Science
The FDA knew long ago that red dye No. 3 causes cancer. Why did it take so long to ban it?
The Food and Drug Administration said Wednesday that the much-maligned red dye No. 3 will be banned in the United States because it has been shown to cause cancer in animals.
The decision, lauded by consumer advocacy groups, comes a full 25 years after scientists at the agency determined that rats fed large amounts of the artificial color additive were much more likely to develop malignant thyroid tumors than rats who weren’t given the food coloring. They also had an increased incidence of benign tumors and growths that can be precursors to cancer.
Those findings prompted the FDA to declare in 1990 that red dye No. 3 could not be used in cosmetics or drugs applied to the skin. The reason for the decision was clear: A federal law known as the Delaney clause says no color additive can be considered safe if it has been shown to cause cancer in animals or people.
Yet the dye remained a legal food coloring. It’s in the bright red cherries that dress up a bowl of Del Monte’s fruit cocktail. It makes Nesquik’s strawberry milk a pleasing shade of pink. It also colors beef jerky, fruit rolls, candy, ice cream and scores of other processed products.
Now food makers will have two years to reformulate their products without red dye No. 3. Drug companies have three years to remove it from their medicines.
The FDA does not seem to be bothered by the fact that this cancer-causing chemical will linger in the food supply. The agency’s view is that the biological process through which the dye causes cancer in rats doesn’t occur in people.
“We don’t believe there is a risk to humans,” Jim Jones, the FDA’s deputy commissioner for human foods, told members of Congress last month.
In announcing the ban, the agency added that people consume red dye No. 3 at levels far lower than those shown to cause cancer in two studies of rats. A host of other studies in both animals and humans did not show the dye to be cancerous.
Nonetheless, regulators revoked authorization of red dye No. 3 to satisfy a petition demanding that the Delaney clause be enforced.
Starburst-flavored Fruit by the Foot, which contains red dye No. 3. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
“Regardless of the truth behind their argument, it doesn’t matter,” said Jensen N. Jose, regulatory counsel for food chemical safety at the Center for Science in the Public Interest, which spearheaded the effort. “Once it’s established that it causes cancer, FDA must prohibit the chemical by law.”
This wasn’t the first case of the FDA banning a food additive it considers safe to comply with the Delaney clause. The situation shows why the federal law is long overdue for a refresh, food safety experts say.
“A lot of people think we need to reform this,” said Diana Winters, deputy director of the Resnick Center for Food Law and Policy at UCLA Law. “It does lead to some absurd results.”
The Delaney clause is part of a 1958 federal law that expanded the FDA’s regulatory authority over newfangled food additives developed during World War II that were making their way into consumer products, Winters said.
Back then, members of Congress were worried about the cancer risks posed by all sorts of man-made compounds. Even small amounts seemed capable of triggering cancerous growths if people encountered them over and over again.
Arthur Flemming, who served as President Eisenhower’s Cabinet secretary for health and welfare, told Congress at the time there was no way for FDA regulators to know whether any exposure level was low enough to be truly safe. Considering the many cancer risks lurking in the environment, he said, the government should “do everything possible to put persons in a position where they will not unnecessarily be adding residues of carcinogens to their diet.”
The issue was personal for Rep. James Delaney, a Democrat from New York City whose wife was undergoing cancer treatment at the time. He made sure the new law included a zero-tolerance provision for cancer-causing substances, though it said nothing about additives that might cause other kinds of health problems.
“No additive shall be deemed to be safe if it is found to induce cancer when ingested by man or animal, or if it is found, after tests which are appropriate for the evaluation of the safety of food additives, to induce cancer in man or animal,” the Delaney clause states. A 1960 amendment governing color additives extended the rule to dyes.
As the years went by, advances in toxicology allowed scientists to expand the list of known cancerous compounds, and to identify them in ever-smaller amounts. Regulators were no longer as clueless as they’d been in Flemming’s day.
In 1986, the FDA tried to take that progress into account as it evaluated the safety of two color additives — orange dye No. 17 and red dye No. 19 — for use in lipsticks, nail polishes, face powders and other cosmetics. The agency acknowledged that both dyes were capable of inducing cancer in laboratory animals. But it argued that the regulatory decision should be guided not by a literal interpretation of an aging law but by the real-world risks to people.
When those color additives were used as intended, those risks were vanishingly small: A panel of scientists from the U.S. Public Health Service determined the lifetime cancer risk posed by the red dye was 1 in 9 million at worst; for the orange dye, it was 1 in 19 billion. In both cases, the possibility of developing cancer was “so trivial as to be effectively no risk,” the panel concluded.
