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The A.A.U.P. Is Growing Fast as It Ramps Up Its Fight Against Trump

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The A.A.U.P. Is Growing Fast as It Ramps Up Its Fight Against Trump

Two years ago, as universities were cracking down on campus activism, a handful of Harvard professors decided to push back.

Seven members joined a Zoom call. A few more trickled into meetings after that. Then Donald J. Trump became president again.

Membership in the group, Harvard’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors, surged to more than 300, reviving a branch that had been dormant since the McCarthy era, when professors had organized to advocate the rights of faculty members. Across the country, other professors built up their own chapters of the association, too, as Republicans in the federal government and in state houses tried to push a more conservative agenda on higher education.

The national organization grew to more than 57,000 members from about 43,000 in the summer of 2024.

Now, as dues pour in, the group has turned into one of the Trump administration’s main antagonists.

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The association has filed nearly a dozen lawsuits, often becoming the first to jump into legal fights against the Trump administration’s attacks on university funding, speech rights and diversity initiatives.

Soon, the A.A.U.P., which was established in 1915, plans to step up its fight. It is hiring a political director for the first time and even plans to endorse candidates it deems supportive of its vision for higher education. The group just unveiled a platform including a call for free public college.

As the organization has grown, and become more aggressive, it has also faced sharp criticism. Some professors say the A.A.U.P.’s political stances — including its support of diversity efforts and its skepticism of the Republican push for “viewpoint diversity” — are proving the Trump administration’s point about the left-leaning tilt on campuses.

The organization’s leaders say it is filling a void.

The speed and the seeming arbitrariness of the new administration’s threats against universities left many schools shellshocked. Trump officials described professors as “the enemy,” tried to strip funding from research universities and pushed schools to sign a compact that would allow the government to exert more control over private institutions. Meanwhile, red state legislatures gutted faculty power and eroded tenure.

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In response, school leaders often concluded that their best bet was to stay quiet and avoid drawing attention to themselves.

The chaos in higher education has turned the A.A.U.P. into a “fighting organization,” said Todd Wolfson, the president of the group.

“When people are feeling insecure they need a home and a place that they think can defend them,” said Dr. Wolfson, a Rutgers professor and former union leader there. “The A.A.U.P. has stepped into that breach.”

Kirsten Weld, the Harvard chapter’s president, said professors were especially upset when the Trump administration began arresting international students involved in pro-Palestinian activism.

“We were looking around, and our universities were not saying a word,” she said.

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The group, whose first president was the philosopher John Dewey, has filed 11 lawsuits against the Trump administration, including A.A.U.P. vs. Rubio, in which a federal judge limited the government’s ability to arrest and deport noncitizens for their pro-Palestinian speech. The Trump administration is appealing the ruling.

The group also filed a lawsuit last April to block the government from threatening to take billions away from the university. Days later, Harvard also sued, and the cases were consolidated. A federal judge ruled against the Trump administration, saying its actions violated the First Amendment. The Trump administration said it would appeal.

The surge in membership to the A.A.U.P., which has both advocacy and collective-bargaining chapters affiliated with the American Federation of Teachers, reflects a larger wave of activism in higher education, said William A. Herbert, a collective-bargaining scholar at Hunter College.

“This is the greatest attack on higher education in American history,” Dr. Herbert said, adding, “You’re just seeing a massive growth in collective action on campuses by faculty and others.”

Critics, including those on the right and in the political center, have argued that the group has veered toward identity politics that helped animate the backlash against higher education, including by supporting diversity measures.

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Since 2006, the organization had discouraged academic boycotts, which are the suspension of normal academic relations with a college or country in the service of a political goal. Then, in 2024, it adopted a new policy saying that individual faculty members and students should be free to debate and embrace such boycotts. The policy was released as Israel bombed Gaza and as pro-Palestinian activists urged cutting off ties with Israeli institutions.

The A.A.U.P. and its critics disagree on which policy is best for academic freedom.

Matthew W. Finkin, whose first job out of law school was as an A.A.U.P. attorney in 1967, said the group had grown more political and less deliberative in recent decades as it embraced union organizing at the expense of traditional concerns like academic freedom and tenure.

