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Judges Begin Freeing Jan. 6 Defendants After Trump’s Clemency Order

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Judges Begin Freeing Jan. 6 Defendants After Trump’s Clemency Order

“I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, and to the republic for which it stands, one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.” [cheering] They came from all 50 states out of some sense of patriotic duty … “It’s so much more than just rallying for President Trump. It’s really rallying for our way of life. The American dream, against fake news.” … to protest an election they believed had been stolen. “Stop the steal! Stop the steal!” “We’re here, patriots. We’re in Washington D.C. Capitol building dead in front of us.” Their day of action would be Jan. 6 … “The House comes to order.” … when Congress would count electoral ballots and ratify the 2020 election results. For some, it was just a rally for their president. For others, it was a call to arms. “We have the power in numbers. March on Congress directly after Trump’s speech.” In the weeks beforehand, there were over a million mentions on social media of storming the Capitol. Maps were shared of the building’s layout. There was talk of bringing weapons and ammunition, and discussion over which lawmakers should be targeted first. This anger was based on a lie. “This election was a fraud.” A lie that had grown more frenzied after the election. “President Trump won this election.” “They were flipping votes.” “Steal the election in Philadelphia.” “When you win in a landslide and they —” “Steal the election in Atlanta —” “And it’s rigged —” “Steal the election in Milwaukee —” “It’s not acceptable.” “This is outrageous.” A lie spread by the president and his closest allies. “Let’s call out cheating when we find it.” Some of whom stoked calls for violence. “All hell is going to break loose tomorrow.” “Everyone’s going to remember who actually stands in the breach and fights tomorrow. And who goes running off like a chicken.” “We bleed freedom.” “This will be their Waterloo.” “And we will sacrifice for freedom.” “This will be their destruction.” “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” What happened next was chaos. “They broke the glass?” Insurrection. “Take it now!” “Treason! Treason!” Death. Then, there began a campaign to whitewash history, starting at the top. “It was a zero threat. Right from the start, it was zero threat.” And spreading throughout the Republican Party. “Even calling it an insurrection, It wasn’t. By and large, it was peaceful protest.” One lawmaker, who helped barricade the House doors, now suggests there was barely any threat. “If you didn’t know the TV footage was a video from January the 6th, you would actually think it was a normal tourist visit.” A tourist visit this was not. And the proof is in the footage. As part of a six-month investigation, The New York Times has collected and forensically analyzed thousands of videos, most filmed by the rioters themselves. We obtained internal police radio traffic … … and went to court to unseal police body-cam footage. Our reconstruction shows the Capitol riot for what it was, a violent assault encouraged by the president on a seat of democracy that he vowed to protect. We’ll chart how police leaders failed to heed warnings of an impending attack, putting rank-and-file officers in danger. We’ll track key instigators in the mob taking advantage of weaknesses in the Capitol’s defenses to ignite a wave of violence that engulfed the building. We’ll show, for the first time, the many simultaneous points of attack, and the eight breaches of what appeared to be an impenetrable institution of government. We’ll show how the delay to secure Congress likely cost a rioter her life. And how for some, storming the Capitol was part of the plan, all along. “In fact, tomorrow, I don’t even like to say it because I’ll be arrested.” “Well, let’s not say it. We need to go — I’ll say it.” “All right.” “We need to go in to the Capitol.” “Let’s go!” It’s the morning of Jan. 6, and thousands are filling the National Mall in Washington. Trump will speak here at the Ellipse, a large park near the White House and a half-hour walk to the U.S. Capitol where the election will be certified. Who is actually in this crowd? Most are ordinary citizens who believe Trump’s lie that the election was stolen. “It’s going to be a great day. It’s going to