A federal appeals court agreed that the dyes seemed to be safe. In fact, the risks they posed were millions of times lower than the risks of smoking, the judges wrote.
Moreover, the judges noted, forbidding the use of chemicals that carry a minute risk of cancer might prompt manufacturers to use compounds that are more toxic, albeit in noncancerous ways. Substitutions like these would be “a clear loss for safety,” they wrote.
But none of that matters, the court ruled: If a dye or any other chemical is found to cause cancer in animals, the FDA’s only option under the Delaney clause was to forbid its use.
Nestle Nesquik strawberry milk, containing red dye No. 3. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
Regulators found themselves in a more absurd situation in 2018 when they were asked to revoke their authorization of a flavoring additive called myrcene.
When the synthetic compound was force-fed to rats at doses of 1 gram per kilogram of body weight for two years, the animals developed kidney cancer and other forms of renal disease. Female mice fed under the same conditions developed liver cancer as well, the FDA said.
But the amount of artificial myrcene consumed by a typical American is 813,000 times lower — around 1.23 micrograms per kilogram of body weight, the agency said.
Moreover, myrcene is a natural component of mangoes, citrus juices, cardamom, and herbs including basil, parsley and wild thyme. The amount of natural myrcene in the food supply is about 16,5000 times greater than its synthetic counterpart, the agency added.
Still, the FDA declared the additive unsafe “as a matter of law” while assuring the public that no one’s health was actually at risk when synthetic myrcene was on the market. It blamed the Delaney clause for the confusion.
In 2020, a group of food industry scientists said the problem goes well beyond confusion. Revoking approval for artificial myrcene “has contributed to the ongoing erosion of trust in regulatory agencies,” they argued in the journal Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology. Such decisions promote an irrational fear of chemicals and cause consumers to lose faith in the safety of the U.S. food supply, they wrote.
Red dye No. 3 was approved for use in U.S. food in 1907, when it was known as erythrosine. It won permanent listing as an authorized color additive for foods, supplements and ingested drugs under the name FD&C Red No. 3 in 1969.
Soon after that decision, an industry group called the Toilet Goods Assn. petitioned the FDA to upgrade the dye’s listing for cosmetics and topical drugs from provisional to permanent. The request triggered additional tests in the 1970s and ‘80s, including two long-term feeding studies in rats.
Beginning before birth and for their entire lives, the animals were put on diets that included the red dye at concentrations of 0.1%, 0.5%, 1% or 4%. Compared to male rats that didn’t consume any dye, male rats that ate the most had a significantly higher incidence of tumors — both malignant and benign — as well as abnormal cell growth in the thyroid. No other group had an increased incidence large enough to be considered statistically significant. Among female rats, the incidence of benign tumors was elevated for those on the 1% diet, though not for rats on the 4% diet, as would be expected if the dye were the cause of cancer in these animals.
After consulting with scientists from the National Toxicology Program and the U.S. Public Health Service, the FDA concluded that red dye No. 3 could cause cancer in animals. In 1990, the agency denied the industry group’s request for permanent listing.
That decision applied only to cosmetics and topical drugs, and had no immediate bearing on food products sold in the U.S. At that point, the dye had been permanently listed as an approved food additive for decades. Nothing in those rat studies indicated to the agency that its designation needed to change.
Over the years, the dye has been tested in mice, rats, gerbils, pigs, beagles and humans. An extensive review conducted by the World Health Organization and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations found “no concerns” about the dye’s ability to trigger cancer, impair fertility or cause developmental problems in people of all ages when consumed in realistic doses.
“Claims that the use of FD&C Red No. 3 in food and in ingested drugs puts people at risk are not supported by the available scientific information,” the agency said Wednesday.
Pitting the Delaney clause’s strict legal requirements against advances in cancer research has been a longstanding challenge for the agency, officials said.
“When we ban something, it will go to court,” Dr. Robert Califf, the FDA’s commissioner, told the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions committee last month. “And if we don’t have the scientific evidence that will stand up in court, we will lose in court.”
The elaborate regulatory process for removing an additive from the food supply can certainly result in litigation, said Emily Broad Leib, director of the Center for Health Law and Policy Innovation at Harvard Law School.
“The Delaney clause probably works a lot better at the outset if you’re trying to add a new substance to food,” she said. “Once things are in food, it takes a really long time to remove it.”
The way some people see it, the problem with the Delaney clause isn’t that it forces the FDA to ban food additives that don’t pose a true cancer threat. It’s that the law doesn’t address all the other ways the foods we eat can be hazardous to our health.
