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The North Korean defectors who became YouTube stars | CNN

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The North Korean defectors who became YouTube stars | CNN



CNN
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Rising up in North Korea, Kang Na-ra had by no means used the web.

Even the privileged few of her compatriots who had been allowed smartphones might entry solely the nation’s tightly restricted intranet. YouTube, Instagram, and Google had been totally alien ideas.

At present, Kang is a YouTube star with greater than 350,000 subscribers. Her hottest movies have raked in tens of millions of views. Her Instagram account, with greater than 130,000 followers, boasts sponsored advertisements for main manufacturers together with Chanel and Puma.

She’s amongst an rising variety of North Korean defectors who, after escaping into South Korea, have made what may appear unlikely careers as YouTubers and social media influencers.

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Dozens have adopted an identical path up to now decade, their movies and accounts giving a uncommon glimpse into life within the hermit kingdom – the meals North Koreans eat, the slang they use, their every day routines.

Some channels provide extra political content material, exploring North Korea’s relationships with different international locations; others dive into the wealthy and – for these newly defected, totally novel – worlds of popular culture and leisure.

However for a lot of of those influencers, who’ve fled one of many world’s most remoted and impoverished nations for one among its most technologically superior and digitally linked, this profession path isn’t as unusual as it could appear.

Defectors and specialists say these on-line platforms provide not solely a path to monetary independence – however a way of company and self-representation as they assimilate to a frightening new world.

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Defectors are a comparatively latest phenomena; they started getting into South Korea “in vital numbers” up to now 20 years, most fleeing over North Korea’s prolonged border with China, stated Sokeel Park, the South Korea nation director for worldwide nonprofit Liberty in North Korea.

Since 1998, greater than 33,000 folks have defected from North to South Korea, in line with Seoul’s Unification Ministry, with the numbers peaking at 2,914 in 2009.

Kang, now 25, is among the many many to have made the journey – one laden with dangers, equivalent to being trafficked in China’s intercourse commerce, or being caught and despatched again to North Korea, the place defectors can face torture, imprisonment and even loss of life.

Kang fled to the South in 2014 as a young person, becoming a member of her mom who had already defected.

It was powerful at first; like many others, she confronted loneliness, tradition shock, and monetary pressures. The South’s notoriously aggressive job market is even harder for defectors, who should modify to each capitalist society and hostility from some locals.

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As of 2020, 9.4% of defectors had been unemployed – in comparison with 4% of the final inhabitants, in line with the Unification Ministry.

For Kang, a turning level got here when she began receiving counseling and joined a college with different defectors. But it surely wasn’t till she appeared in a South Korean TV present that life actually “grew to become attention-grabbing,” she stated.

Within the 2010s, rising public fascination with North Koreans gave rise to a brand new style of tv often called “defector TV,” through which defectors had been invited to share their experiences.

Among the best-known exhibits embrace “Now On My Approach To Meet You,” which first aired in 2011, and “Moranbong Membership,” which aired in 2015.

Kang appeared on each – and it was round this time that she first laid eyes on YouTube, the place she was particularly drawn to movies about make-up, magnificence and trend.

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By 2017, she had created her personal channel, leveraging her rising fame and “recording my every day life for individuals who appreciated me from TV exhibits.”

Kang Na-ra is seen on a camera monitor in a studio in Seoul, South Korea, on September 5, 2019.

Lots of her YouTube movies discover variations between the 2 Koreas in a cheerful, conversational type, equivalent to contrasting magnificence norms. “In North Korea, when you have large breasts, that’s thought-about to be not good!” she laughs in a single video, recalling her shock at discovering padded bras and breast implants within the South.

Different movies reply frequent questions on escaping North Korea, equivalent to what defectors carry with them (salt for luck, a household picture for consolation, and rat poison in case they get caught – for “when you already know that you will die.”)

Ultimately the channel grew so standard that she landed illustration from three administration businesses, employed video producers, and commenced attracting purchasers for sponsored Instagram content material.

“I’ve a gentle movement of revenue now,” she stated. “I should purchase and eat what I would like, and I can relaxation after I wish to.”

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A video on Kang Na-ra's YouTube channel.

