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Election 2024: Pennsylvania Fact Sheet | GLAAD

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Election 2024: Pennsylvania Fact Sheet | GLAAD


LGBTQ people live, work and raise families in every U.S. state, including swing states like Pennsylvania, which holds its primary on April 23.

Campaign coverage should inform voters about relevant candidates and their stances on LGBTQ issues. Reporters must take extra care to be accurate and inclusive when reporting on conversations or proposals that can harm marginalized people.

The safety of LGBTQ Americans and their ability to live free from discrimination are at stake.  

LGBTQ Pennsylvanians: Context to Know and Report

  • 4.1% of adult Pennsylvanians are LGBTQ, with 27% of them raising children.
  • Under the new PA Fairness Act, LGBTQ Pennsylvanians now have statewide nondiscrimination protections. The law, which passed with bipartisan support in May 2023, reflects the pro-equality views of most Pennsylvanians across party lines. In 2023, state lawmakers introduced numerous pro-equality proposals, including a legislative package that would safeguard transgender students’ rights and require LGBTQ-inclusive curricula in schools. Presently, pro-equality legislators hold a razor-thin majority in the Pennsylvania State House. The results of this election cycle could change that.
  • Also in 2023, Pennsylvania state lawmakers proposed three anti-LGBTQ bills. In the style of Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay/Trans” law, PA HB 319 seeks to ban LGBTQ-inclusive classroom discussion and curricula in grades K-5. PA House Bills 138 and 216 take aim at medical care for trans people and trans inclusion in school sports, respectively. All three proposals are active in the state legislature.
  • Moms for Liberty, which was identified as an anti-LGBTQ extremist group by the Southern Poverty Law Center in June 2023, has at least one local chapter in each of Pennsylvania’s 17 congressional districts. Despite this, Pennsylvania voters largely rejected Moms for Liberty-aligned candidates in last November’s local school board elections.
  • Incumbent U.S. Sen. Bob Casey Jr., who has represented Pennsylvania in Congress since 2007, will likely be challenged by Dave McCormick. During his failed 2022 Senate campaign, McCormick expressed support for policy changes that would harm transgender Americans, including the elimination of federal funding for best-practice medical care. Sen. Casey has a complicated record on abortion rights; however, amid the reversal of Roe v. Wade in 2022, he shifted stances and said he would support legislation to codify abortion access into federal law. During his tenure in the Senate, Casey has consistently backed pro-equality policies, including the LGBTQ Equality Act, which he co-sponsored.
  • Pennsylvania state Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta is running for PA Auditor General. If Kenyatta wins, he will become the first Black out LGBTQ statewide official in Pennsylvania history.
  • In 2020, President Joe Biden won Pennsylvania with just 50.01% of the vote—a fair electoral victory that former President Donald Trump baselessly contested. As a swing or “purple” state, Pennsylvania will be pivotal in the outcome of the 2024 presidential election, and election officials are already bracing for an influx of national scrutiny. 
  • The LGBTQ records of Republican presidential candidates Nikki Haley and Donald Trump are documented on the GLAAD Accountability Project. Trump has amassed more than 200 attacks in policy and rhetoric against LGBTQ Americans throughout his one-term presidency and 2024 campaign.
  • The Biden-Harris administration’s LGBTQ record includes more than 320 appointments, nominations, statements and policies of support, as documented via GLAAD’s Biden Accountability Tracker.

