The Connecticut Lottery offers several draw games for those willing to make a bet to win big.

Sen. Susan Collins had just finished taking photos in front of a new fire station in the town of Sweden when a television reporter asked her about Graham Platner. 

Four days earlier, on June 9, the political newcomer secured the Democratic nomination to take on Collins. Instead of addressing his victory, Collins pivoted to talk about her position on the Senate Appropriations Committee, a leadership role that in many ways is the culmination of her three decades in office.

The fire station, she said, was an example of what she has been able to do as chair “of the most powerful committee in the Senate.”

“These communities cannot, on their own, build a new fire station,” Collins said in an interview with the Portland Press Herald/Maine Sunday Telegram after the event. “They just don’t have the tax revenue.”

Maine’s top ranking Republican worked for years to get to the position of influence so she can make more fire stations like this a reality. As appropriator-in-chief, she directs earmark spending to cities, towns, hospitals, organizations and universities; influences selections for competitive grants for things like transportation infrastructure; and inserts programs and rules into congressional bills that specifically benefit Maine and its industries.

She’s running for reelection to her sixth term largely on these hard-won abilities. At every opportunity, she talks about the approximately $1.5 billion in earmarks she has brought to Maine since her last election. One of the major questions facing voters this year will be just how much that matters.

Collins’ federal earmarks since her last election have supported the construction or renovation of 45 firehouses in Maine, a Press Herald review shows, as well as 43 wastewater treatment facilities, at least 31 state road improvements, 17 childcare centers, six YMCAs and hundreds of other beneficiaries from affordable housing to historic preservation.

“The amount of funding she has secured for Maine is astonishing,” said Heideh Shahmoradi, an appropriations expert who worked for the Senate Appropriations Committee and is now a bipartisan consultant in Washington.

While all senators can bring money to their states, there is ample evidence that Collins’ success couldn’t be replicated by a freshman.

It’s attributable to more than her seniority, though. Collins has broken with the Republican Party to support programs that create pots of funding that could benefit Maine; and she’s having to defend Congress’ spending power against a Trump administration that wants to take some of it away.

But Platner argues that the money Collins has brought home has failed to address the underlying issues that have made Maine less affordable for many, which is a key motivating issue in this election. 

As a senator, Platner says he would work to massively expand the country’s social safety net.

“For all of the money that Susan Collins brags about earmarking for Maine, the reason we’re still seeing housing become unaffordable, we are still seeing our healthcare system collapse, we’re still seeing our wages collapse while the price of goods and services go up,” he said at a May event in Phippsburg, “is that she never did a thing to change the structures.”

Platner’s ambitious policy talk would be difficult to achieve: Medicare for All would likely need 60 votes in the closely divided Senate to become law. Collins’ earmarks, officially known as Congressionally Directed Spending, and grant awards regularly get approved within a year.

Some voters, including people who supported Collins in the past, said in interviews that they don’t plan to vote for her this year, despite the funding she brings home.

On primary election day, outside a Sanford library that was recently expanded with a $3 million congressional earmark from Collins, Mallory Mulrath said she uses the library three or four days a week as part of her work with children.

“I love this library,” she said. “(But) I do feel like there’s more important things. The old library needed updates, but not to this extent.”

This November, Mulrath said she is voting on economic issues and does not plan to vote for Collins. She’s paying more for gas, groceries and car insurance. 

“No one can afford to pay bills, let alone actually live and have fun,” she said. 

PRIORITY ON APPROPRIATIONS

Earlier in her Senate tenure, Collins chaired the Homeland Security and Aging committees. She felt like she did important work, but said it became increasingly evident that, “You can pass the best legislation imaginable, but if it’s not funded by the Appropriations Committee, you can’t accomplish the goals.”

That’s one reason why she made it her focus to get on the committee. 

She also noted that Maine is what she calls a “low-income state” that needs federal support, and that she could use her position to benefit the state’s defense and biomedical research industries. 

Appropriators are able to go through each federal spending bill and write amendments to help their states. Collins was appointed to the committee in 2009, and in 2015 became chair of the subcommittee on transportation, housing and urban development. She was a leader of the subcommittee on defense, and became chair of the full committee in 2025.