This mannequin of success – echoed by different defector YouTubers, equivalent to Kang Eun-jung, with greater than 177,000 subscribers; Jun Heo, with greater than 270,000 earlier than he took down his channel this yr; and Park Su-Hyang, with 45,000 – has impressed many others to affix YouTube.

A part of their success, in line with Sokeel Park, of Liberty in North Korea, is that defectors “are fairly entrepreneurial.”

“I feel a consider that’s that you simply’re in management, you’re not being ordered round by a South Korean boss, and having to emphasize a few South Korean work tradition,” he stated.

“It could be a wrestle, however folks have company … You’re your personal boss, by yourself schedule.”

Defector TV might have helped supercharge the recognition of a few of these influencers – nevertheless it has additionally drawn controversy among the many defector group.

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Some view it as “imperfect” however useful in giving the South Korean public better publicity to their Northern friends, Park stated. However many others criticize the discuss exhibits as being sensationalist, exaggerated, outdated and inaccurate.

For example, the exhibits usually use cartoon graphics, elaborate background units and sound results – equivalent to mournful music that performs whereas defectors recall their previous.

On the finish of the day, these are leisure exhibits, not documentaries, Park stated, including: “(The exhibits are) made by South Korean TV producers and writers … clearly (the defectors) don’t have editorial management.”

Park Su-hyang, a North Korean defector, records a YouTube video at home in Seoul, South Korea on May 19, 2018.

This frustration with how North Koreans are represented in mainstream media, and their need to inform their tales on their very own phrases, is one main motive why so many defectors have turned to social media.

Many defectors really feel “that South Koreans have solely a really shallow understanding of North Korea, or that they’ve sure stereotypes about North Korean those that must be challenged,” Park stated.

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YouTube permits “a really totally different stage of management and company, to have the ability to simply arrange a digicam in your house or wherever you may movie, and simply communicate on to an viewers.”

However for a lot of defector YouTubers there may be one other, loftier objective apart from incomes an impartial revenue by telling their very own tales: bridging the hole between the 2 Koreas.

It’s a tall job, particularly in recent times as relations have deteriorated on account of disagreements over the North’s weapons testing and the South’s joint army drills with america.

However some say these tensions are precisely why it’s vital to humanize and join Koreans from both sides.

“I imagine letting folks know concerning the hardship of North Koreans by way of YouTube could be useful for my folks in North Korea,” stated Kang Eun-jung, 35, who fled North Korea in 2008 and began her YouTube channel in 2019.

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For her, YouTube is a approach to “preserve reminding myself about my id, who I’m and the place I got here from” – in addition to to show folks about defectors’ experiences.

“If the 2 Koreas get united, I wish to interview many individuals in North Korea,” she added.

Nonetheless, there’s an issue for these hoping to bridge the divide: their audiences are getting older, probably as a result of their content material appeals most to the technology that lived by way of the Korean Battle of the Nineteen Fifties and its aftermath.

“The technology that remembers North and South Korea as one nation is passing away,” Park stated.

That makes constructing bridges among the many youthful technology extra pressing.

Most of Kang Eun-jung’s viewers are of their 50s or older, whereas Kang Na-ra’s are principally of their 30s – comparatively excessive age brackets on the planet of social media.

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A part of the issue could also be that younger South Koreans know subsequent to nothing about their friends on the opposite facet of the demilitarized zone, as a substitute being bombarded with ominous information headlines concerning the safety state of affairs, political rhetoric and army saber-rattling.

Consequently, Park stated, “younger South Koreans know American folks higher than North Korean folks. They know Japanese folks higher than North Korean folks, they know Chinese language folks (higher than North Korean folks).”

“So having the ability to resume some type of people-to-people contact, understanding, and empathy – if that’s North Koreans making their very own YouTube channels – then that’s nice.”

For Kang Na-ra, who left behind many buddies in North Korea and as soon as even thought-about returning to the repressive regime, that distance feels private.

“I wish to have extra (subscribers of their) teenagers and other people of their 20s as a result of I would like extra younger folks to care about unification and be serious about North Korea,” she stated.

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“Wouldn’t it elevate the potential of me going again to my hometown earlier than I die? If extra younger folks need unification of the Koreas, couldn’t it come true?”