Best Practices

  • Stories about or that mention LGBTQ people should include LGBTQ voices. 
  • In stories specifically about transgender people, seek and include a transgender person. GLAAD can connect you.
  • Prioritize facts, expertise, and LGBTQ lived experience over candidate and campaign opinion in your reporting. If a candidate comments on LGBTQ people, always include facts and context. For example, any discussion of transgender healthcare must note this care is supported by every major medical association (30+ statements here). Additional resources linked below. 
  • Review and report a candidate’s LGBTQ record and support from anti-LGBTQ groups. Ongoing documentation is available on candidates, other public figures, and anti-LGBTQ groups via the GLAAD Accountability Project.
  • Avoid shorthand descriptions of political conversations about LGBTQ people as a “culture war debate.” This dehumanizes marginalized people as a “side” and allows oppressive policies and politicians to escape accountability for creating and fueling the “war.” Furthermore, this language adds to voter apathy by alienating viewers and readers who find vaguely defined “culture wars” irrelevant to their lives. Focus your reporting on the policies, consequences to all taxpayers and the people directly harmed, and the candidates proposing them and their LGBTQ records.
  • Be factual and clear with your language: “[Candidate name] has proposed policies restricting healthcare for transgender people, despite the fact this care is supported by every major medical association.”
  • Do not repeat “groomer” rhetoric, or clearly label it as false. Experts in child abuse prevention have raised alarms that this rhetoric undermines understanding of actual child abuse and endangers innocent people and children.
  • Include broader context: In 2023, 500+ anti-LGBTQ bills were proposed in state legislatures. This is a broad-scale, coordinated attack against LGBTQ Americans’ growing visibility and acceptance, via targeting healthcare, and banning LGBTQ-inclusive books and school curricula, participation in school sports, and bathroom access. Inform your readers and viewers about this larger pattern of LGBTQ animus as you report on individual topics and bills and candidates supporting them. Note also how healthcare and drag ban bills have been blocked in court as unconstitutional and discriminatory.
  • Report connections between anti-LGBTQ rhetoric and policies to violent and extremist incidents: The ADL Center on Extremism has documented at least 700 attacks against LGBTQ people through 2023, including murders, assault, harassment, and vandalism. The report notes increasing connections of anti-LGBTQ violence by people from extremist groups like Oath Keepers and Proud Boys. Anti-LGBTQ posts on extremist media, further amplified on extremist cable programs, have been followed by bomb threats against children’s hospitals, libraries, and schools, endangering and inconveniencing all students, families, and residents in these communities.
  • Report connections between anti-LGBTQ extremism and other attacks on freedoms: States proposing bills targeting LGBTQ people have also banned abortion, enabled extremist hate groups, and denied and denigrated fair elections. In March 2023, Pennsylvania’s neighboring state, West Virginia, enacted a law that allows religious beliefs to be used as an excuse for anti-LGBTQ discrimination. The state has also outlawed abortion. As recently as January 10, 2024, lawmakers in nearby Ohio voted to override the governor’s veto of a law banning healthcare for trans youth.

Additional resources:

GALLUP: 7.2% of U.S. adults are out as LGBTQ, including 20% of Gen Z, the most out generation in history; a projected 14% of voters will be out as LGBTQ by 2030.

GALLUP: Record high 71% support for marriage equality. Pennsylvania legalized marriage equality in 2014, when a federal judge struck down the state’s statutory  ban on same-sex marriages.

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GLAAD: 84% support equal rights for LGBTQ people.

GLAAD Media Reference Guide: Terminology and 20+ topic areas to learn about and accurately report on LGBTQ people.

Medical Association Statements Transgender Health Care: 30+ statements from every major medical association and world health authority, across specialities and patient lifespan, supporting healthcare for transgender people. Healthcare for transgender people is mainstream care with widely held consensus of both the medical and scientific communities.

Factsheet for Reporters Covering Transgender Health Care: What to know about transgender healthcare and how to responsibly include trans voices in your coverage.

About GLAAD:

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GLAAD rewrites the script for LGBTQ acceptance. As a dynamic media force, GLAAD tackles tough issues to shape the narrative and provoke dialogue that leads to cultural change. GLAAD protects all that has been accomplished and creates a world where everyone can live the life they love. 



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Pennsylvania

The University of Pennsylvania Is the First Ivy to Offer an AI Master’s

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The University of Pennsylvania Is the First Ivy to Offer an AI Master’s


The university is the first Ivy League school to offer a master’s in A.I. Jumping Rocks/Universal Images Getty Images

Earlier this year, the University of Pennsylvania made history as the first Ivy League to offer an undergraduate degree in artificial intelligence. Now, the school is gearing up to offer the first Ivy master’s program dedicated to the emerging technology.

The graduate program, which will open applications next June and welcome its first cohort in the spring of 2025, hopes to address a shortage of trained artificial intelligence talent across fields.  “Our new master’s program meets a critical need for A.I. engineers with advanced degrees who can harness the power of these transformative technologies in positive and beneficial ways,” said Vijay Kumar, dean of Penn Engineering, in a statement.