be wild, as Trump says.” But we also see more extreme groups who’ve gained a following during Trump’s presidency. There are followers of the QAnon conspiracy … “Drinking their blood, eating our babies.” … who believe that Trump is facing down a cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles. Q posts often invoked notions of patriotism and predict a coming storm. And ahead of Jan. 6, some supporters call for violence. The Oath Keepers, a far-right paramilitary group, are also here. “We have men already stationed outside D.C. —” Their leader has said the group is ready to follow Trump’s orders and take members of what they call the “Deep State” into custody. They’re organized, staging their military-style equipment neatly on the ground. And later, they put on body armor, talk on radios, and chat with their supporters on a walkie-talkie app called Zello. “We have a good group. We got about 30, 40, of us who are sticking together and sticking to the plan. Y’all, we’re one block away from the Capitol, now. I’m probably going to go silent when I get there because I’m going to be a little busy.” Another group is the Proud Boys. They’re far-right nationalists who flashed white power signs throughout the day. “Check out all this testosterone.” They became a household name when Trump invoked them during a presidential debate. “Proud Boys, stand back and stand by.” And that’s what they did. They have a history of street violence and will be key instigators of the riot. We’ll return to them soon. Although the rally is billed as a political protest, some make calls to storm the Capitol even before Trump speaks. And later, when Trump does take the stage … “We’re going to walk down to the Capitol.” … some hear his words as a call to action. “I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building.” Two hours before this, the Proud Boys were already heading for the Capitol. They’re clearly spoiling for a fight with far-left agitators like antifa, who they believe are in D.C. But there are moments that suggest another motive. “Come on, tighten up.” “Come on, boys. They’re organized, too. Many are marked with orange tape or hats. They’re wearing body armor, carrying baseball bats and using radios. “That’s affirmative. Jesse, this is Tucker” Leading them is Ethan Nordean, who’s been entrusted with so-called war powers. He’s joined by other well-known Proud Boys like Joe Biggs, an organizer from Florida, Dominic Pezzola, a former Marine, and Billy Chrestman. They will be among the first rioters inside the Capitol building. “Proud Boys.” As Trump is speaking, some of his other supporters also head to the Capitol. Chanting: “Whose streets? Our streets! Whose streets? Our streets!” And the tone is becoming menacing. “And we’re going to storm the [expletive] Capitol. [expletive] you, [expletive].” “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” Just ahead, officers guarding the building are understaffed and ill-equipped for what’s coming their way. “You going to stop us?” The building is more than two football fields in length. And barricades erected on the east side are defended by just a few dozen officers. The west side, facing Trump’s rally, is even lighter. The fencing has been extended and on the northwest approach, only five officers stand guard. Around five also defend the southwest approach, a few more dot the lawn and about a dozen officers are behind them. Plans to storm the Capitol were made in plain sight, but the F.B.I. and Department of Homeland Security did not deem those threats as credible. “We will take that building!” “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” Capitol Police leaders and Washington’s mayor were warned at least three times of violent threats, but also didn’t take them seriously or circulate that information. And they declined offers of security personnel from federal and other agencies. They could have enlisted several hundred more Capitol police for duty on Jan. 6, but did not. And none of the officers on the barricades have protective gear or crowd-control equipment. As a result, the Capitol is sparsely defended. “Whose House? Our House! Whose House? Our House!” It’s 12:50 p.m. and a large group of Proud Boys is with other protesters right by the Capitol Police line. Joe Biggs is rallying them. When he’s approached by Ryan Samsel, a Trump supporter from Pennsylvania. They chat, we don’t know about what. But a minute later, Samsel is the first to approach the