“You can no longer take its policy pronouncements as being above the fray, as being pure matters of principle,” Mr. Finkin said.

The political postures of the A.A.U.P. have led to many ruminations about the group’s “fall” and “unraveling.”

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Dr. Wolfson has shrugged off, even reveled in, the criticisms, saying that now is the time to pick sides.

The proof his strategy is working, he said, is the recent membership boom. (The group’s peak was 90,000 in 1969, and its low point was 37,000 in 2012.) Tax records show the group had revenues, mostly from dues, of about $12 million in 2024. In an interview, Dr. Wolfson said 2025 revenues neared $17 million.

“Demand letters to universities, a compact which is nothing more than a loyalty oath, ideologically driven state houses that are ending tenure and collective-bargaining rights, ending academic freedom — and you’re going to tell me I should be neutral?” Dr. Wolfson said. “There’s no neutrality on a runaway train.”

Supporters like Dr. Weld say Dr. Wolfson’s fighting posture is right for this moment and one reason chapters are drawing new members.

In North Carolina, the group has gone to 800 members from about 200 in a year, said Belle Boggs, the state’s chapter president.

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Last year, the group organized against a delay in awarding 33 professors tenure at the University of North Carolina’s flagship campus at Chapel Hill. It has opposed an effort to post the syllabuses of faculty members in a public-facing database. And it has created a legal hotline for professors, staffed by First Amendment lawyers.

Harvard’s chapter had been mostly dormant since the 1950s, when Joseph McCarthy was calling the university “a mess” and demanding the firing of professors suspected of being Communists. Professors and the A.A.U.P. praised Harvard’s president at the time, Nathan Pusey, for refusing to take action against the faculty members.

In 1954, at an A.A.U.P. event, Archibald MacLeish, a Harvard professor, said the fight was over whether “free institutions of learning” or government agencies should determine who got to teach.

These days, said Dr. Weld, a historian, a new generation of professors has become energized by a similar fight.

Education

Military Histories About the Ancient Persians, Modern Iraq and the American Civil War

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Military Histories About the Ancient Persians, Modern Iraq and the American Civil War

The real value of this odd little memoir is not his dissent, but that it offers us something more unique: the story of a staff officer who labors in a war he never witnesses. He knows almost nothing of it, and indeed never sees combat. He spends all but a few hours of his tour of duty in Baghdad’s Green Zone, the heavily protected district that sat in the middle of the Iraqi capital but was walled off from it. He goes, in part, because he is estranged from his wife back home, who apparently is happy to see him leave.

At times the book veers into satire. While American soldiers and their allies on the front lines were worried about staying alive amid roadside bombs, Mowle sought ways to improve his work-life balance, even joining an evening bridge game. He was also pleased when he managed to secure a place to live that was “closer to the gym and,” he writes, “on the same side of the Palace as the pool if I preferred to swim laps.” At the same time, he candidly admits, “Our lack of understanding of Iraqi culture, Arab culture and Islam was pathetic.”

Perhaps the oddest aspect of this tale is how it ends. Like an inverse Odysseus, almost the first thing Mowle did when he got home to Colorado was divorce his wife — because one thing he had learned in Iraq, he reports, is that “life was too short and too unpredictable to sit around and wish things would get better.”

The reality is that most people in war are bystanders who simply try to survive the conflict. That perspective, all too often neglected by scholars of war, comes through powerfully in MOLLIE BRUMLEY’S CIVIL WAR: Surviving the Guerrilla War in Arkansas (University of Oklahoma Press, 228 pp., $32.95), by the historian Theodore Catton.

For Brumley, an orphan living in Arkansas’ Ozark Mountains as the Civil War raged across 1860s America, victory meant keeping herself and her loved ones alive, even if it also meant eating wild plants in the woods. On May 25, 1862, she kissed a boy she liked as he enlisted in the Confederate Army. His name was Valentine Williams. She was 14 years old. He was reported missing and presumed dead barely six months later, in the battle of Prairie Grove.

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Ohio State Details Relationship that Led to Former President Walter Carter Jr.’s Resignation

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Ohio State Details Relationship that Led to Former President Walter Carter Jr.’s Resignation

Ohio State University released a report Tuesday detailing an “inappropriate relationship” that led the university’s former president, Walter Carter Jr., to resign last month.

