Politics
Why Biden's protest problem has reached deep-blue California and why it matters
As former President Trump’s motorcade coursed through Beverly Hills, Newport Beach and San Francisco last week, packs of MAGA hat-wearing, flag-waving fans lined the posh streets and coastal highways and cheered.
Yet when Vice President Kamala Harris, who was raised among community activists in Berkeley, headed to a San Francisco fundraiser the same week, a throng of more than 100 pro-Palestinian demonstrators chanted, “Shame on you!”
The disparate treatment — at least via street protests — has been building for months, amid a spring dominated by college campus protests. But the snapshot of love for Trump and anger with Harris and President Biden has grown more striking as the protests move to the campaign trail, especially in deep-blue California, where large majorities of voters agree with Harris and Biden that Trump represents a threat to democracy.
Activists and political leaders in California and around the country point to a range of reasons for protesting against Biden, their would-be ally, more than Trump, whom they see as a wannabe dictator.
Biden is bearing the burden of incumbency that he didn’t face four years ago, facing a tough-love approach from some left-leaning activists who believe they can still push him further left. And while some protesters favor neither candidate, most have rejected Trump, whom they see as irredeemable.
Support for the president in California remains high — Biden has a 20-point lead over Trump in the state, according to polling aggregator FiveThirtyEight. But Democrats at the national level are concerned that the optics of anti-Biden protests could hurt the president, as many polls show him either locked in a tie or losing to Trump.
“The thing that we’re all worried about, of course, is when it comes time for politics, can people reconcile that while the Middle East policy choices may not have been exactly right by Biden, is he still the best political choice?” said Faiz Shakir, chief political advisor for Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, a progressive independent. “And the jury is still out on that.”
Protests do not equal votes, of course. But anti-Trump fervor in California has been a powerful and persistent force on the left since 2016, sparking clashes with counterprotesters that turned violent at times, drawing police presence, massive crowds and headlines. Anti-Trump sentiment carried into Trump’s presidency, and the 2020 election, even amid pandemic-era social distancing rules, helping fuel a coalition that defeated him.
“Donald Trump is being rejected by large swaths of his own party … They are rejecting his failed leadership, his divisive rhetoric, and his threats of political violence against demonstrators or anyone who dares to disagree with Dictator Trump,” said Biden campaign spokesperson Sarafina Chitika in a statement to The Times. “President Biden, meanwhile, is able to bring people together even when they don’t always agree.”
Some activists say privately that the violence at those events has deterred some activists from going out into the streets. And though many protesters on the left say they fear a return to office for Trump, many do not see themselves as aligned with the Democratic Party. Their main goal is changing policy, not electing a president.
Even so, many say a Trump presidency could put all of their goals at extreme risk, starting with the right to protest.
The Biden administration’s stance on the war between Israel and Hamas, which is fueling much of the anger among activists, is much closer to the protesters’ than Trump’s, who has endorsed Israeli control of contested lands and urged Israel to “get the job done” in Gaza.
“At some point, you have this bubbling up. I don’t believe the protesters are saying, ‘We are protesting Biden because we want Trump.’ They already know what Trump is,” said the Rev. William Barber II, one of the nation’s leading civil rights and anti-poverty activists who directs the Center for Public Theology and Public Policy at Yale University.
When Trump arrived in Newport Beach on June 8, Orange County Democrats were too busy getting out the vote for down-ballot races to worry about the top of the ticket, said Ada Briceño, chair of the county party. Volunteers were knocking on doors, touting Dave Min for Congress and attending an ice cream social for Tammy Kim’s mayoral campaign in Irvine.
Susan Hildreth, president of the Democrats of Rossmoor in the Bay Area, said her volunteers have also kept busy writing postcards and door-knocking for Central Valley congressional candidates such as Rudy Salas. Her group is mostly composed of people over 55 who are less inclined to participate in protests, she said.
“We’re ardently, ardently anti-Trump,” said Hildreth, 72. The lack of Trump critics taking to the streets “may have more to do with the general age of this group than anything else. It doesn’t mean that we don’t care!”