Classified as a Master of Science in Engineering and offered online, the program will consist of courses in natural language processing, machine learning, deep learning and statistics. It will also focus on the ethics of A.I., providing students “with the tools they need to make responsible decisions that benefit society as a whole,” according to a news release from Penn.

The university isn’t the first to create degree pathways dedicated to the technology. Carnegie Mellon University introduced an A.I. undergrad back in 2018, followed by schools including the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Purdue. In recent years, A.I. “has become more and more prominent both in the public eye but also within higher education,” Alex Bernstein, head of A.I. at edtech company Noodle, told Observer. “Since these advancements in technology are reaching a certain velocity that previously people weren’t aware of, it’s become a higher priority both for people to learn about and strategize and reconsider how they want to position their careers.”

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Not to mention the high demand for A.I. skills in the workforce. Job postings requiring artificial intelligence competencies increased by 42 percent in the U.S. in December 2023 compared to a year prior, according to a recent report from University of Maryland researchers running an A.I. job tracking tool. Postings for broader IT jobs, meanwhile, fell by 44 percent.

The rising demand for A.I. education

Interest in A.I. education has also seen a noticeable increase in response to booming demand for artificial intelligence skills. Chris Callison-Burch, head of Penn’s new A.I. master’s program, told the Philadelphia Inquirer that an A.I. class he’s taught at the university for years has rapidly grown from 100 students to 400 in-person students plus 200 more online. “On campus, we fill the biggest lecture hall available,” he said.

While programs in computer science and data science are readily available at institutions of higher education, A.I.-specific disciplines “are going to be an essential offering,” said Bernstein. Instead of studying coding languages like Python, learning how to engage with emerging technologies like generative A.I. “is the more forward-looking future of these disciplines,” he added. Around 48 percent of U.S. professionals believe they will be left behind in their careers without learning how to use A.I., according to a survey from Washington State University, while 88 percent believe universities should provide educational opportunities for students to learn about the technology.

To keep up with the field’s evolving nature, Penn will center its program on the latest knowledge from data center infrastructures and utilizing professors renowned for their expertise in machine learning and the intersections of A.I., big data, bioinformatics and medicine. “The instructors teaching within our A.I. master’s program are selected from among the most research-active faculty working in this field, a necessity given the fast-changing landscape of A.I.,” said Rebecca Hayward, executive director of Penn Engineering online, in a statement.

Penn’s creation of both bachelor’s and master’s pathways devoted to the technology signals that higher education is taking the field seriously, according to Bernstein. “You didn’t see them making a master’s in cryptocurrency—this is not a fad,” he said. “When any big player like that decides to enter the ring, it signifies that this is not going away.”

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Court upholds EPA pollution plan for Pennsylvania coal plants

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Court upholds EPA pollution plan for Pennsylvania coal plants


The 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals on Thursday upheld an EPA-written plan reducing pollution from several coal-fired power plants in Pennsylvania, rejecting challenges from the state and one of the affected companies.

The 3rd Circuit in 2020 tossed out EPA’s approval of the state’s ozone implementation plan, ruling that it contained a “glaring loophole” that allowed coal plants to exceed their pollution limits. It ordered EPA to approve a corrected state plan or issue a federal plan within two years.

The Biden administration worked with the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection to correct the state plan but ultimately issued a federal implementation plan instead. The plan limits nitrogen oxide emissions, which go on to form ground-level ozone.

EPA’s FIP was challenged by Keystone-Conemaugh Projects, which operates two affected power plants. It was joined by the Pennsylvania DEP. Another coal plant operator, Homer City Generation, also sued but dropped its challenge.

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How did Pennsylvania counties spend opioid settlement money?

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How did Pennsylvania counties spend opioid settlement money?


Spotlight PA is an independent, nonpartisan, and nonprofit newsroom producing investigative and public-service journalism that holds power to account and drives positive change in Pennsylvania. Sign up for our free newsletters.

HARRISBURG — Records obtained by Spotlight PA and WESA offer the most comprehensive public accounting to date of how counties across the state have used tens of millions of dollars they received in opioid settlement money.

The state’s billion-dollar opioid windfall has brought hope to a state where thousands of people each year die from drug overdoses. It’s also brought conflict about the best way to use the money.