Former staffers say Collins stands out for her attention to detail and passion for following Senate rules and that, as an appropriator, she makes sure she understands each budget request.

Shahmoradi, who was clerk and staff director of the subcommittee Collins chaired, said one of the questions Collins asked about each item in front of her was, “What are the benefits to Maine?”

Of the five senators she worked with, she said Collins was the most strategic about bringing money to her state. 

One way she does that is by putting language directly into spending bills to solve a specific Maine problem or support an industry. Since the Appropriations Committee touches each obscure part of the federal government, the possibilities are vast.

For example, logging industry leader Dana Doran said Collins funded a grant program to support biomass for wood energy in 2018; and she incorporated language in appropriations bills starting in 2016 that classify wood biomass as a carbon-neutral fuel source.

In another instance, starting in 2009, trucking business owner Brian Bouchard said his industry and big companies like Irving, Dead River and Poland Spring told Collins they were frustrated with a federal rule that prohibited them from driving 100,000-pound loads on interstates. It was causing safety issues on local roads, and made trucking less efficient. 

Collins was able to use an appropriations bill to increase the weight limit along Maine’s section of Interstate-95.

“Senator Collins just bulldogged this thing,” said Brian Parke, president of the Maine Motor Carriers Association.

The longtime head of the construction industry group in Maine, Matt Marks, said infrastructure upgrades have been sorely needed in Maine and while he’s grateful for the entire congressional delegation, Collins in particular has become like the third leg of the stool to get any project done. (He counts the industry as one leg, and state and local governments as another.)

There is evidence that appropriators like Collins also help steer money to their states through competitive grants. For example, she was one of three members of her party who voted for the Obama-era stimulus package after the 2008 financial crisis (former Maine Sen. Olympia Snowe was another), which created a pool of money for states to compete to fund transportation projects. 

The federal transportation department chose recipients for the so-called TIGER grants, but in Collins’ first campaign ad released this spring, she made clear that she had input on who got selected. 

The ad shows a flash of light and rows of boats bobbing in the ocean when a breakwater collapsed in Eastport on the northeastern tip of the state in 2014. A local official in the ad thanks Collins for bringing $6 million to help restore the breakwater. According to a news release from Collins’ office sent when the rebuild was complete, the money was secured a year before the breakwater’s collapse through a TIGER grant, when it was already clear the breakwater was in bad shape.

Members of Congress routinely write letters of support for applications from their home states and try to help them get approved. Though Shahmoradi, who had previously worked at the federal transportation department and reviewed TIGER applications in years prior to the Eastport project, said there was not enough money to fund all the worthy applications.

During her time on staff, when the department needed a secondary way to choose among the high-scoring applications, it would look to politics.

“That’s the reality in making these selections,” she said.

Smaller states and projects would not have prevailed without the kind of influence members like Collins had, Shahmoradi believes. The nonprofit news outlet APM Reports came to a similar conclusion when it analyzed  TIGER grantees and found that all of Maine’s 13 applications got funded.

Molly Reynolds, vice president of the centrist Brookings Institution, said that kind of power can extend across the federal government. “If you know that Sen. Collins has a lot of power in the appropriations process, you’re more likely to want to say yes to things she wants to see in other legislation.”

Collins’ office said since she joined the Appropriations Committee, she’s helped Maine win more than $1 billion in competitive transportation grants, including through a rural bridge program she helped create.

If she were voted out, said Daniel Schuman of the American Governance Institute, “You’re not going from all to nothing. You’re going from all to less.”

EARMARKS GALORE

Competitive grants gave appropriators a way to get money for their home states during a decade-long period in which Congress suspended direct earmarks. Since 2022, when Congress restarted them, senators can make an unlimited number of requests for specific projects, although members have to compete to get their requests funded.

“It truly is your seniority on the committee, your seniority in the Senate, that determines how much money you’re going to get,” Shahmoradi said.

Collins’ success in bringing money home increased as she moved her way up the committee’s ranks. In 2024, she had the most in earmarks of any member of Congress: $577 million. The only state that got more per capita was Alaska, according to the independent watchdog Citizens Against Government Waste.

