Colorado
Trump’s immigration crackdown in Colorado, explained in 3 charts
Federal immigration agents arrested three times more people in Colorado per day on average last year compared with 2024, marking an aggressive shift in enforcement under President Donald Trump, according to new data.
About 12 people each day were taken to federal detention facilities in 2025, up from four in 2024. Even without high-profile enforcement surges like those seen in Illinois, Minnesota, New York and California, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers arrested about 4,160 people in Colorado in 2025, an increase of 281% compared with 1,091 total people arrested in 2024. Arrests in Colorado reached their highest level in April 2025 and have since fallen slightly.
From Jan. 1 to March 10, ICE arrested about 12 people per day in Colorado, demonstrating that last year’s pace continues.
The surge in arrests as well as reports from groups that aid immigrants and track detentions show a heightened focus by ICE to not just arrest more people, but more immigrants living in Colorado. While Trump vowed to target people with criminal records, data obtained by the Sun shows that most people arrested in Colorado last year have never been convicted of a crime.
About 65% of the people arrested by ICE officers so far under Trump had no prior criminal convictions. And among those with criminal convictions, only 5% of those convictions were for what the Federal Bureau of Investigation designates as violent crimes (murder, nonnegligent manslaughter, rape, robbery and aggravated assault).
Of those arrested with criminal convictions, the most common convictions are for driving under the influence, assault, and traffic offenses.
That’s despite Trump’s campaign promise to target immigrants who are violent criminals.
The data, obtained from ICE and published by the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law’s Deportation Data Project, illustrates the dragnet approach to arrests in Colorado during the first year of Trump’s presidency and the new landscape that immigrants in Colorado have been navigating. The Colorado Sun has been reporting on the data as it becomes available.
George Valdez, acting director of ICE’s Denver field office, declined to comment through a spokesperson. In a statement, the agency told the Sun “the Deportation Data Project is not accurate,” but did not cite any specific issues. The Sun provided ICE more than a week to review our findings, which relied on data obtained directly from ICE by the Deportation Data Project through the Freedom of Information Act.
ICE agents have arrested people driving to work and at their jobs, at their homes, driving to school and leaving state and immigration courts.
Many have lived in Colorado for years and have deep ties to the community through family, friends and their jobs, according to advocates.
Andrea Loya, executive director of Casa de Paz, helps families of people who are detained at the ICE detention facility in Aurora.
Far fewer people are being released from the facility, Loya said, and more of those who are released now are Colorado residents, a shift that highlights ICE’s heightened focus on locals. In 2024, Casa de Paz helped 2,087 people released from the facility, most of whom were arrested in other states and brought to Aurora to be processed, Loya said. In 2025, Casa de Paz helped 610 people released from the facility, about 40% of whom lived in Colorado.
In March 2025, Loya saw young children waiting to visit family members detained at the ICE detention center in Aurora for the first time.
“Before it was only volunteers,” she said. “We were seeing so many kids, babies through teenagers, moms, dads, grandmas. That immediately told us it’s local folks who are being detained. We have shifted everything.”
ICE has made it more difficult for people released from detention to fly to other states, Loya said, complicating Casa de Paz’s efforts to assist people.
ICE will often take away a person’s driver’s license while they are in detention, Loya said, and it can take them a while to get their license back. ICE gives people released from detention paperwork showing they have recently been released that used to be sufficient to pass airport security, Loya said, but recently security officers have been confused about who can fly and who can’t. While Casa de Paz used to help people with plane tickets, they are now often resorting to long distance bus tickets, Loya said.
“There is this idea that there’s not a lot of ICE activity here because it doesn’t look visually like the other states,” Loya said. “It for sure is happening here.”
Hans Meyer, a Denver-based immigration attorney, said his typical client profile has shifted from someone who has a criminal history and has not lived in the U.S. for very long to “people who have lived in the country for long periods of time and virtually no criminal history with deep community and family connections.”
Meyer is suing ICE in federal court to limit how the agency can use warrantless arrests. In November, the court sided with Meyer and granted a preliminary injunction in the case, but Meyer and lawyers for the American Civil Liberties Union and another Denver law firm allege ICE officers are violating the injunction by continuing to arrest people without first verifying they are undocumented and a flight risk.
ICE arrested one of Meyer’s clients, Dionisio Castillo, 53, at his construction job site in January without asking him questions about his background. Had they asked, they would have known he has lived undocumented in the U.S. for 30 years, has three U.S. citizen children and no criminal history. He spent 48 days at the ICE detention facility in Aurora. His family had to pay a $2,500 bond for his release.
“I was standing next to my truck and I turned to the right and I saw that the officers were walking toward me,” Castillo told the judge through an interpreter at a hearing last month. “They handcuffed me with my hands behind my back.”
Training hours for ICE officers at the Denver field office have been cut over the last year, according to Gregory Davies, the assistant field office director, and the office has hired dozens of new officers recently.