The spending reports — which Spotlight PA and WESA are still analyzing — show a wide range of strategies. They offer insight into the wide reach of the opioid epidemic, highlighting the impact on neighborhoods, jails, child welfare programs, and a variety of local agencies.

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In central Pennsylvania, Cumberland and Perry County officials both indicated in their reports that their spending decisions are influenced by the threat of litigation.

Their reports said that “due to recent lawsuits county jails are now faced with a new unfunded mandate to provide access to all three” federally approved medications for opioid use disorder. Cumberland County’s total amount spent or committed for that treatment program was about $586,000, while rural Perry County’s was $105,000.

Philadelphia reported spending or committing $7.5 million to support residents in the Kensington area of the city, where the report said people “live in a state of constant trauma due to 24 hour open-air drug market.” The city’s report said this trauma “significantly increases Kensington residents’ risks related to development of substance use disorder.”

As part of the program, funds were dedicated to improvements in local schools and parks, as well as home repair, rent relief, and eviction prevention, according to the report. The city made the case that its Kensington plans most closely match the broad settlement strategy of “Prevent Misuse of Opioids.”

In the Philly suburbs, Chester County officials reported spending or committing the funds to a variety of programs. A relatively small amount of the county’s allotment — about $1,800 — was committed to Project Sticker Shock, which uses stickers to warn people that it’s illegal to provide alcohol to anyone under age 21. In response to questions from Spotlight PA and WESA, the county defended using opioid settlement money for that purpose by saying, “underage drinking is a gateway to opiate use.”

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Shane Dunlap / Tribune-Review

Meanwhile, some counties reported spending no opioid money by the end of 2023, including rural Greene County in southwestern Pennsylvania. The county reported receiving about $288,000.

“We just have not found a project yet to expend those dollars,” Betsy McClure, vice chair of the county’s three-member Board of Commissioners, told WESA and Spotlight PA.

The news organizations obtained the records by filing requests under the state’s Right-to-Know Law with all 67 counties in the state, as well as 10 county district attorney offices that were eligible to receive the money based on their role in litigation.

In total, the news organizations received and publicly posted spending reports for more than 60 counties, the city of Philadelphia, and eight county district attorney offices, as of April 30. Some agencies said they didn’t possess the reports. Bucks County attributed the problem “to an apparent technical glitch.”

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Counties had to file these reports by the middle of March with the Pennsylvania Opioid Misuse and Addiction Abatement Trust, a 13-member oversight board with the power to withhold and cut funding if it determines counties spent the money inappropriately. This is the first time counties had to file these reports, which cover spending decisions made in 2022 and 2023.

In order to receive the money, counties had to agree to use it in ways that are consistent with a settlement document called Exhibit E. The exhibit contains a range of recommended and approved strategies for treatment, prevention, and responding to the epidemic.

Cameron and Schuylkill Counties initially denied open records requests from Spotlight PA, saying the trust had yet to determine whether the spending described in their reports complied with the requirements of the opioid settlements. After an appeal to the state Office of Open Records, Cameron provided its report. The news organization’s appeal of Schuylkill’s denial was pending as of April 30.

Earlier this year, members of the oversight board approved a plan to review these spending reports in secret committee meetings, despite a court order requiring that the trust follow the state’s open meetings law. The trust says “additional review” will take place at public meetings scheduled for May 2 and June 20.

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The trust recently published a summary of reported spending by category, but that information does not identify specific counties or other local agencies.

While county officials wait to hear if the trust will publicly approve their strategies, people like Cathleen Palm are reviewing the available records to learn about counties’ decisions.

The Berks County resident is the founder of the Center for Children’s Justice, which advocates for child protection and family issues. She said she believes the reports can help advocates with limited resources influence the process going forward.

“Because you guys are doing the hard work, tracking them down, putting them in a central spot, we then have the benefit of being able to look and see where counties are spending money on behalf of children and families,” Palm told Spotlight PA and WESA.

While the news organizations are still analyzing the records, here are some of the interesting uses and issues they have found so far.

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Medication in jail

In 2022, officials with the Pennsylvania Institutional Law Project reported people with opioid use disorder face many barriers to accessing treatment if they are arrested and booked at county jails across the state.