Mr. Carter, who is known as Ted and is married, acknowledged the relationship with a female associate of his, Krisanthe Vlachos, when he resigned. The report concluded that the former president used his position to make “wide-ranging and extensive” efforts to assist her both inside and outside the university.

Mr. Carter, a retired Navy admiral, apparently met Ms. Vlachos in 2023, while he was still president of the University of Nebraska system, the report said. After joining Ohio State, he allowed his ongoing relationship with her to influence his actions and impair his judgment, according to the report, developed by two internal Ohio State offices at the direction of the university’s general counsel.

Mr. Carter declined a request for an interview with investigators, the report said, while Ms. Vlachos did not respond to investigators. The New York Times could not immediately reach them for comment.

The report said that Mr. Carter made arrangements several times for Ms. Vlachos to bypass normal channels to visit his office, entering through a garage. It also described at least five trips the two took together — to Richmond, Va.; Orlando, Fla.; Kansas City, Mo.; Colorado Springs, Colo.; and Las Vegas.

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The report found that the university did not pay Ms. Vlachos’s expenses, but that, in one case, Mr. Carter had fabricated a business reason for a trip in order to travel with her. Concern about the relationship arose after Mr. Carter was seen with Ms. Vlachos outside a Philadelphia hotel in November 2025, the report said. The early morning encounter “suggested the possibility of an inappropriate relationship,” a witness reported.

Ms. Vlachos, who produces a podcast about veterans, planned to move her operations from her home in St. Louis to Columbus, Ohio State’s location, according to an email from Mr. Carter, who asked an Ohio State employee for assistance in finding her a job.

“Forwarding this resume for any potential job opening,” the email said. “She is planning to move to Columbus immediately (from St. Louis) and is looking for a full time position. She tells me she is open to any opportunity that fits her skill set. Think she would be a good fit for anyone’s team.”

The report described how Mr. Carter also sought resources from the university making “wide-ranging and persistent efforts,” to help Ms. Vlachos. He also sought help from key university partners for Ms. Vlachos’s podcast. WOSU, the public media station connected to Ohio State, provided physical space. And he asked staff to find a location for a play she was producing.

He also helped introduce her to state partners that might fund an app she was proposing to assist veterans in locating job training, the report said.

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While Mr. Carter was promoting Ms. Vlachos’s app to JobsOhio, a state economic development incubator, the organization’s “tech staff were not impressed at all with the technology” and did not plan to get involved, the report said.

Mr. Carter also promoted the application to Major General John C. Harris Jr., head of the Ohio Department of Veterans Services.

Ms. Vlachos was seeking a $2.9 million investment in the app. While General Harris told investigators he was initially excited about the idea, he described Ms. Vlachos’s presentation as “poor and awkward,” the report said.

“Vlachos could not get an online connection for the App, so the demo was just a PowerPoint presentation. He realized that the App was more of a concept than a real product,” the report said.

Mr. Carter called General Harris and encouraged him to support the app.

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“Harris noted that at this point he was starting to wonder a little about Carter’s relationship with Vlachos,” the report said.

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Opinion | Yale Has Come Up With a Surefire Way to Make a Terrible Situation Worse

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Opinion | Yale Has Come Up With a Surefire Way to Make a Terrible Situation Worse

Yale University’s report on how to restore public confidence in America’s colleges and universities is full of smart and sensible recommendations. That’s not surprising when one sees the smart and sensible faculty who wrote it, led by the scholars Beverly Gage and Julia Adams. Among the suggestions: Reinforce the academic core of the university; don’t allow classes to be dominated by open laptops or other devices; do more to ensure that people do not self-censor; respect the ideals of free speech and academic freedom; “be human.” Although the committee doesn’t go so far as to say that nepotism in admissions should be eliminated (it asks only that it be reduced), it does suggest that Yale try to make its educational offerings free for a larger percentage of the population. Who would disagree?

It’s the recommendation to shrink the mission of the university that caught my eye. The committee claims that in 2016, “departing from its traditional emphasis on the creation and dissemination of knowledge, Yale expanded its mission statement to include ‘improving the world today,’ educating ‘aspiring leaders worldwide,’ and fostering ‘an ethical, interdependent and diverse community.’”

