New York
With ‘The Godfather,’ Art Imitated Mafia Life. And Vice Versa.
A desk for 5 at CaSa Bella in Little Italy within the late Seventies included just a few mobsters, a girlfriend and the person they knew as Donnie Brasco, truly an undercover F.B.I. agent. There was enterprise to debate, however then the temper lightened.
“The restaurant’s strolling guitarist got here to our desk,” the agent, Joseph Pistone, wrote years later in a memoir. The girlfriend spoke up: “Louise requested the theme from ‘The Godfather.’” The guitarist obliged, and even knew the model with phrases.
Years later, in 2005, two New York mobsters have been heard in a recorded phone name speaking a few third man, Anthony “Ace” Aiello, who was below investigation in a legal case. “Ace Aiello is sort of a Luca Brasi,” one mobster instructed the opposite, in keeping with a court docket doc. An agent searching for Aiello’s arrest helpfully added in a footnote: “Brasi was a success man for the fictional Corleone household.”
And in 2018, yet one more acquainted reference surfaced in a wiretapped name between Joseph Amato, a mobster, and an affiliate who was set to develop into a “made man” in a secret ceremony the next day however was in truth a confidential informant. Amato urged the person to decorate appropriately.
“You’re gonna appear to be Barzini, or what?” he requested, a reference to the sharp-dressing Don performed within the movie by Richard Conte. The informant chuckled, and replied, “Barzini.”
Mario Puzo, who wrote “The Godfather,” has stated that the novel’s keenly noticed depictions got here from his meticulous analysis. However because the film premiered half a century in the past, this prime instance of artwork imitating Mafia life has gone on to work within the different path, too. Generations of mobsters have regarded to “The Godfather” for inspiration, validation and as a playbook for methods to converse and act and costume, as seen in regulation enforcement wiretaps and thru interviews with a number of the gamers themselves.
The notorious former mob enforcer Salvatore “Sammy the Bull” Gravano, who has admitted to collaborating in 19 murders, was a younger man simply coming into the world of mobsters when he first noticed the movie, and he took it as an indication that he was on the precise path. “I regarded as much as them,” he recalled in a phone interview, “much more than I ever did.”
“It was so true to life,” he stated. “Not simply the Mafia life, however the components of being Italian, the marriage, the entire 9 yards. It appeared prefer it was us, Italians, and our heritage.”
At first, the movie was seen as a menace to that heritage. Earlier than filming started in 1971, Anthony Colombo campaigned to purge the phrases “Mafia” and “Cosa Nostra” from the screenplay on behalf of the Italian-American Civil Rights League, which had been based by his father, the organized crime determine Joseph A. Colombo Sr. Fearing labor troubles and interference throughout filming, notably in New York, the producers agreed.
However quickly after the movie opened, it was embraced by many within the underworld it depicted.
“Many wiseguys rejoiced in viewing the unique movie a number of instances,” Selwyn Raab, a veteran author on organized crime, wrote in his definitive tome, “The 5 Households: The Rise, Decline, and Resurgence of America’s Most Highly effective Mafia Empires” (2014).
“Federal and native investigators on surveillance obligation noticed and heard made males and wannabes imitating the mannerisms and language of the display screen gangsters,” he wrote. “They endlessly performed the film’s fascinating musical rating, as if it have been their non-public nationwide anthem, at events and weddings. The movie validated their life and choices to hitch the Mob and settle for its credo.”
Mob family and associates, and mobsters themselves, have mirrored on the best way the movie electrified them. In a memoir, Lynda Milito, the spouse of a mobster who was killed within the Eighties — Gravano has admitted to being current — recalled her husband’s obsession with “The Godfather.”
“Louie acquired a replica and watched it like six thousand instances,” Milito wrote in “Mafia Spouse: My Story of Love, Homicide, and Insanity” (2012). She added that “the fellows who got here to our home have been all appearing like ‘Godfather’ actors, kissing and hugging much more than they did earlier than and popping out with strains from the film.”