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Where Trump Gained and Harris Lost in New York

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Where Trump Gained and Harris Lost in New York

Where each candidate gained
or lost votes compared with the party’s 2020 candidate, by
borough

Donald J. Trump won 30 percent of the votes cast in New York City this month. It was a seven-point jump from his performance in 2020, and a higher share of the vote than any Republican nominee has won in the city since George H.W. Bush in 1988.

But his improved vote share was driven more by the votes Democrats lost than by the votes he gained.

How votes changed since 2020

In every neighborhood in New York City, from Red Hook in Brooklyn to Riverdale in the Bronx, Vice President Kamala Harris received markedly fewer votes than Joseph R. Biden, Jr. did in 2020, while in most neighborhoods, Mr. Trump notched modest increases compared with his last run.

The votes cast in New York City have not yet been certified, but more than 97 percent of them have been counted. That includes all ballots that were cast in person, both on Election Day and before, and a majority of absentee ballots, according to Vincent M. Ignizio, the deputy executive director of the city’s election board.

As it stands, the downturn in votes for the Democratic candidate was six times the size of Mr. Trump’s gains when compared with 2020. In some boroughs, the ratio was even larger.

Change in vote by borough, compared with 2020

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All of New York City

−573,600

+94,600

Queens

−164,900

+35,400

Brooklyn

−151,700

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+16,600

Manhattan

−120,900

+17,900

Bronx

−111,000

+23,800

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Staten Island

−25,100

+900

Many New Yorkers moved out of the city during the pandemic, and by the 2022 midterms, the total number of registered voters here had already started to drop. As of this month, there were about 230,000 fewer active registered Democrats in the city than there were in 2020, and about 12,000 more registered Republicans.

It is not clear how much that contributed to the outcome of the election, but the pattern of Democratic losses and Republican gains was clear across all income levels and ethnic groups in the city. The drop-off was most pronounced among working-class immigrant groups who live outside Manhattan, many of them in the neighborhoods that were hit the hardest by the pandemic and the economic disruption that followed.

The neighborhood where Democratic turnout dropped the most in terms of percentage change was Borough Park, an Orthodox Jewish enclave in Brooklyn that voted overwhelmingly for Mr. Trump. While support for Mr. Trump increased only slightly, from about 22,200 votes in 2020 to 22,700 in 2024, turnout for the Democratic candidate dropped 46 percent, from about 7,600 votes in 2020 to about 4,100 in 2024.

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Where Democratic support declined the most

Percentage change in votes compared with 2020

Borough Park, Brooklyn

−46%

+2%

Woodhaven, Queens

−42%

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+46%

Bensonhurst, Brooklyn

−40%

+12%

Corona, Queens

−40%

+57%

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Richmond Hill, Queens

−39%

+35%

Ocean Parkway, Brooklyn

−39%

+1%

Elmhurst, Queens

−38%

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+30%

Gravesend, Brooklyn

−37%

+13%

Flushing, Queens

−36%

+11%

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Dyker Heights, Brooklyn

−36%

+9%

Morrisania, Bronx

−36%

+62%

East Tremont, Bronx

−36%

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+57%

East Harlem, Manhattan

−36%

+26%

South Richmond Hill, Queens

−36%

+49%

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Concourse, Bronx

−35%

+58%

Note: Data includes neighborhoods that had 10,000 votes or more in 2024.

Among income groups in the city, the precincts with the lowest median incomes saw a the largest drop in support for the Democratic candidate, and the largest increase in support for Mr. Trump.

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Percentage change in votes compared with 2020

Lowest income

−32%

+24%

Middle income

−26%

+12%

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Highest income

−17%

+7%

Note: The lowest income areas have a median income in the bottom 25 percent of all precincts; middle income areas have a median income in the middle 50 percent of all precincts; and highest income areas have a median income in the top 25 percent of all precincts.

Ms. Harris lost substantial support in precincts with larger populations of Latino and Asian voters. Asian voters have been shifting rightward in recent years because of a mix of concerns about crime, city education policies and the economy.

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Mr. Trump made significant gains in precincts where a majority of residents were Latino or Black.

Percentage change in votes compared with 2020

45% Asian

−37%

+19%

70% Hispanic

−37%

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+55%

70% Black

−21%

+46%

90% white

−18%

−2%

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Northvolt chief resigns a day after battery maker collapses into bankruptcy

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Northvolt chief resigns a day after battery maker collapses into bankruptcy

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Northvolt’s chief executive has resigned a day after Europe’s big battery hope filed for bankruptcy in the US.