police line. And it’s now that the protest turns violent. “U.S.A.!” Without hesitation, the crowd overpowers the police. Nearby, a second group breaks through on another approach. Others jump fences. And now hundreds of rioters rush forward on several fronts. “D.C. is a [expletive] war zone.” Police retreat to the Capitol building where it’s becoming more threatening. “This is what we came for! Yeah!” A mob mentality begins to take hold. Police are so outnumbered, they’re forced to retreat again to more tightly defend access points to the Capitol. It’s now five minutes into the siege that the Capitol Police chief calls for backup from local law enforcement, known as the Metropolitan Police, and asks other Capitol leaders to mobilize the National Guard. “You took an oath! Does that not mean a damn thing to you, does it?” Metro Police will arrive within 15 minutes. But for reasons we’ll explain later, the National Guard won’t arrive for over four hours. “Back up! Back up!” Meanwhile, more Capitol Police come to reinforce the line. It’s the first time we see officers in riot gear. But most are missing their shields because they had not prepared to unlock the storage area where that equipment is kept. Proud Boys like Billy Chrestman keep rallying the mob. And again, they start brawling with the police. Minutes later, reinforcements from the Metro Police arrive. A high-ranking Metro officer immediately calls for more backup. They struggle to subdue rioters who respond with their own chemical spray. And within 30 minutes, the police already have casualties. [shouting] This first wave of rioters battling police has paved the way across Capitol grounds for others to follow. And after Trump finishes speaking, thousands more now fill the space. Meanwhile, inside the Capitol, Nancy Pelosi and Mike Pence have begun certifying the 2020 presidential election results. Certification will happen on both sides of the building, in the House and the Senate. And this is what the rioters want to stop. An hour into the assault, the mob is battling a police line here, along the west face of the Capitol. But that violence is now going to spread to multiple points of attack, as west side rioters stream around the Capitol and incite the crowd on the east. Here’s what that crowd looks like on the east. “Stop the steal! Stop the steal! Stop the steal!” They’re aware of the siege happening on the west side, and some are emboldened by it. But up until now, they’ve been kept behind the barricades. “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” Then this group from the west storms around to the building and pushes right through the barriers. The police here barely put up a fight. And it’s now that protesters, all along the east barricades, surge forward. [cheering] Officers are overwhelmed from several directions, and retreat to guard Capitol entrances. But these rioters believe they’ve been deputized by their president to stop a crime. And now, they start trying to get into the building itself. [shouting] [glass breaking] [pounding on door] The Capitol is now surrounded. Rioters haven’t made it inside yet, but around the time that the mob on the east pushed forward, rioters on the west were making a pivotal move. This scaffolding was erected for the upcoming inauguration of Joe Biden. It covers a staircase that gives direct access to an upper level, and dozens of doors and windows. Three police lines guard that route. But at ground level, officers are so overwhelmed that just a few cover this crucial access point. Several Proud Boys see the weakness. Proud Boys start fighting the police, and with others in the mob, they push through the line. Over several minutes, it’s a brutal fight on these steps. At one point, the rioters are held back. [groaning] But they make a final push up the flight of stairs. [cheering] At the top, they scuffle again with a small group of officers … … who give in after barely a minute. The mob now has direct access to Capitol entrances. “I can’t believe this is reality. We accomplished this [expletive].” And hundreds more protesters below, surge forward. “Let’s go! The siege is ours.” It’s utter mayhem, and it’s about to get worse. This scene is being filmed from countless angles allowing us to piece together, moment by moment, what comes next. Proud Boy Dominic Pezzola uses a police shield he stole to bash in a window. And at 2:13 p.m., the Capitol is breached. Michael Sparks, a Trump supporter from Kentucky, is