Nicolas Pileggi, the creator of “Wiseguy” (1985), the ebook that impressed the movie “Goodfellas,” stated that Henry Hill, the real-life mobster on the story’s middle, as soon as instructed him about going to see “The Godfather.”
Hill recalled piling right into a automobile with the gangsters who have been later performed in “Goodfellas” by the actors Paul Sorvino, Robert De Niro and Joe Pesci to catch an early screening. He instructed Pileggi he had “felt kind of enlarged by it” and that the film “was about us.”
“These guys by no means actually had motion pictures that have been made about them,” Pileggi stated. “They’d Edward G. Robinson, Bogart, Jimmy Cagney.”
“The Godfather” and different Mafia motion pictures didn’t simply depict the mob, they outlined the mob for itself and supplied visible and social cues, Diego Gambetta, a sociologist, wrote in “Codes of the Underworld: How Criminals Talk” (2009). “How an actual mobster ought to look, costume and behave are points for which there is no such thing as a optimum technical resolution,” he wrote, noting that they “can not as an illustration devise an organization jingle and make it identified to everybody with out getting caught.”
“Motion pictures,” he wrote, “can unintentionally supply some options to those issues.”
“The Godfather” provided that and rather more to the younger Gravano, a boy born within the Italian enclave of Bensonhurst, Brooklyn, in 1945. A tricky child, he was a member of a neighborhood gang referred to as the Rampers earlier than he joined the U.S. Military at 19. When he got here house at 21, he discovered all his outdated Rampers buddies had joined the Mafia.
A mobster instructed him, “You’ve acquired to belong to a household or you possibly can’t do nothing. You may’t personal a bar, you possibly can’t personal a membership, you possibly can’t do nothing,” Gravano recalled.
And so Salvatore Gravano grew to become “Sammy the Bull.” And a few years later, in 1972, he noticed the film.
“I used to be shocked,” he stated. The film, and a father determine he admired within the Colombo crime household, put him on a transparent path. “My dream was to develop into a gangster, to be sincere with you.”
Gravano would finally wind up within the Gambino household and rise to No. 2, the underboss to John Gotti, the boss of what was then believed to be America’s strongest crime household. Alongside the best way, he stated, he typically discovered himself trying again to “The Godfather” for steering.
One scene that stayed with him: when the Corleones sit down with an affiliate of one other household to debate coming into the drug commerce. Vito Corleone says no, however his hothead son, Sonny, interjects. Vito laments: “I’ve a sentimental weak point for my kids, and I spoil them, as you possibly can see. They discuss when they need to hear.” He then privately scolds Sonny: “By no means inform anyone outdoors the household what you’re pondering once more.”
That scene printed on the younger Gravano, who stated he had given variations of that order many instances. “I might inform individuals: For those who open your mouth, have an opinion to do one thing, they’ll know you’re a weak hyperlink,” he stated.
He at all times associated most carefully with one character. “I actually see myself as Michael Corleone,” he stated. “I used to be within the army, I got here house and I went within the Mafia. I abided by the foundations and rules, I stayed quiet. I stayed a household man with my spouse and youngsters.”
Gravano, who was so moved as a younger man by a saga of the Mafia’s attract, went on to play a significant position within the group’s undoing. He grew to become a cooperating federal witness and testified towards Gotti and others in return for a five-year jail time period and entry into the witness safety program. Gravano blames Gotti, who grew to become often called the “The Dapper Don,” for the entire thing falling aside.
“Gotti, in his flamboyant methods, broke each rule within the ebook,” he stated. “He did extra injury to the Mafia than 10 individuals who cooperated put collectively. You by no means noticed any Mafioso do what he did.”
Benjamin Brafman, a outstanding legal protection lawyer who has previously represented defendants in organized crime instances, sees “The Godfather” as a postcard from the previous. “It glorified an period I don’t assume exists anymore,” he stated.
Sammy the Bull would agree. Gravano left witness safety years in the past and, turning 77 this month, shares tales from his life in a podcast, “Our Factor,” from a studio outdoors of Phoenix. He stated that he doesn’t envy what passes for right now’s mobster, unrecognizable to the Corleones. However he nonetheless thinks of the film.