“There’s a lot of things in foods naturally that cause cancer, and the Delaney clause doesn’t cover that,” said Alyson Mitchell, a food scientist at UC Davis. “It also does not speak to anything regarding other illnesses, whether it’s kidney dysfunction or ADHD or mental health issues or endocrine imbalances.”
The General Accounting Office (now known as the U.S. Government Accountability Office) raised this issue back in 1981, when it advised Congress to update the Delaney clause to reflect the latest scientific and medical knowledge. It would make sense for the law to apply “ equally to cancer-causing and non-cancer-causing substances,” the GAO said.
Other items that contain red dye No. 3: Del Monte fruit cocktail, Signature Select Jordan almonds, Betty Crocker Suddenly! pasta salad, and Jack Links beef stick and cheese. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
California has banned all uses of red dye No. 3 in the Golden State, and prohibited the use of six other dyes in foods served or sold in schools. Scientists who examined the dyes for the California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment determined that “the behavioral factors are more of a concern” than the cancer risk, said Asa Bradman, an expert on exposure assessment and epidemiology at UC Merced and co-author of the comprehensive state report.
The FDA has studied the behavioral risks of color additives and hasn’t found “a clear and causal link,” an FDA spokesperson told The Times. Studies suggest some children with behavioral challenges like ADHD appear to be sensitive to food dyes, and that genetic variants affecting the body’s ability to break down histamine are a likely cause. In the FDA’s view, that doesn’t mean the dyes themselves are “neurotoxic,” the spokesperson said.
If there was convincing evidence that an artificial dye failed to meet FDA’s safety standards, the agency would take action whether the health threats were covered by the Delaney clause or not, the spokesperson added.
Mitchell, who worked on the California report with Bradman, said that because manufacturers have been phasing out red dye No. 3 for more than a decade, it’s not a significant concern for her. She’s more worried about the hyperactivity risk posed by red dye No. 40 because it’s ubiquitous in processed foods, especially those consumed by children.
“I’m grateful for the Delaney clause because I do think it’s been very helpful in trying to protect our food,” Mitchell said. “But it doesn’t go far enough. So much of this needs to be revisited.”
Science
Monterey Bay Aquarium Director Julie Packard to Retire
Julie Packard, the marine biologist who has presided over the Monterey Bay Aquarium since it opened in 1984 and shepherded it through the Covid pandemic, announced her retirement as executive director on Wednesday. Ms. Packard has helped repurpose the thick-glassed fish museums of old into potent forces for ocean conservation action.
Built with a $55 million donation by her parents, David and Lucile Packard of the tech giant Hewlett-Packard, the aquarium has received tens of millions of visitors. Sightseers at the aquarium, a Northern California institution, have taken in a number of world firsts: the successful exhibition and release of great white sharks; the reintroduction of orphaned Southern sea otter pups to the wild; and the large-scale display of creatures such as salmon snailfish and vampire squid, found far below the reach of sunlight in a region known as the midnight zone.
At a time when rising ocean temperatures are altering water chemistry, changing fish migration patterns and making marine life more susceptible to the effects of overfishing, Ms. Packard’s staff has demonstrated how to restore ocean health by reducing plastic pollution and raising awareness of environmentally sustainable seafood. The aquarium’s partner organization, the Monterey Bay Aquarium Research Institute, has developed and deployed robotic submersibles that are transforming how scientists explore the ocean.
A tall, gracious, casually elegant woman who wears her scholarship lightly, Ms. Packard has run the aquarium in a low-key, pragmatic way. “Like my father,” she said. This conversation has been condensed and edited for clarity.
Why are you retiring now?
Well, I’m not exactly retiring. I’m transitioning to a leadership role on the board of trustees. I decided that it’s a great time to hand over the reins to our next generation of leaders. We have a great team and are in a really good financial position.
What do you think you’ll miss most?
The day-to-day interactions with the scientists. Fortunately, as a board member, I’ll still run into people in the hallways who have just figured out how to breed some obscure animal that no one’s ever seen before. I love collaborating with passionate people who are really fired up about what they’re doing as much as I love seeing a child’s eyes light up at the sight of a giant sea bass or a bloodybelly comb jelly. Both give me great joy.
Your program of free admission to school groups has brought in millions of students. Are many of the children you encounter disappointed to learn that sponges don’t wear white shirts, red ties and brown, square pants?
SpongeBob! My own kids were part of the “Little Mermaid” generation, so I can’t say that I know the messaging associated with him. But I think he’s a cool guy.
He lives in a pineapple under the sea.