Peter Carlsson took responsibility for the dramatic collapse during a town-hall meeting with employees on Friday morning, the Stockholm-based company said.

Northvolt was Europe’s best-funded start-up, having raised more than $15bn from investors and governments, but was left with just $30mn in cash — enough to operate for a week — before its bankruptcy filing under US Chapter 11 rules that gives it protection from creditors.

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“The Chapter 11 filing allows a period during which the company can be reorganised, ramp up operations while honouring customer and supplier commitments, and ultimately position itself for the long term. That makes it a good time for me to hand over to the next generation of leaders,” Carlsson said.

He later told reporters that Northvolt needed about $1bn-$1.2bn to be able to continue as a going concern after Chapter 11.

The former Tesla executive founded Northvolt in 2016 and positioned it as Europe’s answer to the growing dominance of Asian players in battery manufacturing such as China’s CATL and BYD, Japan’s Panasonic and South Korea’s LG and Samsung.

Northvolt gathered more than $50bn in orders from automotive groups such as Volkswagen, BMW, Scania and Porsche as well as billions more in capital from the same groups and from financial investors including Goldman Sachs and BlackRock.

But it said late on Thursday that it was filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in the US with $5.8bn in debts, so that it could access $145mn in cash and $100mn in fresh financing from truckmaker Scania. It is now looking for one or more investors to provide it with future financing to exit Chapter 11.

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Current and former employees have told the Financial Times that the fall of Northvolt was due to a litany of issues, from mismanagement and overspending to poor safety standards and over-reliance on Chinese machinery.

Several investors had privately urged Carlsson to resign to take responsibility for Northvolt’s dramatic fall from grace.

Speaking to reporters on Friday about what went wrong, Carlsson said: “I should have pulled the brakes earlier on the expansion path to make sure the core engine was moving according to plan.” He also said there had been “gravel in the machinery”.

VW, Northvolt’s biggest current shareholder with a 21 per cent stake, had told the start-up that “they’re not able to continue capitalising us”, Carlsson continued. But he also said that the company had received strong support from Scania, Porsche and Audi, which are all part of the VW group.

Northvolt has struggled to ramp up production at its sole factory in Skellefteå, just below the Arctic Circle in northern Sweden.

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Its plans for factories in Germany and Canada remain unaffected by Chapter 11 as they have received significant subsidies from the respective governments.

“We are incredibly thankful to Peter for his vision and dedication to building Northvolt from an unprecedented idea to becoming Europe’s battery manufacturing champion,” said Tom Johnstone, Northvolt’s interim chair.

The company will begin searching for a new chief executive immediately.

Its present leadership consists of Pia Aaltonen-Forsell, chief financial officer; Matthias Arleth, a former VW executive who is now head of cells and who will also take the role of chief operations officer; and Scott Millar, an executive at Teneo who has become chief restructuring officer.

Carlsson, currently one of Northvolt’s largest shareholders, will remain on the company’s board and as a senior adviser.

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You can sword-fight at this club. But no politics allowed

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You can sword-fight at this club. But no politics allowed

Gaia Ferrency, 17, of Swissvale, Pa., waits to participate in a long-sword tournament as part of Friday Night Fights, hosted by Pittsburgh Sword Fighters, on Oct. 4 at a former Catholic church northeast of Pittsburgh.

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Over the last few years and through this year’s contentious campaign season, which was rooted in America’s deep divisions, there has been a coarsening in the way people talk to each other. We wanted to explore how some are trying to bridge divides. We asked our reporters across the NPR Network to look for examples of people working through their differences. We’re sharing those stories in our series Seeking Common Ground.

CREIGHTON, Pa. — With their faces hidden behind hard black masks, two fighters stand a few feet apart and raise their swords.

They step forward and clank the broad, dull metal blades against each other repeatedly. One fighter strikes the other in the chest. The fight is over, and a small crowd applauds.

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Inside this former Catholic church northeast of Pittsburgh, under a 25-foot ceiling flanked by Gothic, pointed-arch windows, members of the Pittsburgh Sword Fighters club and school gather.