the first person inside. A police officer seems unsure of what to do and backs off. Sparks is followed by Proud Boys and other far-right extremists, one carrying a Confederate flag, another armed with a baseball bat. When rioters break open the locked doors, hundreds more rush in. [shouting] [glass breaking] This is a critical moment. Officers must now defend the outside and inside of the building, stretching them even further. Simultaneous events now happen that are critical to lawmakers’ safety. Rioters head straight for the Senate, and will be at its doors in two minutes. Above them, the Senate is called into recess. “We’ll pause.” Members will evacuate down these stairs. In this hallway, directly overhead the rioters, Officer Eugene Goodman is sprinting to overtake them. He passes Mitt Romney, who he warns to turn around. Reinforcements are following behind. Goodman overtakes the mob, goes downstairs and intercepts them. He holds them off while backup arrives upstairs. Behind these rioters, and just feet away, is an escape route where the lawmakers and Senate staff are now fleeing. Just one officer stands guard. Keeping his composure, Goodman draws the mob away from that escape route to where reinforcements are waiting. Goodman: “Second floor!” He glances toward the Senate, and realizes the door is unguarded. Goodman shoves the protester again, lures the mob away, and brings them into that line of fellow officers. Again, the rioters here are convinced it’s their duty to defend democracy. “We’re not [expletive] around! Because we are mad!” [shouting] The officers hold them off here, for now. Meanwhile, on the other side of the Capitol, a few political leaders are evacuated from the House of Representatives. But despite a lockdown alert, proceedings here will resume. “The House will be in order.” We’ll go there soon. First, we’ll go to the Crypt in the center of the Capitol below the Rotunda. The mob is already at its entrance. If they get through here, they will more easily fan out across the building. Rioters jostle with police here for six minutes, and then flood through. It’s now 2:24 p.m., some 90 minutes after the siege began, and the mob is about to overrun the building. “Stop the steal! Stop the steal!” As this is happening, and as thousands more swell outside, Trump composes a tweet. Not to calm his supporters, but to blame his vice president. He writes: At this very time, Pence and his family are being taken to safety, along with an aide who’s carrying the country’s nuclear launch equipment. “O say does that star-spangled banner yet wave?” At 2:25 p.m., there’s another major breach on the opposite side of the building, the east side. Rioters have been battling a handful of officers at these doors for almost half an hour. The tide turns when rioters who came through the Crypt, reach these doors and pull them open. Then an active-duty Marine Corps officer, Christopher Warnagiris, keeps that door open for the mob to flood in. Just as elsewhere, this crowd is a mix of die-hard Trump supporters, but also more organized groups like the Oath Keepers, who move in formation here toward that east side entrance. The Oath Keepers and their supporters continue to update each other on the Zello chat app. The group enters the Capitol together. Proud Boys are near them, including Joe Biggs, the organizer we saw earlier. He’s entering the building for a second time. The Oath Keepers fill the Rotunda along with hundreds of other rioters. “Took over the Capitol. Overran the Capitol.” “We’re in the [expletive] Capitol, bro.” Now the police inside the building are completely outnumbered and call for backup. “It’s our House!” “Whose House?” “Our House!” Throughout the Capitol, staffers have barricaded doors to keep the mob out. In Nancy Pelosi’s chambers, staffers rush inside a conference room and lock two doors behind them. Just 12 minutes later, rioters outside head straight for her offices. “Nancy! Nancy!” And pile in. Huddled together under a table, Pelosi’s staff record what’s happening. One rioter tries to break into that same room. Inside, staffers are silent as they record him pounding. [loud banging] He gets through the first door, but the second door keeps him out. It’s a scene that, again, shows just how compromised the U.S. government has become. “I think I like my new dining room.” By 2:30 p.m., the Senate evacuation is well underway. But even though a lockdown was called over 15 minutes ago, the House