Still, the California Democrats hadn’t entirely neglected Trump. A couple of antagonists made their way into the Newport Beach MAGA crowd along the motorcade, crying “Happy Pride!” and eliciting some heckles. An “Orange County votes Biden/Harris 2024” banner trailed behind an airplane.
In San Francisco, an inflatable Trump-like chicken decked in black-and-white prison stripes was ferried around the bay on a boat labeled “Alcatraz Prison Transport.”
Armand Domalewski, a 34-year-old data analyst, pulled together a group of about 50 people to stand across a San Francisco street from hordes of Trump supporters, who he said occasionally crossed over to taunt his side.
“There’s just an odd asymmetry between the parties,” Domalewski said, noting that Democrats, as well as Republicans, have been protesting against Democrats. That reality “makes it really hard, because that’s both sides protesting us.”
Though he’s attended many protests, last week was the first time Domalewski had coordinated one himself — because no one else did, he said. The Trump supporters were evidently more organized. Vocal too. Some, anticipating Trump’s birthday, sang “Happy Birthday.” (He turned 78 Friday.)
Even in 2020, Biden was never a movement candidate like Sanders or Trump, who held big inspirational rallies and raised small-dollar donations from die-hard fans; Biden also did some campaigning virtually to protect against COVID-19. And unlike Trump, who regularly employs violent language and rousing images at his rallies, Biden has campaigned as a calming unifier.
“We have not seen a fighting Joe Biden,” Shakir said.
Though Biden has governed as a progressive, “he isn’t a populist by nature who gives you the sort of emotional satisfaction of a cause and a movement and a mission,” Shakir said. His argument is competence and good judgment, he added, which doesn’t play as well in an arena.
Trump has been the galvanizing force in politics to both his supporters and his detractors. One of the biggest protests against him occurred in 2017, the day after his inauguration, when thousands of women gathered in Washington and across the country to denounce him and stand up for gender equality.
But the political group that formed in the wake of that protest, the Women’s March, has so far endorsed candidates only in local and state races and is rethinking its approach to confronting Trump. Street protests may not be the best strategy.
Trump “vowed to be a dictator on day one, so we know that he would not take protests seriously. He would not take global human rights concerns seriously,” said Tamika Middleton, the group’s managing director.
But Women’s March may keep its focus on reproductive rights and women’s equality to avoid giving Trump a platform, noting that he has raised money and won attention in adverse situations, including his 34 felony convictions.
Trump “sort of revels in the kind of attention of a women’s march going head to head,” she said.
Biden is set to return to California for a posh downtown Los Angeles fundraiser Saturday, featuring Hollywood elites such as George Clooney and Julia Roberts, as well as former President Obama.
Already, Jewish Voice for Peace has announced it will greet his arrival with a protest.
Bierman reported from Washington and Pinho from Los Angeles.
Politics
Chicago-area teacher breaks silence after losing job over 2-word Facebook post supporting ICE: ‘Devastating’
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FIRST ON FOX: A Chicago area teacher who was forced to resign from his position over his Facebook post saying “Go ICE” is speaking out about the emotional and financial toll he has suffered as a result.
“This process has been professionally and personally devastating and surreal,” former West Chicago teacher James Heidorn told Fox News Digital in his first public comments about the situation.
“I’ve spent 14 years building my career, pouring my heart into teaching kids, building relationships, and being a positive role model. To see it all upended over two simple words, ‘Go ICE’, where I expressed my personal support for law enforcement felt like a severe blow to my career.”
In late January, Fox News Digital first reported that the longtime teacher at Gary Elementary school in a heavily Hispanic district was placed on leave after local activists in the community began sharing his Facebook post that said “GO ICE” in response to a news story about a local police department saying they would cooperate with ICE.
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A West Chicago PE teacher who resigned over a Facebook post supporting ICE is speaking out about what happened.
On Thursday, Jan. 22, Heidorn was first notified by school officials that they had seen the growing social media chatter about his post. He briefly quit after meeting with HR staff before rescinding his resignation the same day. Heidorn was set to return to school to teach on Monday while the school investigated.