“Right here I’m, 100 years later,” he chuckled, “nonetheless quoting ‘The Godfather.’”
New York
Read Eric Adams’s Legal Filing
Case 1:24-cr-00556-DEH Document 19 Filed 10/01/24
Page 5 of 29
Nicholas Fandos, Ocasio-Cortez Says Adams Should Resign ‘for the Good of the
City,’ N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/aoc-eric-adams-resign.html .
John Miller, Investigation into NYC Mayor Adams Focused on Campaign Money
and Possible Foreign Influence, CNN (Nov. 14, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/14/politics/mayor-eric-adams-investigation-
campaign-money-foreign-influence/index.html.
17
.5, 12
Gloria Pazmino et al., FBI Investigation of NYC Mayor Eric Adams Fundraiser
Centers on Illegal Contributions from Foreign Nationals, CNN (Nov. 4, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/02/politics/fbi-search-fundraiser-adams-
campaign-new-york/index.html ……….
.4, 14
.21
Grand Jury Secrecy, 1 FED. PRAC. & PROC. CRIM. § 107 (5th ed. 2024).
William K. Rashbaum et al., City Hall Aide Is Cooperating with Corruption
Investigation into Adams, N.Y. Times (May 20, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/20/nyregion/adams-fbi-corruption-
investigation-aide.html……
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams and His Campaign Receive Subpoenas
in Federal Investigation, N.Y. Times (Aug. 15, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/15/nyregion/eric-adams-fbi-
investigation.html …..
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams Is Indicted After Federal Corruption
Investigation, N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/eric-adams-indicted.html .
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Free Airfare Upgrades Received
by Adams, N.Y. Times (Apr. 5, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/05/nyregion/eric-adams-turkish-airlines-
upgrades.html..
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Whether Adams Cleared Red Tape
for Turkish Government, N.Y. Times (Nov. 12, 2023),
. 6, 13, 16
.7, 13
..1, 7, 15
..6, 13
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/12/nyregion/eric-adams-investigation-
turkey-consulate.html..
.5, 12
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Raided Homes of Second Adams Aide and
Ex-Turkish Airline Official, N.Y. Times (Nov. 16, 2023),
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/16/nyregion/nyc-adams-turkey-raid-
aide.html…
iv
.5, 17
New York
Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme
new video loaded: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme
transcript
transcript
New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme
Federal prosecutors say Mayor Eric Adams of New York took illegal campaign contributions and luxury travel benefits from foreign actors and used his power to help Turkey.
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“Mayor Adams engaged in a long-running conspiracy in which he solicited, and knowingly accepted, illegal campaign contributions from foreign donors and corporations. As we allege, Mayor Adams took these contributions even though he knew they were illegal, and even though he knew these contributions were attempts by a Turkish government official and Turkish businessmen to buy influence with him. We also alleged that the mayor sought and accepted well over $100,000 in luxury travel benefits. He told the public he received no gifts, even though he was secretly being showered with them.” “This did not surprise us that we reached this day. And I ask New Yorkers to wait to hear our defense before making any judgments. From here, my attorneys will take care of the case, so I can take care of the city. My day to day will not change. I will continue to do the job for 8.3 million New Yorkers that I was elected to do.” “Amen.” Protester: “You’re an embarrassment — you’re an embarrassment to Black people. You’re an embarrassment.” Crowd: “Resign, resign, resign, resign. resign, resign, resign.”
Recent episodes in New York
New York
Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated
Federal prosecutors in Manhattan on Thursday unveiled a five-count indictment against Mayor Eric L. Adams of New York, charging him with bribery conspiracy, fraud and soliciting illegal foreign campaign donations.
Mr. Adams, who is up for re-election in 2025, insisted he was innocent in the case, which is led by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams of the Southern District of New York. At least three other federal investigations have reached people in the mayor’s orbit.
The New York Times annotated this indictment.
Download the original PDF.
New York Times Analysis
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1
This is a historic and remarkable case title, naming Eric Adams as the first mayor in modern New York City history to be criminally charged while in office, only three years after he was elected to lead City Hall.
