “There is just no justification for a U.S. citizen to be in immigration customs enforcement detention,” Pranzatelli emphasized.
In jurisdictions like Lafayette with 287(g) agreements, “where the local law enforcement ends up getting deputized to do these federal immigration enforcement functions,” that risk of unjustified detentions is heightened, Pranzatelli said. “No one along that chain is doing the due diligence necessary to be sure this sort of thing doesn’t happen.”
More neighbor photos of roadblock, taken from safe distances.
The focus of the ICE roadblock seemed to be vehicles with out-of-state plates, neighbors said.Local law enforcement often lacks immigration expertise
Lafayette Parish Sheriff Mark Garber has praised his department’s partnership with ICE — specifically noting that it would help his deputies quickly determine a person’s immigration status. But there is little to back his claims that the partnership enhances public safety. Research instead shows that involving local law enforcement in federal immigration matters puts public safety at risk by making undocumented victims less likely to report crimes, for fear of being asked about their immigration status.
That should matter in Lafayette Parish, in the heart of Cajun country, which has become the fastest-growing place in the state thanks to both domestic and international migration, Census data shows. Lafayette’s growth makes it an outlier in Louisiana, which is grappling with severe population decline.
But in December, the Lafayette sheriff’s office entered a 287(g) agreement with ICE, which empowers deputies to detain individuals suspected of immigration infractions, even if they aren’t suspected of having committed a crime. Over the last year, sheriff’s offices across the state have signed agreements with ICE. Sheriff Garber opted to partner with ICE under the “warrant service officer and task force models,” a particularly aggressive form of the partnership, which allows specially trained deputies to arrest people suspected of immigration offenses, according to The Current, an online newsroom in Lafayette.
The task force program has been criticized for encouraging racial profiling. The 287(g) agreement has faced significant pushback from religious and civil rights leaders and sparked protests in Lafayette.
The task force program is what allowed sheriff’s deputies to work alongside ICE agents to create the checkpoint that resulted in the woman’s arrest.
When reached for comment Friday, Staff Sgt. Chris Cormier of the Lafayette Parish Sheriff’s Office confirmed that the “interaction” took place. But he incorrectly maintained that the woman’s ID was fake. Some of his claims about other key details were also inconsistent with The Lens’ findings.
“She approached our deputies with her phony ID,” Cormier said. “She approached us, okay? She approached us. She had a fake ID.” When asked how deputies made that determination, he said that “our databases will tell us that it’s fake or not.”
When asked why deputies then handed her over to ICE, Cormier said it was “because she couldn’t prove her citizenship.” He claimed that “a lot of people a lot of times have forged IDs, and they try to bamboozle us.” Since Lafayette is a college town that presumably sees its share of underage drinking, The Lens asked whether it was standard practice to transfer all people with suspected fake IDs into ICE custody.
“On occasion we can do that, and have,” Cormier said.
The office’s new federal partnership with ICE made the woman’s detention possible, he said. “That’s part of what the 287(g) program allows, is when you can’t determine someone’s citizenship, we can contact ICE and they can further investigate.” ICE should have determined the woman’s citizenship status before detaining her in a facility, he said.
Despite the woman’s release and proof of life-long citizenship, Cormier seemed to maintain, incorrectly, that she was deportable. “If I’m not mistaken, she was already deported a time before,” he told The Lens.
This is untrue. U.S. citizens cannot be legally deported.
Deputies go through an online training put on by the Office of Homeland Security to take part in the task force partnership with ICE, Cormier said. ICE did not respond to a media inquiry about the situation by press time.
The woman plans to pursue a lawsuit against the Sheriff’s Office and ICE. “My kids have trauma,” she said.
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Louisiana
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(The Center Square) — Legislation designed to shield Louisiana companies from climate change litigation is moving toward final passage in the State Legislature, but an amendment added just before a Senate committee vote fundamentally altered the bill’s scope.
The “Louisiana Energy Protection Act,” or House Bill 804, authored by Rep. Brett Geymann, R-Lake Charles, was aimed in its original form at granting Louisiana companies sweeping, retroactive immunity against lawsuits seeking damages from climate change.
The last-minute amendment adopted by the Senate Natural Resources Committee on Tuesday added a grandfathering clause to the legislation that exempts all lawsuits filed before the bill becomes law.
Victor Marcello, a partner at Talbot, Carmouche & Marcello, which represents clients in several coastal erosion lawsuits, reviewed the newly filed amendment on his cell phone just before testifying.
Even with the amendment, Marcello maintained that the Louisiana Energy Protection Act remains “a solution in search of a problem.” He said that most climate-related lawsuits filed nationwide are actually cases accusing oil companies of misleading the public about environmental impacts.
“No one in this state has made such a claim, and I doubt anyone in this state, city, or parish will ever make such a claim,” Marcello said at the hearing. He contended the legal definitions in the bill are overly broad, and he said this could accidentally allow corporate legal defense teams in Louisiana to dodge liability for routine, localized land contamination and pollution lawsuits.
Geymann, chair of the House Committee on Natural Resources and Environment, said in previous testimony that Louisiana is not acting alone, noting Oklahoma and Utah already have adopted legislation or are currently considering similar legal prohibitions.
“The purpose is to prevent lawsuits against fossil fuel companies, against people, against businesses, against government agencies, against nonprofits, for a claim for damages related to climate change,” Geymann said at a committee meeting last week.
Geymann said the bill is focused on the nature of the claim rather than the defendant, which could prevent ordinary Louisianans from being targeted.
“If you were a landowner and you had a lease with an oil company for a pipeline or a well, and that company was sued… you too could be swept up in that,” Geymann said.
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