Around the same time, Illinois Democratic state Senator Karina Villa, who was captured on video in September chasing down ICE agents in the street, publicly expressed outrage over the post and said she stands in “unwavering solidarity” with families upset about the “disturbing comments reportedly made by an educator.”
On that Saturday, before an investigation had been concluded, West Chicago Mayor Daniel Bovey took to Facebook and posted a video explaining why Heidorn’s comments were “hurtful” and “offensive” to many in the community.
“The issue is we have trusted adults who are the ones that care for those kids when they can’t be with their mom and their dad,” Bovey said. “So to have someone cavalierly rooting on — as if it’s a football game or something, yeah go — events which have traumatized these children … that is the issue.”
Over the weekend, parents online were encouraging each other to keep their students home from school as a form of protest, and many in the community began criticizing Heidorn.
The city of West Chicago held a “listening session” on Jan. 26 at the request of Bovey, that included a Spanish translator, where a variety of parents and locals expressed concerns about the post, including a woman who said “kids do not feel safe” as a result of the post and another woman who said the post was “cruel.”
“This started with a two-word comment on my personal Facebook page supporting law enforcement—nothing more,” Heidorn said. “It wasn’t directed at any student, family, or school community. Second, I was placed on leave and faced intense pressure before any full investigation or fair process could play out, with this it led to my resignation.”
“Third, I lost my career, my income, and the chance to close out my time with my students properly—no farewell, no goodbyes.”
Ultimately, Heidorn resigned a second time rather than be terminated after a hearing with school officials.
In a statement to Fox News Digital at the time that Heidorn was on leave in January, a West Chicago Elementary School District 33 spokesperson referred to the social media post as “disruptive” and said “we understand that this situation has raised concerns and caused disruption for students, families, and staff.”
Teachers all across the United States have taken to the streets in recent weeks, causing disruptions in favor of far-left causes, including in Chicago where teachers stormed a local target harassing employees, to protest President Trump’s immigration policies without facing pushback or repercussions from local school districts.
TOP TEACHERS UNION UNDER FIRE AS LAWMAKERS PUSH TO STRIP UNION OF UNIQUE FEDERAL CHARTER: ‘LOST THEIR WAY’
Gary Elementary School in West, Chicago (Google Maps)
“Most importantly, this is bigger than me: it’s about whether personal opinions expressed outside of work can cost someone their livelihood without due process,” Heidorn said. “I hope to see free speech matters, even when it’s unpopular.”
“It does feel like a double standard—due to my viewpoint being different from others within the community that I taught in. I feel that we should all be able to coexist with our personal political viewpoints. Fairness should apply equally, regardless of those viewpoints. If personal political speech is grounds for punishment, it should be consistent—not selective based on what side you’re on. I believe in free speech for all, and that’s what I hope comes out of all this.”
Heidorn has received some support from the local community, including a GoFundMe page calling him a “beloved physical education teacher” who “showed up every day for his students.”
“Emotionally, it’s been a roller coaster that has me feeling a great deal of shock, loss, and deep sadness over losing daily contact with my students,” Heidorn said. “Feelings of anger and frustration at how quickly things escalated without real dialogue, and grief for not getting to say a proper goodbye to the kids I cared so much for. I’ve had sleepless nights, but I’m trying to stay focused on my family and the support I’ve received from people who know the real me.”
Heidorn, who also lost his employment working as a soccer coach at a nearby private school, told Fox News Digital that one of the most difficult aspects of being forced from his job was losing the relationships he built with his students, of all backgrounds over his long career.
Asked what he would tell his students if given the opportunity to address the situation with them directly, Heidorn said that the online outrage “isn’t the full story” and is “just noise from people who don’t know me.”
“To my students: I want you to know that I care about you deeply and always have. The person you knew in class—the one who encouraged you, played with you, and cheered you on—is still the same person,” Heidorn said. “I always tried to provide the best learning environment and great atmosphere for us all to grow. I have always had your best interest in mind by showing passion, support, care, and safety no matter what.”
Heidorn added, “I would never want any of you to feel unsafe or unloved. You are amazing kids, and I’m proud of every moment we shared. I know I can’t change people’s minds for those who are angry, upset, and have lost trust in me, and I am sorry for that because I always had my students and the community’s best interests in mind, and I never intended to cause fear or harm to them or their families.”