2
The scope of the accusations are stunning. Prosecutors say that for almost a decade, Adams abused his power as Brooklyn borough president and later as mayor in order to receive illegal campaign donations and luxury travel benefits — including free flight upgrades, hotel stays and high-end meals.
3
Often, a criminal indictment is written like a story. Here, federal prosecutors describe the main character, in this case Adams, and start to set a scene before describing the specifics of a criminal conspiracy of which he was a member.
New York Times Analysis
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4
Federal prosecutors accuse Adams and his campaign of illegally taking advantage of New York City’s generous public matching program by using so-called straw donors — people who make campaign donations with someone else’s money — to inflate the amount to which he was entitled. However, the number they use here — $10,000,000 — is the total amount of matching funds he received, rather than what he might have obtained illegally.
5
The indictment accuses Adams of concealing at least $123,000 worth of flight upgrades and tickets that were gifts from a Turkish official and other Turkish nationals. He did not report any of these gifts on his annual disclosure forms.
New York Times Analysis
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6
Adams’s love of travel is well known, and he has often spoken of all the international destinations he has visited — going back to his time as a state senator. Reporters have often questioned how these trips were paid for, and now prosecutors are saying some of them, along with free meals and hotel rooms, were given to him as bribes.
7
For prosecutors, an important part of proving a defendant’s guilt is providing evidence that he knew what he was doing was wrong. That is why they have included this section accusing Adams of trying to cover up his crimes with phony paper trails, token payments and deleted messages.
8
This answers a big question raised by the investigation: How did Turkish officials and other Turkish nationals benefit from having a close relationship with the New York City mayor? This is one of many examples cited throughout the indictment.
New York Times Analysis
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9
This introduction explains how the city’s public matching program for campaigns works. The indictment then describes how Adams is accused of abusing it.
New York Times Analysis
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10
Adams went to Turkey twice in four months during his first year as Brooklyn borough president. The second trip was arranged by a Turkish entrepreneur, with ties to celebrities, according to the indictment. The New York Times has identified the person who arranged the trip as Arda Sayiner.
New York Times Analysis
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11
“The Turkish official,” described throughout the indictment as a main player in this conspiracy, is Reyhan Özgür, who until recently was the Turkish consul general in New York. Before August 2020, he was the deputy consul general. In those roles, Özgür interacted with Adams in his capacities both as Brooklyn borough president and as mayor.
12
This appears to be a reference to Enver Yücel, a wealthy Turkish businessman who founded Bahcesehir University in Istanbul and Bay Atlantic University in Washington, D.C. While he was borough president, Adams weighed in to support a charter school that Yücel tried to open in New York without success.
13
This matches the description of Rana Abbasova, who served as the mayor’s longtime liaison to the Turkish community. Her home was searched by federal agents, and she later cooperated with the Adams investigation.
New York Times Analysis
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14
Adams has talked publicly about his love of Turkish Airlines, calling the airline “my way of flying” in a 2017 interview. He praised the airline for accommodating his vegan dietary needs.
15
Winnie Greco, whose name does not appear in the indictment, was Adams’s Asian affairs liaison. She is now a special adviser to the mayor and his director of Asian affairs. Greco’s home was raided by the F.B.I. in February in a case that is being investigated by a different jurisdiction, the Eastern District of New York in Brooklyn.
New York Times Analysis
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16
The indictment describes how Adams went out of his way to use Turkish Airlines so he could travel for free.
17
This appears to describe Demet Sabancı Çetindoğan, a businesswoman from a wealthy family and owner of the St. Regis hotel in Istanbul. Records from the Brooklyn borough president’s office show that before this 2017 trip, Adams had dinner with her at a restaurant called Spago during a trip to Turkey in December 2015.
New York Times Analysis
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18
The Turkish Airlines manager in New York was Cenk Öcal, whose home was searched by the F.B.I. late last year. Adams named Öcal to his 2021 mayoral transition committee.
19
Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign didn’t disclose this June 22, 2018, fund-raising event to the city’s Campaign Finance Board. But that day, the campaign reported gathering $21,100 from 20 donors without connecting them to that event.