That is incorrect. It is true that Yale shifted its mission statement a bit in 2016, but the underlying ideal of cultivating people who would, as the language now says, “lead and serve in every sphere of human activity” had long been among the university’s goals. In fact, that cultivation has long been among the goals of many universities in the United States, adopted as these institutions sought secular replacements for their founding denominational creeds. Leaders of colleges and universities thought they had a duty to defend the freedoms that allowed higher education to thrive. My own school’s founding documents, written in 1831, spoke of furthering the “good of the individual educated and the good of the world.” We still cite that today when we speak of our mission to produce graduates who will use their educations to make a positive difference.

This is what the Yale committee wants to trim. “These are all worthy goals. But they are not what makes a university a university,” its authors opine. “At a moment when higher education is being buffeted from all sides, it is imperative to understand what we are here for and what universities do best. That requires clarity, not diffusion, of purpose.”

Amid the Trump administration’s ongoing attack on higher education, the message is clear: Don’t worry, it says, we are staying in our narrow lane. That’s not a mission; it’s a defense strategy. And the retreat from public purpose will not enhance trust; it will further erode it. A lack of public engagement and an air of cloistered privilege are a big part of why so many people now view universities with suspicion. Retreating further behind the gates will make a bad situation much worse.

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Not all American colleges are viewed with distrust — community colleges, for example, still enjoy high levels of confidence, as do regional public institutions. The problem is with the attention-grabbing elite institutions. As the Yale report notes, they are far from blameless.

These institutions too often seem to offer lessons in condescension. Their faculty and students can appear to be better at moral posturing than at listening effectively to those with whom they disagree. Their campus cultures can breed premature and intolerant consensus, causing people to censor themselves for fear of being called out as having the wrong ideals. The need for more intellectual diversity in higher education is clear, except to those who believe that their exclusive club possesses a purity that other members of our society haven’t yet attained.

Most Americans understand that these elite schools give many wealthy people more opportunities to become even wealthier. They understand that the most popular career choices for Ivy League graduates tend to be consulting and finance and tech. Trust in finance is even lower than it is in higher education. Why should people trust the sector’s feeder schools? And why should they trust their admissions policies, with their opaque pricing structures and their pride in exclusivity?

Yale is one of the very few, very wealthy institutions that can admit applicants regardless of their ability to pay. Starting this fall, the university will charge no tuition at all to students whose families fall outside the richest 10 percent of the population. That’s an impressive step, one I wish my own institution could take. But the whole competitive admissions system at Yale and most other highly selective institutions — including my own — still favors applicants whose families could afford to expose them to private high schools, private tutoring and expensive résumé-expanding extracurricular activities, and who weren’t obligated to balance their calculus homework with the demands of an after-school job. As the committee notes, Yale admits fewer than 5 percent of its applicants. Unspoken is that probably three-quarters of them are qualified to attend and even get A’s, the average grade at the university.

The Yale committee calls for relying more on objective admissions standards such as standardized tests. The problem there is that those tests are anything but objective; the more colleges rely on them, the more the uncredited work of expensive tutors or test prep classes can distort the profile of the incoming class.

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Expanding opportunities for affordable, high-quality academic experiences can make things better. That’s why recruiting a diverse class of students, with talented young people from areas of the country often underrepresented on elite campuses, is so important. The Trump administration’s war on D.E.I. makes this dangerous work, and so we should celebrate programs that bring college-level classes to underserved communities, such as those sponsored by Bard College and by the National Education Opportunity Network.

This cautious committee does call on the university to do more public programming, opening its gates even further to the communities around it. It also joins the national chorus for more programs in “dialogue across difference,” and I think it should be applauded for advocating civics instruction for all undergraduates. But these are small steps.

One can well imagine why a university committee might want to avoid provoking the ire of the Trump administration, which has hit higher education with more than a billion dollars of fines and has threatened schools whose campuses don’t seem to line up with its priorities.

But the ideals the Trump administration has been punishing are prerequisites for higher education to flourish — independent thought, a commitment to truth even when it’s inconvenient and a focus on the creation of truly democratic citizens. Endangering these ideals endangers the whole operation. Yale and other elite universities should find the courage to say so.

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