In this photo, two sword fighters, wearing all black and protective gear, fight against one another with long metal swords. In the background, audience members watch them compete in the tournament.

The audience cheers on two sword fighters as they take part in a long-sword tournament hosted by Pittsburgh Sword Fighters.

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It’s a tournament — as well as a party — billed as Friday Night Fights.

There are plenty of rules in a sword fight. But there’s one rule that applies after the fighters have put down their weapons: no talk of politics.

The evolution of the rule started around 2016, when club owner Josh Parise says he was getting fed up with the rancor of political discourse in the U.S. — personal attacks were on the rise, even within families, as was cancel culture.

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“I couldn’t tolerate the lack of decency between human beings,” says Parise, whose club focuses on historical European martial arts.

“None of it made sense anymore,” he says.

This photo is a portrait of Josh Parise. The photo shows him from the waist up, and he's wearing a gray shirt with an unbuttoned horizontal-striped shirt on top of it.

Josh Parise, 48, of Oakmont, Pa., is the owner of Pittsburgh Sword Fighters.

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And then there were a few would-be sword fighters who came to the club and didn’t treat others well. Parise had to tell them to get on their horses and leave.

“It’s infuriating to me, so with this place, we just don’t allow that to happen,” Parise says.

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Leaving their politics at the door

As club volunteer Kat Licause watches the matches, she says the directive to avoid politics has led to closer relationships in the club.

“I don’t think we avoid it in the sense that we’re running scared of big questions and topics,” says Licause, who works as a tech writer. “I think we just have this mutual understanding here that if any of us was ever in trouble, we would pick each other up, like immediately.”

The club space is outfitted with medieval and Gothic touches, like coats of arms, a three-eyed raven sculpture and faux stonework that Parise made himself.

Chuck Gross stands in the doorway of the former Catholic church. He's wearing a dark tank top and has a long beard. Taxidermic animals with antlers are mounted on the wall above and around him. A teenage girl or young woman is to the left of him in the doorway.

Chuck Gross, one of the head long-sword instructors at Pittsburgh Sword Fighters, stands in the doorway of the former Catholic church where a long-sword tournament will take place.

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Against the far wall, a custom Dumbledore throne sits on a fake altar. Off to the sides, there’s a table for potluck dishes and an open bar. The crowd and the vibe are noticeably chill, considering the main activity.

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“You walk up, you acknowledge one another, and then you hit each other with big metal sticks,” Parise says with a wry smile.

But divisive political rhetoric, which can be sharper than the swords here, must be left at the club’s big wooden door. The politics ban doesn’t rise to the level of, say, a 15th-century heresy law, but it’s there.

Parise says his students and club members run the gamut politically, from religious conservatives to progressives. He loves to see them find common ground.

“I just don’t want people to feel uncomfortable, but I also don’t want them to bring their baggage with them,” he says. “Leave it outside and just do the thing.”

Teaching and learning from fellow fighters

As the tournament gets underway, a judge briefs the fighters and urges them to play by the rules and stay under control, lest he “red-card” them.

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In this photo, Todd Rooney stands while holding a long metal sword. He's wearing a black protective sword-fighting outfit that has a skull patch on one sleeve.

Todd Rooney, a high school English teacher, is photographed on Oct. 4. Rooney is a competitor in the long-sword tournament.

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“These are teachable moments,” the judge says. “We fight at Friday Night Fights to learn and help each other.”

More fighters line up. Among them is high school English teacher and long-sword instructor Todd Rooney.

He’s holding his headgear, waiting for his name to be called to fight. Rooney has been a member of the sword fighters’ club for almost 10 years and appreciates the politics-free zone.

“Because that rule exists here, I get to work with, spar with, teach, learn from people from all different walks of life, all different political affiliations, religious groups,” Rooney says.

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And the controlled conflict of a sword fight, he says, brings about a kind of clarity.

“We have to encounter each other as fully human — we have to respect each other,” he says. “And it’s especially important here, when we’re coming at each other with weapons.”

In this photo, nine men and one woman are congregated around the steps of the former church where the sword fights are held. They are wearing casual clothes. Some are sitting or standing on the steps, while a few are standing in front of the steps.

Members gather on the steps of the former Catholic church where Pittsburgh Sword Fighters hosts a Friday Night Fights long-sword tournament.

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