is still in session. “Do not accept Arizona’s electors as certified.” Representative Jim McGovern is chairing. He told us he wanted to finish hearing objections to the election results by Paul Gosar. House staff and security gave McGovern the all-clear to continue. It’s a delay that likely cost someone their life. Suddenly, staff are now pointing at the chamber’s doors. Just outside, a mob of 100 or more is baying to get into them. These rioters pay little heed to the thin line of police. “They’re going. Yeah, I would just stop — bro.” And in moments, are pushing against the doors into the House. “Stop the steal!” On the other side, Capitol Police erect a barricade and draw their guns. “You’re a traitor.” On the floor, lawmakers are evacuated to the rear of the chamber, where in a few minutes a rioter will be shot and killed. Part of the mob outside now peels off in that direction to find a different way in. Ashli Babbitt, an Air Force veteran and QAnon supporter, is among the first to arrive at the rear of the House. “Open the door.” They see the lawmakers escaping. That lobby might have been clear had the House been evacuated sooner. But the rioters now become incensed. Zachary Alam, a Trump supporter from Pennsylvania, punches in the glass panels with his bare fists. [pounding on door] “Open the door.” Police are stretched extremely thin. Just three officers and a security staffer stand guard. None are wearing riot gear, and they keep their weapons holstered. “It’s going to get worse.” “Open the door.” When a team of heavily armed police now arrives, the three officers step aside. “Go! Let’s go! Get this.” This creates a crucial gap that allows rioters to smash in the glass. A warning — what happens next is graphic. It’s 2:44 p.m., and behind the door, a police officer draws his handgun. Babbitt vaults into the window and the officer shoots her once. [gunshot] “Oh! Oh!” It’s a fatal wound through the upper chest. Inside the chamber, the floor is clear, but lawmakers in the balcony are sheltering in place. [gunshot] “The [expletive]?” “Take your pins off.” “Pins off.” They now remove the breast pins that identify them as members of Congress. A group of rioters who almost made it to the balcony are held at gunpoint as it’s finally evacuated. Now Trump supporters have achieved their goal, stopping the election certification. And while the House is evacuated, at the other side of the building, the Senate is occupied. “Treason! Treason! Treason!” On the Senate floor, they leaf through lawmakers’ files. “There’s got to be something in here we can [expletive] use against these scumbags.” Mug for photos. “Jesus Christ —” Pray. “We invoke Your name. Amen!” “Amen!” And leave a message for Mike Pence. “It’s only a matter of time. Justice is coming.” As rioters inside have been rampaging throughout the Capitol, the crowd outside has grown. And that first battle has continued raging. [horn blowing] For almost two hours, officers face off with rioters who say they support the police … … but assault them, anyway. We’re going to show what happened here because it demonstrates, yet again, how failures by Capitol Police leaders to prepare put the safety of these officers at risk. “Leave him alone! Leave him alone!” Capitol Police had been ordered to withhold some of their stronger weapons. But as soon as Robert Glover, a Metro Police inspector arrives, he calls for his munitions team to help. When the building is breached, Glover knows he needs to retreat and seeks advice from Capitol leaders. [shouting] When Capitol don’t respond, he asks four times. “Push! Push! Push! Push!” Then, the police lose the line. “We the people, we are the storm!” Rioters knock an officer over, throw a fire extinguisher. “U.S.A.!” Glover issues a 10-33, the call of last resort. Crazed rioters hound the police even as they retreat to the upper level. Police now begin to guard this doorway, an iconic centerpiece of presidential inaugurations. But for another two hours, the same pattern will repeat. Rioters fill the terrace. Instigators trigger a frenzy. And tragically, someone will die. A brutal fight erupts in the doorway. The mob heaves in a coordinated scrum. [screaming] “Help!” When police finally push them out, they face even worse violence. They are tased, gassed and robbed of their equipment. They’re beaten with a crutch, a hockey stick and even an American flag. At least four officers are pulled into the crowd. One dragged by his own