Meyer is hopeful the federal judge in the warrantless arrest case will continue to hold ICE accountable.
“The entire country, including the federal courts, are painfully aware that ICE is a pariah law enforcement agency and has lost all veneer of legitimacy,” he said.
Jordan Garcia, the program director for the American Friends Service Committee’s Colorado Immigrant Rights Program, said people are doing a lot more planning for themselves and their families, including putting another person on the title of the car, on the list to pick up the kids from school or day care, just in case they get arrested. More people are participating in workshops to learn about their rights and how best to protect themselves, Garcia said.
“We’ll continue to do the best we can,” he said. “People are trying to be cautious but they’re also trying to protect each other and be good stewards of the community.”
Colorado
Colorado needs a sane, viable opposition party
Colorado
Coworking firm Industrious takes former WeWork space in Denver
Industrious, a national coworking brand, is opening a new location in LoHi.
The company has snapped up 25,000 square feet at The Lab building at 2420 17th St., just off Platte Street. Industrious has an existing LoHi location just up the road at 2128 W. 32nd Ave.
“They are going to draw from different populations. … No doubt they’re close to each other, but [this is a] different product type, just in terms of build-out,” said Peri Demestihas, an Industrious executive.
Demestihas said the current LoHi location has been full for two years, which indicates demand for more space. That existing spot is more for established businesses with a greater emphasis on private offices. The new location will be geared more toward smaller companies and the solo entrepreneur.
In total, there will be 379 dedicated “office seats” and 18 “access seats,” which can be used by anyone.
Industrious has a conservative mindset when it comes to growth, Demestihas said. The company also operates in Upper Downtown and by I-25 and Colorado Blvd.
“These are the submarkets we like and if we can find the right building and we can get the right structure, … without those things, we’re not going to go to those submarkets. It’s got to suit our members.”
The new location off Platte Street will open in July. The build-out won’t be too intensive. The space was last occupied by WeWork, a coworking business that shuttered there in 2023 and filed for bankruptcy later that year.
Industrious isn’t signing a traditional lease for the space. Instead, it opts to do a revenue sharing agreement with the landlord. The business was acquired by CBRE in 2025 for $400 million.
Demestihas acknowledged the other competition in the area, like Switchyards, which recently opened a neighborhood work club near Industrious’ existing LoHi location.
“It’s serving a different customer base that’s looking for a different thing, which is great, and it shows you that there’s demand across the entire segment,” he said.
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Colorado
Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News
The western stretch of the Arkansas River, which flows from its headwaters in the Rocky Mountains across the plains of southeastern Colorado, is in trouble. That trouble is compounded by uncertainty about what, exactly, is polluting and drying the river, and how such problems can be fixed.
Overshadowed by the ongoing political brawl over the Colorado River, the Arkansas River Valley rarely appears in national news. But since Dec. 30, when President Donald Trump vetoed a bipartisan bill that would have secured favorable terms for funding to complete a $1.39 billion, 130-mile water pipeline, the region has become the stage for yet more drama about water in the Western U.S.
The Arkansas Valley Conduit is part of a decades-long effort to replace the dwindling, contaminated water in this stretch of the Arkansas Valley with clean water from Colorado’s Western Slope and the Pueblo Reservoir. If completed, it will supply water to roughly 50,000 valley residents, many of whom can no longer count on municipal supplies for safe drinking water.
Pundits portrayed Trump’s veto as retaliation against Colorado politicians: Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert, who helped force the November vote for the release of the Epstein files, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, who has resisted pressure to pardon Tina Peters, a county clerk in western Colorado convicted of tampering with voting machines during the 2020 election. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper, both Democrats, condemned the administration for “putting personal and political grievances ahead of Americans.” The Salida-based Ark Valley Voice declared a “Reign of Retribution Punishing Deep Red Southeastern Colorado.” The New York Times, emphasizing the same irony, observed that “A Trump Veto Leaves Republicans in Colorado Parched and Bewildered.”
For those managing the project, the veto is a setback but not a showstopper. The first dozen miles of the conduit have already been completed, and enough capital is on hand for at least three more years of construction. “Some (coverage) has been saying it’s the end of the project, which is totally false,” said Chris Woodka, senior policy and issues manager of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District. “It’s still being built; the veto was not for any reason that had anything to do with the project, and we’re working in every way we can to make this affordable.”
For valley residents, the issue is personal. This rural region is more culturally aligned with western Kansas than with Front Range cities. Like people throughout the Great Plains, the local residents are grappling with eroding social services and the rising cost of living. The scarcity of safe water magnifies uncertainty. “If you don’t have clean water,” said Jack Goble, general manager of the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District and a sixth-generation rancher, “you really don’t have anything.”

“HOW EASY IT IS,” wrote William Mills in his 1988 book The Arkansas, “to take a river for granted.”