OK, well, scientifically, that is problematic. It doesn’t happen.
Science
Choice for Energy Secretary Has Been an Evangelist for Fossil Fuels
Chris Wright, Donald J. Trump’s pick to lead the Department of Energy, landed the job during his first encounter with the past and future president.
The founder and chief executive of Liberty Energy, a fracking services company based in Colorado, Mr. Wright was among about 20 oil and gas executives whom Mr. Trump gathered at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida in April. Mr. Wright had not met Mr. Trump before but caught his attention by making what two people in the room described as a forceful case for fossil fuels.
“Want to be my energy secretary?” Mr. Trump asked, seemingly in jest, according to those present. Days after the election, though, Mr. Trump chose Mr. Wright to lead the agency.
On Wednesday, Mr. Wright will appear before the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee. It will be the first of three confirmation hearings this week for Mr. Trump’s picks to run the agencies at the center of his plan to increase the production and use of coal, oil and gas.
Mr. Wright has been an evangelist for that cause. On podcasts and in speeches, he frequently makes a moral case for fossil fuels, arguing that the world’s poorest people need oil and gas to realize the benefits of modern life.
He also has distorted climate science, researchers and activists said. For example, Mr. Wright inaccurately claimed on a podcast last year that a top United Nations scientific body had found that climate change “is a slow-moving, modest impact two or three generations from now.”
In fact the scientific body, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, has recommended that nations make an immediate and drastic shift away from fossil fuels to prevent the planet from crossing a critical global warming threshold.
Meg Bloomgren, a spokeswoman for Mr. Wright, said in a statement that he had spent his career focusing on improving lives, “including studying and determining that climate change is real and a problem we must solve together with relentless U.S. innovation and technology solutions.”
Democrats on Tuesday offered mixed impressions of Mr. Wright.
Senator John Hickenlooper of Colorado described him as smart and thoughtful on energy issues but said he remained concerned about how Mr. Wright and other cabinet choices would address climate change.
Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island said Mr. Trump’s picks were “here to loot our public treasury and pollute our public spaces.”
He noted that the Mar-a-Lago event was where Mr. Trump had asked oil industry leaders to raise $1 billion for his campaign and had promised that companies would save far more than that when he eliminated climate regulations, according to people present. “Trump’s big donors want payback,” Mr. Whitehouse said.
Senator Mike Lee, the Utah Republican who leads the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, said the hearings would be an opportunity to discuss what he called the Biden administration’s energy policy failures.
“With high energy prices hurting Americans and restrictive policies limiting access to public lands and critical resources, it’s essential to prioritize domestic energy production and restore trust in public land management,” Mr. Lee said.
On Thursday, Mr. Lee’s committee will hear from Douglas J. Burgum, the Republican former governor of North Dakota, whom Mr. Trump has tapped for the Interior Department. Also on Thursday, the Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works will consider Lee Zeldin, a former United States representative from Long Island, to head the Environmental Protection Agency.
If confirmed to head the Department of Energy, Mr. Wright would help oversee approvals of liquefied gas export terminals, which the Biden administration has tried to slow, angering Republicans.
Mr. Wright graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and did graduate work on solar energy at the University of California, Berkeley. In 1992, he founded Pinnacle Technologies, which created software to measure the motion of fluid beneath the Earth’s surface. The software helped bring about a commercial shale gas revolution.
Mr. Wright started Liberty Energy in 2011, and the company has worked with others on geothermal energy and small, modular nuclear reactors.
Mr. Wright holds 2.6 million shares in the company, which are worth more than $55 million based on the current stock price. A recent Securities and Exchange Commission filing put his compensation last year at $5.6 million.
Mr. Wright filed a separate document with the S.E.C. after Mr. Trump tapped him for energy secretary, indicating that he intended to step down from Liberty Energy. A transition official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the financial disclosures were not yet public, said Mr. Wright intended to divest his holdings once confirmed.
Democrats sought to delay Mr. Wright’s hearing because they had not received his financial disclosure statements, documents typically made public before confirmation proceedings. Republicans declined to delay the hearings.
Senate officials said Mr. Wright’s disclosures had become available to lawmakers late on Tuesday, though they were not yet publicly available online at the Office of Government Ethics.
Science
Regulators criticized Edison's wildfire safety actions months before deadly Eaton fire
State regulators criticized Southern California Edison for falling behind in inspecting transmission lines in areas at high risk of wildfires just months before the deadly Eaton fire, according to state documents.