helmet, face down. And again, the frenzy turns fatal. Rosanne Boyland, a Trump supporter who has been swept up by QAnon conspiracies, is moving toward the door. But amid the scrum, she collapses and is lying unconscious beneath the mob. [crowd chants] “I can’t breathe! I can’t breathe!” As the crowd sarcastically chants a Black Lives Matter slogan, Boyland’s friend, Justin Winchell, tries to pull her to safety. He screams for help. But instead, fellow rioters trample over Boyland and charge at the police again. Boyland will be pronounced dead at a local hospital in the evening. By the end of the day, rioters have breached and entered the building in at least eight locations. There’s the first breach, which we’ve seen, when rioters smashed through two windows and a door. Beside that, a rioter with a crowbar smashes in a second door, and then opens it to hundreds of people. Others smash a window next to the Inauguration door and climb inside. “Patriots, we need people to stand up for our country and our Constitution.” At this entrance, police stand aside and allow rioters to stream in, unchallenged. On the north side of the building, police in riot gear yield and let the crowd in. Another three breaches are on the east side, two by the central doors into the Rotunda, and this southeast door leading to the House chamber. It’s the arrival of more Metropolitan Police and other agencies that finally turns the tide. When those officers enter the Rotunda, they clear it in just 20 minutes. As the mob is pushed back through the east doors, their rage turns to Mike Pence, who Trump attacked earlier. Metro officers also stop other rioters from entering on the west side, where the mob first broke in. But here, too, we see a crowd empowered by the belief that they’re carrying out some patriotic duty. Over the course of the day, 150 police officers are injured. After 4 p.m., Metro and Capitol Police regain control of the upper levels. The final parts of the interior are cleared by other law enforcement, including federal agencies. Tear gas and flash bangs disperse the crowd on the Inauguration terrace. The Virginia State Police and Arlington County Police help to reclaim that area. Then rioters are swiftly pushed off Capitol grounds by a reinforced police line. Only now, more than three hours after Capitol police first called them, do National Guard soldiers arrive. “You can diffuse and turn down, right now.” Troops were staging just 20 minutes away. But a recent procedural change meant the highest level of the Pentagon had to approve deployment. And Pentagon officials delayed the decision, partially in fear of bad optics, even as the Capitol was being overrun. As calm returns, the president tweets again. He repeats that the election had been stripped away, calls his supporters great patriots, and says: The aftermath of Jan. 6 has been as divisive as the lie that launched it. Even as one arm of government has indicted hundreds of rioters, Republican lawmakers continue efforts to normalize what happened with a mix of denials and conspiracy theories. “Some of the people who breached the Capitol today were not Trump supporters.” “I knew those are people that love this country, that truly respect law enforcement, would never do anything to break a law. And so I wasn’t concerned.” They include Paul Gosar, who’d been at the Trump rally. “The D.O.J. is harassing peaceful patriots across the country.” And Andrew Clyde, who we saw earlier, standing just a few feet from rioters. “There was no insurrection. And to call it an insurrection, in my opinion, is a bald-faced lie.” Republican leaders have blocked an independent investigation that could have brought new details to light. “I’ve made the decision to oppose the House Democrats’ slanted and unbalanced proposal for another commission to study the events of January the 6th.” And in May, a top Republican was ousted from the party’s leadership after blaming Trump for inspiring the riot. “And I think that the party is in a place that we’ve got to bring it back from.” None of what happened on Jan. 6 would have been possible without a huge mass of ordinary people who were proud of what they achieved. “We made it!” “Yeah! We stopped the vote!” Millions around the country still believe the violence was not only justified, but necessary. And the forces that brought them there have not gone away. “Yeah, the patriots are coming back, y’all. Hopefully, y’all will be on our side when that happens.”