The Arkansas Valley of Colorado is the ancestral homelands of the Plains Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples. A geographical corridor across the Southern Plains, it was a route for incursions and ethnic cleansing by non-Native fur trappers, traders, military expeditions, hide hunters, railroad developers and settlers. Those settlers include my ancestors; I grew up in southwest Kansas, where generations of my family farmed and ranched along the dry Cimarron River. The Arkansas Valley, with its dwindling water and flatlands, feels like home.
By 1900, settlers had diverted the Arkansas into a maze of ditches. Irrigation and migrant labor supported sugar beet factories, vegetable cultivation and Rocky Ford’s famous melons. Such practices remade the riverbed, increased salinity, and reduced flow. As with the Colorado River, water rights were assigned partly on wishful thinking. Today, the Arkansas Valley is one of the region’s most over-appropriated basins, and the river’s annual flow has dramatically declined. A short distance past the Kansas line, the river is entirely dry.
The Arkansas is being drained in new ways. Climate change and a record-breaking snow drought are intensifying the scarcity. Over the last half-century, growing Front Range cities have purchased water rights from farmers in the valley. Exchange agreements allow cities to swap these rights for ones farther upstream, leaving the downstream flow diminished and dirtier. Between 1978 and 2022, nearly 44% of the irrigated farmland in the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District was taken out of production.
Critics call it “buy-and-dry.” They say the removal of water has disastrous consequences for an agricultural region. “If you take all of that water out of an economy that completely depends on it,” Goble said, “it just breaks a community.” Faced with the prospect of litigation from local water districts, cities like Aurora claim to be developing more sustainable arrangements.
“If you don’t have clean water, you really don’t have anything.”
THE ARKANSAS’ WATER is changing, too. The river is diverted into dozens of canals and fields. What doesn’t evaporate or get absorbed returns as runoff or sinks through the alluvial gravels that connect to the riverbed. Each time a drop of water returns, it carries more dissolved minerals. As the river’s volume lessens, the concentration increases in what is left. By the time the river reaches the Kansas border, the water regularly contains 4,000 milligrams or more per liter — making it about eight times saltier than a typical sports drink and unsuitable for growing many crops.
Minerals are not the only problem. The river basin and alluvial gravels are also contaminated with radium and uranium. Last year, a study by the Colorado Geological Survey found that the levels of radioactivity in more than 60% of the private wells sampled in the valley exceeded federal standards.
The radionuclides are called “naturally occurring.” But natural uranium usually stays locked in rock. In the valley, irrigated agriculture sets it into motion. Uranium is mobilized by complex interactions between oxygen, sediments, water, microbes and nitrate. Nitrate is a common fertilizer. One study found that valley farmers had over-applied it for decades. This pulls out radionuclides, turns them loose, and flushes them into the river’s shallow aquifer. Levels rise as the river moves east through agricultural lands.
Contamination is not news in the valley. People have worked on cooperative solutions for decades. To meet safe water standards while the conduit is under construction, the towns of La Junta and Las Animas installed filtration systems. But cleaning the water creates hyper-contaminated wastewater, which is currently diluted and poured back into the river. “The only true solution,” said Bill Long, president of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District board, “is a new source.”

THE CONDUIT WOULD PROVIDE safe water to a region too often disregarded. But the project also raises questions about what can truly be bypassed and what cannot, and about the fate of the river itself.
Near Cañon City, upstream from the conduit, the Lincoln Park/Cotter Superfund site contains a former uranium mill, millions of tons of radioactive waste, coal mineworks and tailing ponds. The site sits less than two miles from the Arkansas River. It is known to be contaminated with the same compounds — radionuclides, selenium, sulfates — that affect communities downstream.
Local residents have worked for decades to raise awareness and hold a revolving cast of agencies, regulators and owners accountable for the pollution. “It has taken us a lifetime,” said Jeri Fry, co-chair of Colorado Citizens Against Toxic Waste. “As the years have gone by, we have been the ones holding the memory.”
“The only true solution is a new source.”
Without memory, they say, contamination is normalized as background, treated as an isolated issue, or denied. “We’ve been stonewalled on many of our legitimate concerns,” said Carol Dunn, vice-chairperson of the Lincoln Park/Cotter Community Advisory Group. She believes state regulators avoid testing for fear of uncovering inconvenient facts.
The most inconvenient would suggest connections between contamination in the valley and industrial pollution upstream, which affects not only Cañon City but the communities of Leadville, Pueblo and Fountain Creek. For Fry, all of the known and unknown pressures on the river point to the same fundamental problem. “We are not treating our water as though it is a sacred thing,” she said. “And it is. It’s got to be.”

We welcome reader letters. Email High Country News at editor@hcn.org or submit a letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy.
This article appeared in the May 2026 print edition of the magazine with the headline “The absence of clean water.”
This story is part of High Country News’ Conservation Beyond Boundaries project, which is supported by the BAND Foundation and the Mighty Arrow Family Foundation.
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