CHICAGO TEACHERS UNION PROMOTES VENEZUELA REGIME CHANGE PROTESTS ORGANIZED BY SOCIALIST GROUPS
Federal ICE police officers walking down a suburban street. (Christopher Dilts/Getty Images)
Fox News Digital reached out to the district for a specific comment on what rule Heidorn violated by posting support for law enforcement on Facebook and if teachers who publicly “disruptive” against or antagonize ICE will be treated the same way. The district did not respond.
When reached for comment, Bovey pushed back on the suggestion he inflamed the situation with his Facebook video, saying, “Personally, I wish the teacher well.”
“The teacher used his first amendment rights to make a statement,” Bovey said. “Others used their first amendment rights in commenting on the situation. The school board took appropriate action to go through the due process of investigating a situation which had adversely impacted the education of children. The public used their first amendment rights to comment (in favor and against) the actions of the school board and then the teacher made a decision to resign. At the end of the day, though there were frustrations on both sides which were stoked by inaccurate social media posts, this is how democracy works.”
Bovey added, “Despite a lot of vitriolic comments from people across the country who were misinformed by social media, our local community seems remarkably unified.”
Heidorns said he has always taken his role “extremely seriously” over his 14-year career and that his reputation was “built on showing up every day, being reliable, fair, and genuinely invested in my students’ growth.”
“My students’ successes are what drove me more than you could know,” Heidorn said. “I never brought politics into my teaching; my focus was always on my students. Losing that connection hurts more than anything, and I want people to know I never intended to harm or divide anyone.”
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The “Greetings from Chicago” mural brightens a street in Chicago’s Logan Square neighborhood on March 30, 2018. (Patrick Gorski/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
Going forward, Heidorn will be required to inform future school districts he applies to that he resigned and provide specifics why, which leaves any potential of furthering his career in the area unclear.
“I really don’t know what is next for me—as the teaching profession has been, up to this point in time, all that I ever wanted to do,” he explained. “It is all I have ever studied for and teaching is what has defined me. Even advancing my education with a master’s degree in educational leadership because I wanted to become the best teacher I can be.”
“With that said—I’m exploring options in education or related fields, but I’m also taking time to heal and learn from this experience. I want people to know I’m grateful for the outpouring of support from those who reached out, donated, or shared my story. It reminds me that most people value fairness and second chances. I’m determined to move forward positively and keep contributing to kids’ lives in whatever way I can.”
Politics
The two separate lives of Gavin Newsom detailed in new memoir
SACRAMENTO — Gavin Newsom writes in his upcoming memoir about San Francisco’s highborn Getty family fitting him in Brioni suits “appropriate to meet a king” when he was 20 years old. Then he flew aboard their private “Jetty” to Spain for a royal princess’s debutante-style party.
Back home, real life wasn’t as grand.
In an annual performance for their single mom, Newsom and his sister would pretend to find problems with the fancy clothes his dad’s friends, the heirs of ruthless oil baron J. Paul Getty, sent for Christmas. Poor fit. Wrong color. Not my style. The ritual gave her an excuse to return the gifts and use the store credit on presents for her children she placed under the tree.
California’s 41st governor, a possible suitor for the White House, opens up about the duality of his upbringing in his new book. Newsom details the everyday struggle living with his mom after his parents divorced and occasional interludes into his father’s life charmed by the Gettys’ affluence, including that day when the Gettys outfitted him in designer clothes at a luxury department store.
“I walked out understanding that this was the split personality of my life,” Newsom writes in “Young Man in a Hurry.”
For years, Newsom asserted that his “one-dimensional” public image as a slick, privileged politician on a path to power paved with Getty oil money fails to tell the whole story.
“I’m not trying to be something I’m not,” Newsom said in a recent interview. “I’m not trying to talk about, you know, ‘I was born in a town called Hope with no running water.’ That’s not what this book is about. But it’s a very different portrayal than the one I think 9 out of 10 people believe.”