New York Times Analysis
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20
This paragraph seems particularly problematic for Adams. It shows that prosecutors have text messages in which a promoter who arranged Adams’s trips (Sayiner) discussed illegally funneling foreign contributions to Adams in a conversation with his aide (Abbasova). Abbasova, who is now cooperating with prosecutors, has apparently told them that Adams approved this illegal scheme and that she would testify to that. His lawyers would certainly challenge her testimony if the case ever goes to trial.
New York Times Analysis
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21
The assertions about Adams’s failure to report some of his free foreign travel on his annual disclosure forms raise questions about the efficacy of the Conflicts of Interest Board.
New York Times Analysis
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22
It is remarkable, if true as prosecutors say, that Adams was discouraged by Özgür, the deputy Turkish consul general, from meeting with a Turkish businessman who was in legal trouble about possible donations, and Adams did it anyway.
New York Times Analysis
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23
This echoes the mindset that we have seen with other foreign nationals who have tried to curry favor with American municipal officials. Their hope is to gain leverage over these lower-level officials who may eventually rise in national politics.
New York Times Analysis
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24
Based on campaign records, this description matches Tolib Mansurov, an Uzbek businessman who runs a company called United Elite Group. The records show that Mansurov and four other company employees donated $2,000 to Adams’s campaign on Dec. 17, 2020.
New York Times Analysis
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After arranging straw contributions, Mansurov sought help from Adams, including with problems he was having with the Department of Buildings, according to the indictment. Later, prosecutors say, Mansurov thanked Adams, who had promised to look into his issues, after they were partially resolved.
New York Times Analysis
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A fund-raiser organized by Erden Arkan, the owner of KSK Construction, was held on May 7, 2021. The event brought in $69,720 for Adams’s mayoral campaign from 84 donors. The campaign then used those donations to seek an additional $63,760 in public matching funds, according to campaign documents obtained by The Times.
New York Times Analysis
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27
Campaign finance records show that the Adams campaign received five $2,000 donations on Sept. 27, 2021, from people listed as employees of Bay Atlantic University, the small Turkish-owned institution based in Washington, D.C. Those gifts came from a fund-raiser held on Sept. 18, 2021, and were refunded the following month, according to information submitted to the Campaign Finance Board.
New York Times Analysis
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28
The Adams campaign raised over $8.9 million for his 2021 mayoral election, and received over $10 million in public funds, more than any other citywide candidate received that year. In August, the Campaign Finance Board, in a 900-page preliminary audit of Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign, chronicled numerous missing payments, sham donations and the potential misallocation of up to $2.3 million in taxpayer money.
New York Times Analysis
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29
When Adams sought last-minute tickets to Istanbul in 2021, his aide called the Turkish Airlines manager, who said they would be very expensive — then discounted them to $50, the indictment says.
The aide, however, rejected such a cheap price — “No, dear. $50? ” she said — to avoid suspicion, according to the indictment, and Adams ended up paying $2,200 for business-class tickets that would have cost $15,000 on the open market.
New York Times Analysis
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30
The Turkish government also paid for Adams’s chief fundraiser at the time, Brianna Suggs, to travel to Istanbul, and then gave her a fake bill for her hotel stay, the indictment says.
New York Times Analysis
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31
The Turkish House was erected at the cost of nearly $300 million, a sum that drew criticism in Turkey in 2021, when students protested the high cost of housing.
New York Times Analysis
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32
Here begins the narrative of how prosecutors say Adams influenced the Fire Department to allow the Turkish Consulate to open in time for a visit by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan despite safety concerns. In exchange, prosecutors say, Adams received travel perks and other gifts.
New York Times Analysis
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33
At this point, Adams had won the Democratic primary for mayor and was likely to be the next occupant of City Hall, so his outreach to the fire commissioner carried weight.
New York Times Analysis
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34
In this email message included in the indictment, a Fire Department official made clear the Turkish consulate project had too many safety issues to approve. But after Adams exerted pressure, officials later signed off on it anyway, the indictment says.