Some jails didn’t offer any of the federally approved medications for opioid use disorder, while others limited what they offered or who they offered it to, according to their findings. A lack of access to these medications and the trauma of incarceration for people with opioid use disorder “further increases the likelihood of opioid overdose risk after release,” the group’s report said.

These federally approved medications — methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone — have widespread support in the medical community.

The opioid settlement spending reports obtained by Spotlight PA and WESA show that several counties dedicate their funds to medication-assisted treatment programs at their jails. Pennsylvania Institutional Law Project staff attorney Sarah Bleiberg Bellos sees this as a “really positive step.”

“There’s a huge number of people who are in our state’s jails that have opioid use disorder, and it is a really crucial time to be treating that disease,” Bellos told Spotlight PA and WESA.

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Allegheny County also reported funding medication-assisted treatment at its jail, and a spokesperson told Spotlight PA and WESA that it is working on a phased-in expansion.

Last November, the U.S. Department of Justice announced it had reached a three-year agreement with Allegheny County regarding access to these medications. The county agreed to offer any federally approved medication for opioid use disorder to all individuals booked into the jail, if a qualified medical provider determines the treatment is medically appropriate, according to a copy of the agreement made public by the Justice Department.

In the reports for Perry and Cumberland Counties, both said medication-assisted treatment at their respective jails was the first priority for local leaders because of lawsuits and the “high risk for an overdose upon return to the community” for incarcerated people with opioid use disorder. Officials in each county said the lawsuits their reports referred to didn’t involve their county.

Other counties whose reports indicated they dedicated settlement funds to similar treatment programs for people in jail include Butler, Clearfield, Pike, Wayne, and York.

Housing

Some counties have used funds to aid people in recovery who need housing.

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In rural Fayette County, officials reported using $100,000 in funds for a housing program for people with substance use disorder.

In nearby Allegheny County, officials reported spending more than $595,000 in settlement funds to support low-barrier homeless shelter services, and $181,000 went to a program to expand recovery housing.

“Stable housing is important for people in early recovery — or at any point in their life,” said Stuart Fisk, director of the Office of Behavioral Health at the Allegheny County Department of Human Services.

Children and families

Exhibit E outlines several ways counties can spend their funds on children and families, such as treatment for pregnant and postpartum women, treatment for neonatal abstinence syndrome, and support for children’s services.

Two neighboring counties in Western Pennsylvania, Armstrong and Indiana, plan to jointly hire a case manager for their counties’ child welfare agencies, which are responsible for protecting children from the damages of abuse and neglect. That case manager could talk to kids or parents with a substance use disorder, said Kami Anderson, executive director of the Armstrong-Indiana-Clarion Drug and Alcohol Commission.

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“We want it to be somebody that’s nonthreatening to them,” Anderson said.

In Allegheny County, about $453,000 in settlement funds was spent providing child care through Early Head Start for kids whose caregivers have opioid use disorder and are undergoing treatment or job-searching.

Underage drinking

Chester’s County plan to spend settlement funds on Project Sticker Shock didn’t make sense to Jordan Scott, an advocate with the Pennsylvania Harm Reduction Network.

“My thought was just, ‘Why?’” Scott said. “I don’t see how it’s even relevant to what the money’s supposed to be spent on.”

In its spending report, the county said Project Sticker Shock is designed to “capitalize on community activism, cooperative efforts, and collective responsibilities to combat underage drinking and its related problems.” As part of the program, warning stickers are placed on cases of alcohol at participating distributors, according to the county.

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In response to questions from Spotlight PA and WESA, the county cited two academic journal articles, said many adults are not aware of the law and the penalties for providing alcohol to anyone under 21, and said the warning stickers have also been placed on pizza boxes.

The county’s response said the program is consistent with Exhibit E, and argued it aligns with multiple approved uses, including for school-based and youth-focused initiatives “that have demonstrated effectiveness in preventing drug misuse and seem likely to be effective in preventing the uptake and use of opioids.”

Chester County’s spending report also describes dedicating funds for other initiatives, including access to opioid overdose reversal medication, expanded toxicology testing in its coroner’s office, and medication-assisted treatment treatment to people who are incarcerated.

BEFORE YOU GO… If you learned something from this article, pay it forward and contribute to Spotlight PA at spotlightpa.org/donate. Spotlight PA is funded by foundations and readers like you who are committed to accountability journalism that gets results.



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