Some of the requests go to tiny places, like the $1.15 million to support the fire station in Sweden, which has a population of about 450. Penobscot, Collins’ home county of Aroostook, and Washington have drawn the most funding from Collins per capita. All three lean significantly more conservative than southern parts of the state.

Maine’s most populous and most liberal county — Cumberland — has drawn 7% of Collins’ earmarks but has 22% of the state’s population. Collins said that’s in part because some places make fewer requests, and because when she’s selecting projects she considers an area’s ability to pay its own way.

At times that’s left communities off of Collins’ funding list even when their projects match the kinds of things she regularly touts. For example, Falmouth asked for funding for a new fire station this year, and South Portland is about to borrow $58 million to upgrade its wastewater infrastructure. 

Both are on the request list submitted by Sen. Angus King, an independent who caucuses with Democrats, but his success rate has been much lower than Collins’: She gets nearly 100% of her requests funded, while King was at about 50% in 2024 and 26% in 2026 (though King asked for nearly twice as much funding).

“I very much value her position and what she brings to the table,” South Portland Economic Development Director Lea Duffy said of Collins. But Duffy is disappointed not to have Collins’ financial support to lessen the rate increases for residents and companies. 

“We have some really important industries that happen to be located in South Portland,” she said, like technology companies she said keep the state relevant in the 21st century. They’ll see big increases in their sewer costs to pay for the upgrades.

In response to any suspicion that her selections are political, Collins pointed to several earmarks she’s directed to places that didn’t vote for her, like drinking water infrastructure in Brunswick and mental illness treatment in Rockland.

“If I made political assessments, Portland would not be getting any money,” she said. Instead, she pulled out a printed book to show where Portland has gotten funds for a food bank, teen shelter, a residential treatment center and more.

Some cities have had repeated success. Auburn has gotten an earmark from Collins each year since 2022, for a public safety center, a youth community center, a riverwalk expansion and utilities for housing. (Auburn is a politically purple city; voters supported both Collins and Democrat Joe Biden in 2020.)

VOTERS WEIGH IN

Collins hopes these community investments are persuasive in an election when the economy will drive decisionmaking, according to University of Massachusetts Lowell pollster John Cluverius. He said it’s the most important issue for the narrow slice of voters whose choices will determine the outcome of the election.

In Auburn in May, voter and retiree Mike Heon was asked about the Senate race. “Why would you want to give up Susan Collins? Are you kidding me?” he said. 

If other voters disagree and replace her with a freshman senator, Mainers can expect its share of federal earmarks to drop. When Vermont Sen. Patrick Leahy left Congress, and his post as Appropriations chair, his successor brought in just 20% of Leahy’s total.

Platner said in Phippsburg that if he joins the Senate, he’ll have the time to rebuild the power she has, while also advocating for systemic changes.

Mainers could hope Platner follows in the footsteps of Georgia Sen. Jon Ossoff, who was appointed to the Appropriations Committee by party leaders just a few years into his first term.

Platner’s earmarks could differ from Collins’ ideologically, as well. Researchers at the University of Texas and the University of Illinois Chicago found liberal Democrats have used earmarks to accomplish their core policy goals, while moderate Democrats and Republicans spread them out on other issues, when they analyzed House appropriations requests from 2022.

While Maine’s members of Congress have largely used earmarks to support infrastructure, there are also some that reflect ideological priorities. Rep. Chellie Pingree’s lists include a couple of items to support clean energy and environmental sustainability, for example.

But no one, not even Collins, got earmarks in 2025, when Congress couldn’t agree on spending bills and decided to continue its prior year budget instead of passing new ones. That kind of gridlock resulted in three distinct federal shutdowns in just the last year. It makes Collins’ job much harder, and means she may not get to use all the power her position traditionally afforded, experts said.

She has also contended with a Trump administration that has tried to make big cuts to priorities she likes to fund, like the low-income energy program.

Bath resident Margaret Allen said on primary day this month that she’s voted for Collins five times before. “She’s done good things,” Allen said. But she doesn’t plan to vote for Collins again. This time around, she doesn’t care about the money Collins has brought home.