As he explores a 2028 presidential run and basks in the limelight as one of President Trump’s most vociferous critics, the book offers the Democratic politician a chance to write his own narrative and address the skeletons in his closet before opponents begin to exploit his past.
A book tour, which is set to begin Feb. 21 in Nashville, also gives Newsom a reason to travel the country, meet voters and promote his life story without officially entering the race. He’s expected to make additional stops in Georgia, South Carolina, New York, San Francisco and Los Angeles.
The governor describes the book as a “memoir of discovery” that sent him interviewing family members and friends and digging through troves of old documents about his lineage that his mother never spoke about and his father smoothed over. Learning about his family history, the good and the bad, Newsom said, helped him understand and accept himself. Mark Arax, an author and former Los Angeles Times journalist, was his ghostwriter.
“I’ve changed the opinion of myself,” Newsom said when asked if he believed the book would revise his glossy public image. “It kind of rocked so many parts of my life, and kind of cracked things open. And I started to understand where my anxieties come from and why I’m overcompensating in certain areas.”
Newsom writes that his interest in politics brought him and his father, William, closer. His mother, Tessa, on the other hand, didn’t share his father’s enthusiasm.
She warned him to get out while he still could, worried her only son would eschew his true self.
“My mother did not want that world for me: the shrewd marriage of tall husbands and tall wives that kept each year’s Cotillion Debutante Ball stocked with children of the same; the gritted teeth behind the social smiles; the spectator sport of who was in and who was out based on so-and-so’s dinner party guest list,” Newsom wrote.
At the heart of her concern was her belief that Newsom’s “obsessive drive” into business and politics was in response to his upbringing and an effort to solve “the riddle” of his identity from his learning disorder, dyslexia, and the two different worlds he inhabited.
“As I grew up trying to grasp which of these worlds, if either, suited me best, she had worried about the persona I was constructing to cover up what she considered a crack at my core,” Newsom writes. “If my remaking was skim plaster, she feared, it would crumble. It would not hold me into adulthood.”
Newsom’s mother was 19 years old when she married his father, then 32. He learned through writing the book that his mother hailed from a “family of brilliant and daring misfits who had carved new paths in botany and medicine and left-wing politics,” he writes.
There was also secret pain and struggles with mental health. His maternal grandfather, a World War II POW, turned to the bottle after returning home. One night he told his three young daughters to line up in front of the fireplace so he could shoot them, but stopped when his wife walked in the door and took the gun from his hand. He committed suicide years later.
Newsom’s father’s family was full of more traditional Democrats and Irish Catholic storytellers who worked in banking, homebuilding, law enforcement and law. Newsom describes his paternal grandfather as one of the “thinkers behind the throne” for former California Gov. Edmund “Pat” Brown, but his family never held public office despite his dad’s bids for the San Francisco Board of Supervisors and the California Legislature.
The failed campaigns left his father in financial and emotional turmoil that crippled his marriage when Newsom was a small boy. A divorce set the stage for an unusual contrasting existence for the would-be governor, offering him brief exposures to the wealth and power of the Gettys through his dad.
Newsom said he moved casually between the rich and poor neighborhoods of San Francisco as a boy.
“It was a wonder how effortlessly I glided because the two realms of my life, the characters of my mother’s world and the characters of my father’s world, did not fit together in the least,” Newsom writes.
Mayor Gavin Newsom and his dad, Judge William Newsom, have lunch at the Balboa Cafe in San Francisco.
(Christina Koci Hernandez / San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)
Though William Alfred Newsom III went on to become an appellate court justice, Newsom’s father was best known for his role delivering ransom money to the kidnappers of J. Paul Getty’s grandson. He served as an adviser to the family without pay and a paid administrator of the $4 billion family trust.
The governor wrote in the book that the ties between the two families go back three generations. His father was close friends with Getty’s sons John Paul Jr. and Gordon since childhood when they became like his sixth and seventh siblings at Newsom’s grandparents’ house.
Gordon Getty in particular considered Newsom’s father his “best-best friend.” Newsom’s dad helped connect the eccentric music composer “to the outside world,” the governor wrote.