New York Times Analysis
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35
Adams reported back to the Turkish consul general, Reyhan Ozgur,, that the building would be approved. Ozgur wrote back: “You are a true friend of Turkey.” Adams replied: “Yes even more a true friend of yours. You are my brother. I am hear (sic) to help.”
New York Times Analysis
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36
After he was elected mayor, Adams and his partner took a highly publicized trip to Ghana. At the time, Adams’s campaign spokesman told reporters that Adams had paid for the trip himself. But, according to the indictment, Adams purchased two tickets to Pakistan on Turkish Airlines for a total of $1,436, then had the airline manager upgrade the tickets to business class and change the destination to Ghana — tickets that would have cost $14,000 — meaning that Adams is accused of receiving $12,000 in airline tickets for free.
New York Times Analysis
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37
Before he went to Ghana, the indictment says, Adams had a nine-hour layover in Istanbul during which he was treated by the Turkish government to a luxury car, a driver and a high-end dinner. An important side note here: The Turkish consul general, Ozgur, messaged Adams’s aide to make sure Adams understood where the gifts were coming from. “We are the state,” prosecutors quote Ozgur as saying.
New York Times Analysis
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38
Adams named Cenk Ocal, the Turkish Airlines manager who arranged for his free and discounted travel, to his mayoral transition committee.
New York Times Analysis
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39
A catalog of travel benefits Adams is accused of receiving begins here.
New York Times Analysis
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40
In the month Adams took office, he met in a private restaurant space with Arda Sayiner, the entrepreneur who had earlier offered to secure illegal contributions, the indictment says, adding that when Sayiner offered more help, Adams accepted.
New York Times Analysis
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41
The indictment now moves into the heart of Adams’s first term as mayor, accusing him of continuing to do favors for his Turkish benefactors and continuing to solicit illegal funds, now for his re-election campaign.
New York Times Analysis
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42
In September 2023, Abbasova, Sayiner and Suggs arranged a fundraiser for foreign donors — and disguised it as a meeting to discuss sustainability issues with a PowerPoint presentation and a cost of $5,000 to attend, according to the indictment.
New York Times Analysis
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43
On Oct. 9th 2023, the Adams campaign raised $16,700 from the Turkish-American community, according to campaign records. The indictment mentions one of the organizers as as a publisher of a magazine aimed at Turkish Americans, which appears to describe Cemil Ozyurt, owner of the Turk of America magazine. Ozyurt donated $1,000 that day to the campaign, records show.
44
“Are they going to make the limit?”
There are repeated references in the indictment to Adams’s refusal to show up at fundraisers unless his campaign received at least $25,000.
New York Times Analysis
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45
When the investigation that led to this indictment became public in November 2023, prosecutors said, Adams scheduled yet another dinner with a businessman who was going to illegally contribute to his campaign through straw donors. But when news of the inquiry emerged, that dinner was canceled, the indictment said.
New York Times Analysis
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46
According to the indictment, Adams’s chief fundraiser, Brianna Suggs, called Adams five times before allowing F.B.I. agents who showed up at her door in Brooklyn last year to enter. She then refused to say who had paid for her trip to Turkey, prosecutors say.
New York Times Analysis
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47
Prosecutors say that Adams’s aide, Rana Abbasova, tried to delete incriminating messages in a bathroom when the F.B.I. showed up at her house, which later led to her suspension from City Hall.
48
This is just a jaw-dropping section of the indictment.
(There appears to be a typo when prosecutors refer to Adams’s claims that he changed his password on Nov. 5, 2024. F.B.I. agents took his phone in 2023, and presumably said he had changed his password then. )
New York Times Analysis
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49
The formal counts against Adams are described here, along with the “overt acts” — specific incidents — that prosecutors say support the charges. These are typically laid out near the end of an indictment.
New York Times Analysis
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50
If Mr. Adams is convicted of all five counts in the indictment, the maximum penalty under law would be 45 years in prison. But under the federal sentencing guidelines, he would most likely receive a much shorter prison term.
New York Times Analysis
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The indictment is signed by the foreperson of the grand jury that voted to approve it, whose name is redacted, and by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams, whose name is not.
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