“The national issues are way more important than anything Susan Collins is going to do for fire stations,” she said.

Allen is a retired data researcher and said she worries about Social Security, America’s place in the world, the environment and what will happen when the One Big Beautiful Bill Act’s health insurance cuts take full effect.

Maine is expected to lose billions of dollars, not all of which will be replaced by a rural hospital fund Collins championed — one indication that while she has brought money home to Maine, money has also been taken away on her watch.

“I’m not OK with what the Republicans are getting away with,” Allen said.

In Sanford, voter Kevin Mulherin, who works in IT for an engineering firm, said he voted for Collins in 2020 but doesn’t plan to in November.

He said her ability to bring funding to Maine has favored some businesses and industries.

“That’s great for those people that’ll benefit, but at the end of the day I’m still working with less money,” he said.

Not all moderate voters agree. Also voting in Sanford during the primary, Bill Frederick said the cost of living matters to him quite a bit, and he doesn’t think the Trump administration is doing good things, but he plans to vote for Collins. 

He said she keeps money coming to Bath Iron Works, which builds naval ships, and Pratt & Whitney in North Berwick, which manufactures aircraft engines, as well as the nearby Portsmouth Naval Shipyard. 

That money could go elsewhere, Frederick said, but Collins makes sure it comes to Maine.

Coming soon: How Collins and the Trump administration are jockeying for control of the federal budget, and what it means for Maine.

No single person in Massachusetts bears more responsibility for denying voters the right to cast a ballot than inept Attorney General Andrea Campbell.

No rent control? Blame Campbell.

No state income tax cut? Blame Campbell.

No audit of the state Legislature? Blame Campbell.

Again and again Campbell has screwed up or worse, been complicit, leaving Bay State voters without the ability to exercise their right to decide important issues.

No amount of fawning pieces in the Boston Globe or publicity-seeking lawsuits against President Trump can cover up that fact.

She is a disaster. Unfortunately we have to suffer through another four years of her bonehead decision-making because Republicans in Massachusetts are just as inept at fielding viable candidates.

Massachusetts voters had the best chance in two decades this fall to establish rent control with a referendum question capping rent increases at 5%. Polls showed the ballot question with a solid advantage.

But Campbell, a liberal Democrat, allowed language on the question giving exemptions from the rent limits to religious institutions, which in Massachusetts violates the Constitution. The Supreme Judicial Court voted unanimously to kick the referendum question off the ballot.

This was not a case of political decision-making on Campbell’s part, since Democrats favored the rent control question. It was purely a rookie botch job, and a huge one at that, which will have major ramifications for renters, who will now be denied a much needed break from astronomical increases.

A simple reading of the Constitution should have caused Campbell to flag the question, and get the rent control advocates to strike the religious exemption. She admitted after she “got it wrong” — which is of no help to the renters in this state.

Apparently following the law, as Martin Short’s synchronized swimmer character would say, is not the Attorney General’s strong suit.

A similar error — or possibly an insidious political move — on Campbell’s part also blocked voters from getting a chance at lowering the state income tax from 5% to 4%.

The referendum question clearly had majority support, but was strongly opposed by Democrats like Campbell who argued it would have led to unconscionable cuts in social service programs to make up for the lost tax revenue.

Campbell okayed fatally flawed language in the ballot question which again caused the SJC to punt it off the ballot. This one may not have been just a simple mistake, but a possible deliberate act by Campbell to poison the question.

Politics again played a role in Campbell’s moves around a 72% voter-approved legislative audit by Auditor Diana DiZoglio. By not enforcing the new law, Campbell is flagrantly keeping DiZoglio from auditing the books of the despised, free-spending Legislature.

Campbell — rather than do her job — will not represent DiZoglio in her efforts to secure the audit, but authorized her to seek outside counsel, which will cost millions.

So on one hand saying she’ll enforce the law, she’s done everything she can to block it.

So what does Campbell do exactly? She has sued the Trump administration 50 times already, on a pace to exceed even Gov. Maura Healey’s lawsuits against Trump back when she was AG.

And she rarely ventures outside her Dartmouth, Mass. manse. Far from being the people’s lawyer, she stands against the people’s will.