Utility safety officials also said the company’s visual inspections of splices in its transmission lines were sometimes failing to find dangerous problems, according to their October report. Instead, those problems were not discovered until the company inspected the lines with X-ray equipment, which is far less frequently used.
The report by the California Office of Energy Infrastructure Safety was issued less than three months before devastating wildfires broke out in Los Angeles County last week. Fire investigators say they are looking into whether the company’s electrical equipment was involved in starting the Eaton fire, which has killed at least 17 people and destroyed thousands of homes and other structures.
Edison said its work to mitigate wildfires had reduced the risk of catastrophic fires by 85% to 90% compared with the risk before 2018.
“As we have been doing, SCE will continue to perform inspections in its high fire risk areas more frequently than is required,” the company said in a statement to The Times.
Four lawsuits were filed this week accusing Southern California Edison of sparking the Eaton fire. The company says its reviewing the lawsuits. It said earlier that its analysis showed its equipment didn’t start the fire.
Videos and photos taken by residents show what may be the first flames of the fire, burning at the base of an electrical transmission tower before racing down a canyon toward homes.
Fire agencies are also investigating whether the company’s equipment started last week’s Hurst fire near Sylmar, which led to mandatory evacuations and burned nearly 800 acres before crews got it under control. A downed powerline was discovered near one of the company’s transmission towers. Edison said it doesn’t know whether the damage occurred before or after the start of the fire.
Joseph Mitchell, an expert on California utilities’ wildfire mitigation plans, said the October report by regulators raised concerns for the 15 million people living in Edison’s territory.
Mitchell said the X-ray equipment that Edison told regulators was finding problems that its other inspections missed was “not in wide use and not easy to use.”
“You won’t be able to examine the entire transmission infrastructure with the X-rays,” said Mitchell, a board member of the Mussey Grade Road Alliance, a group working to improve fire safety in the state.
In their October report, regulators questioned whether the company’s repairs to its aging transmission lines were holding up over the months and years.
When a tree or wind damages or breaks an electric line, crews use splices, which are steel sleeves, to reconnect and repair the line.
If there is a problem with the splice, the transmission line could fall.
Safety regulators asked Edison for information on its inspections of the transmission splices, including the age of each splice and the cause of the problem that was found.
The utility said in a response to regulators sent a week later that it would be difficult to gather that information.
The company said that “given the high find rate” of problems with the splices, it was considering “forgoing the inspection and moving straight to remediation.” To do that, it said, it was considering a program to replace the splices, beginning in 2026.
Executives also told regulators that in areas with high fire risk they were falling behind on the number of transmission lines they planned to inspect. They said they had reduced the planned inspections this year from 28,000 to 24,500 “due to environmental and access constraints,” according to the October report. Regulators said the company “must improve its response” to those constraints because its equipment in those areas “still present[s] wildfire risk.”
In its response, Edison told regulators that to compensate for the reduced number of inspections it would focus on transmission equipment most susceptible to failing and make repeated attempts where inspections were incomplete.
The regulators’ report, as well as the company’s wildfire mitigation plan for this year, is scheduled to be considered by the state Public Utilities Commission at a Thursday meeting. It is included on the commission’s consent agenda, on which items are routinely approved without discussion.
Edison said it expected the commission to approve its new plan. “Our plans have been approved every year,” it said.
The company estimated that it spent more than $1.8 billion last year on work aimed at mitigating the risk of wildfires. Some of the money was used to install electric lines with a coating that greatly reduces the risk of fire. The company said last year that it had installed more than 5,600 circuit miles of coated wire in the last five years.
Michael Wara, a Stanford University energy and climate law professor who was appointed to a state commission on wildfires, said the philosophy of California’s utility regulators is one of pushing companies toward continuous improvement.
“Their position is nobody’s perfect, and what we expect of you is that you get better every single year,” Wara said. “There’s no such thing as safe. There’s safer than last year, and that’s what that regulator is trying to push the utilities every year to achieve.”
Several of California’s most destructive wildfires have been caused by transmission lines, rather than the smaller distribution lines like those connecting homes.
The 2018 Camp fire, which destroyed the town of Paradise and killed 85 people, was traced to a high-voltage transmission line, owned by Pacific Gas & Electric, that was nearly 100 years old.
The Kincade fire in Sonoma County in 2019 was sparked by a broken jumper cable on a PG&E transmission tower.
Wara noted that the transmission line had been inspected not long before the Kincade fire broke out.
Robert McCullough, an electric utility consultant in Portland, Ore., said he believed the L.A. wildfires would result in major changes to how utilities inspect their equipment.
“We are going to have to change our approach,” he said. “We have to do this much, much better.”
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