“My father had this way of creating a safe space for Gordon to open up,” Newsom writes. “He became Gordon’s whisperer, his interpreter and translator, a bridge to their friends, a bridge to Gordon’s own children.”
San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom and his sister, Hilary Newsom, in a promotional portrait for the Search for the Cause campaign, which raises funds for cancer research, on Nov. 21, 2025.
(Caroline Schiff/Getty Images)
His father’s friendship with Gordon Getty exposed Newsom and his younger sister, Hillary, to a world far beyond their family’s own means. Gordon’s wife, Ann, and Newsom’s father organized elaborate adventures for the Gettys’ four sons and the Newsom children.
Newsom describes fishing on the Rogue River and riding in a helicopter while studying polar bears on the shores of the Hudson Bay in Canada. He recalled donning tuxedos and carrying toy guns pretending to be James Bond on a European yacht vacation and soaring over the Serengeti in a hot air balloon during an East African safari.
Throughout his travels, Newsom often blended in with the Gettys’ brown-haired sons. He wrote that the actor Jack Nicholson once mistakenly called him one of the “Getty boys” at a party in a 16th-century palazzo in Venice where guests arrived via gondola. Newsom didn’t correct him.
“Had I shared this encounter with my mother, she likely would have asked me if deception was something I practiced whenever I hobnobbed with the Gettys,” Newsom said in the book. “Fact is, I was always aware of the line that separated us from the Gettys. Not because they went out of their way to make us aware of it but because we, as good Newsoms, paid constant mind to the distinction.”
Newsom wrote that his mother seemed to begrudge the excursions when her children returned home. She raised them in a much more ordinary existence. Newsom describes his father’s presence as “episodic.”
“For a day or two, she’d give us the silent treatment, and then we’d all fall back into the form of a life trying to make ends meet,” he wrote. “After enough vacations came and went, a cone of silence took hold.”
Newsom’s mother worked as an assistant retail buyer, a bookkeeper, a waitress at a Mexican restaurant, a development director for a nonprofit and a real estate agent — holding as many as three jobs at once — to provide for her children. His mother’s sister and brother-in-law helped care for them when they could, but he likened himself to a latchkey kid because of the amount of time he and his sister spent alone.
They moved five times in 10 years in search of a “better house in a better neighborhood” with good schools, taking the family from San Francisco to the Marin County suburbs. Though his mother owned a home, she often rented out rooms to bring in extra money.
Tired of his mother complaining about finances and his father not coming through, Newsom wrote that he took on a paper route.
In the book, Newsom describes his struggles with dyslexia and how the learning disorder undercut his self-esteem when he was an emotionally vulnerable child.
Eager to make himself something more than an awkward kid with sweaty palms and a bowl haircut who couldn’t read, Newsom mimicked Remington Steele, the suave character on the popular 1980s detective show. He chugged down glassfuls of raw eggs like Sylvester Stallone in “Rocky” and ran across town and back like a prizefighter in training.
He found confidence in high school sports, but his struggle to find himself continued into young adulthood. Newsom wrote that he watched tapes of motivational guru Tony Robbins and heeded his advice to remake yourself in the image of someone you admire. For Newsom, that became Robbins himself.
“Find a person who embodies all of the outward traits of personality, bearing, charisma, language, and power lacking in yourself,” Newsom described the philosophy in the book. “Study that person. Copy that person. The borrowed traits may fit awkwardly at first, but don’t fret. You’ll be surprised by how fast the pose becomes you, and you the pose.”
His father scoffed at the self-help gurus and nurtured his interest in business.
More than a half-dozen friends and family members, including Gordon Getty, invested equal shares to help him launch a wine shop in San Francisco. Newsom named the business, which expanded to include restaurants, hotels and wineries, “PlumpJack,” the nickname of Shakespeare’s fictional character Sir John Falstaff and the title of Gordon Getty’s opera.
“Gordon’s really inspired me to be bolder and more audacious. He’s inspired me to be more authentic,” Newsom said. “The risks I take in business … just trying to march to the beat of a different drummer and to be a little bolder. That’s my politics. But I also think he played a huge role in that, in terms of shaping me in that respect as well.”
Newsom described Gordon and Ann Getty as like family. The Gettys also became the biggest investors in his wineries and among his largest political donors.
In an interview, Newsom said there are many days when he feels his mother “absolutely” was right to worry about the facade of politics and the mold her son stuffed himself into.
Gavin Newsom heads for his home neighborhood on Nov. 3, 2003, to cast hisvote for San Francisco mayor.
(Mike Kepka / San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)
He described the day the recall against him qualified for the ballot amid the COVID-19 pandemic as humbling and humiliating, though it later failed by a wide margin. Still today, he said, there’s a voice in his head constantly questioning why he’s in politics, what he’s exposing his wife and children to and doing with his life.
By choosing a career as an elected official despite his mother’s warnings, Newsom ultimately picked his father’s world and accomplished his father’s dream of taking office. But he said the book taught him that so much of his own more gutsy positions, such as his early support for gay marriage, and his hustle were from his mother.
Newsom said he’s accepted that he can’t control which version of himself people choose to see. Writing the book felt cathartic, he said, and left him more comfortable taking off his mask.
“It allowed me to understand better my motivations, my purpose, my meaning, my mission… who my mom and dad were and who I am as a consequence of them and what truly motivates me,” Newsom said. “There’s a freedom. There’s a real freedom. And it’s nice. It’s just so much nicer than the plaster of the past.”
Politics
Fetterman slams Democrats’ ‘Jim Crow 2.0’ voter ID rhetoric as party unity fractures
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Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa., is continuing his streak of breaking with his party — this time on voter ID legislation gaining momentum in the Senate.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Senate Democrats have near-unanimously rejected the Safeguarding American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act, election integrity legislation that made its way through the House earlier this week.
Schumer has dubbed the legislation “Jim Crow 2.0,” arguing it would suppress voters rather than encourage more secure elections.
COLLINS BOOSTS REPUBLICAN VOTER ID EFFORT, BUT WON’T SCRAP FILIBUSTER
Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa., speaks to a reporter as he arrives in the U.S. Capitol for a vote Dec. 3, 2025. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
But Fetterman, who has repeatedly rejected his party’s messaging and positions, pushed back on Schumer’s framing of the bill.
“I would never refer to the SAVE Act as like Jim Crow 2.0 or some kind of mass conspiracy,” Fetterman told Fox News’ Kayleigh McEnany on “Saturday in America.”
“But that’s part of the debate that we were having here in the Senate right now,” he continued. “And I don’t call people names or imply that it’s something gross about the terrible history of Jim Crow.”
The bill would require voters to present photo identification before casting ballots, require proof of citizenship in person when registering to vote and mandate states remove non-citizens from voter rolls.
MURKOWSKI BREAKS WITH GOP ON VOTER ID, SAYS PUSH ‘IS NOT HOW WE BUILD TRUST’
Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, announced her support for the SAVE America Act but won’t go as far as to nuke the Senate filibuster. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
Momentum is building among Republicans. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, became the 50th member of the conference to back the legislation. But Senate Democrats have all but guaranteed its demise in the upper chamber, via the filibuster.
Fetterman would not say whether he supports the bill outright. However, he noted that “84% of Americans have no problem with presenting IDs to vote.”
“So it’s not like a radical idea,” Fetterman said. “It’s not something — and there already are many states that show basic IDs. So that’s where we are in the Senate.”
HARDLINE CONSERVATIVES DOUBLE DOWN TO SAVE THE SAVE ACT
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Senate Democrats are ready to buck the SAVE Act. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty)
Even if Fetterman were to support the bill on the floor, it is unlikely to pass without more significant procedural changes.
There are currently not enough votes to overcome the Senate’s 60-vote filibuster threshold.
Fetterman is also not keen on eliminating the filibuster — a position shared by most Senate Republicans.
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He noted that Senate Democrats once favored scrapping the filibuster but now want to preserve it while in the minority in a Republican-controlled government.
“I campaigned on it, too,” Fetterman said. “I mean we were very wrong about that to nuke the filibuster. And we should really humble ourselves and remind people that we wanted to eliminate it — and now we love it.”
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