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Man Accused of Starting Palisades Fire Admired Luigi Mangione, Prosecutors Say

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Man Accused of Starting Palisades Fire Admired Luigi Mangione, Prosecutors Say

Federal prosecutors say the man accused of starting one of the most destructive fires in California history was fascinated by fire and by Luigi Mangione, who became a populist hero to some after he was charged with murdering a health insurance executive.

Jonathan Rinderknecht, 30, is accused of intentionally setting a fire in the Santa Monica Mountains that later exploded into the Palisades fire, which killed 12 people and destroyed thousands of homes across the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles in January last year.

A trial memorandum released by federal prosecutors last week paints a portrait of Mr. Rinderknecht in the weeks before the fire as a lonely and erratic man who was angry at the world, particularly the rich.

Federal prosecutors say that in December 2024, the month before the fire, Mr. Rinderknecht had been living alone in an apartment in North Hollywood and working as an Uber driver.

He seemed to have followed the case of Mr. Mangione, who is charged with fatally shooting Brian Thompson, the chief executive of UnitedHealthcare, in New York City on Dec. 4, 2024.

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In the wake of the shooting, Mr. Mangione became a folk hero to some people, who saw him as striking a blow against the health insurance industry and its profits. (Mr. Mangione is set to stand trial on a second-degree murder charge in September.)

Mr. Rinderknecht searched for Mangione-related news, using the search terms “free Luigi Mangione,” “lets take down all the billionaires” and “reddit lets kill all the billionaires,” according to court documents.

When investigators later asked Mr. Rinderknecht why someone might commit arson in the Palisades, he said it would be out of resentment of the rich, and he compared such a fire to the murder for which Mr. Mangione was charged. “We’re basically being enslaved by them,” he told investigators.

Mr. Rinderknecht was arrested in October and has been charged with three arson-related counts. He has pleaded not guilty, and his lawyers maintain that the fire was sparked by fireworks. Mr. Rinderknecht is being held at the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles. His trial is set for June.

His lawyer, Steven Haney, pushed back on federal prosecutors’ latest narrative. He said that they were politicizing the case and offering “wild motives and conspiracy theories.” He said that the focus on Mr. Mangione revealed a lack of concrete evidence.

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“If fascination with Luigi Mangione is evidence of arson, the U.S. attorney’s office is going to need a much bigger courtroom — because they’ll have to indict half the country,” he said in an email.

Prosecutors pointed to other factors that might have affected Mr. Rinderknecht’s state of mind on New Year’s Eve, just before prosecutors say the fire was set.

Mr. Rinderknecht was unable to secure plans for the evening and “exhibited extreme anger, indignation and frustration” about that, according to an affidavit. He was upset about his relationship with a co-worker whom he had dated earlier in the year. He shared information about his feelings toward her with ChatGPT more than 50 times, according to the court documents.

On Dec. 30, the woman asked Mr. Rinderknecht for space. He then left her “two manic voice mails,” according to the affidavit. He reached out to two other people to try to make alternate plans, but neither came through.

On New Year’s Eve, he drove several Uber passengers, who later recalled that he had been driving erratically, ranting about Mr. Mangione, capitalism and vigilantism. He dropped off his final passenger in Pacific Palisades and hiked up a trail, where he listened to a French rap song about despair. (The music video for the song shows the singer lighting things on fire, prosecutors note.)

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He was obsessed with fire, prosecutors say. A few months before the Palisades fire, he asked ChatGPT to generate images of people running away from a burning forest. On Dec. 5, he viewed images of a wildfire in Southern California caused by arson. On Dec. 29, he filmed fire engines leaving a Hollywood station and said out loud, presumably to himself, “They’re coming for you, bro,” and warned himself to get his mind in order and “not be liking this craziness,” according to the court documents.

Prosecutors say that just after midnight he lit a fire in the chaparral, and then repeatedly called 911. He watched as fire trucks arrived and took videos of their efforts. That blaze, known as the Lachman fire, was not fully put out; it rekindled amid terrible winds seven days later and became known as the Palisades fire, prosecutors say.

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Hotels have a big World Cup problem: Bookings are running far below projections

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Hotels have a big World Cup problem: Bookings are running far below projections

General view of Arrowhead Stadium, in Kansas City, Missouri, which will be hosting some of the World Cup matches this summer.

Jamie Squire/Getty Images North America


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With only six weeks to go before the start of the World Cup, hotels at most of the cities hosting the tournament are facing a major problem: Bookings are running far below what they had expected.

For some metro areas such as Kansas City, bookings are running even below what a typical June or July would bring, according to an industry survey released on Monday by the American Hotel and Lodging Association. The report was conducted last month and a spokesperson said it’s based on 205 respondents “representing hotel operators and owners, many of whom own multiple hotel portfolios across the country and across multiple World Cup markets.”

AHLA said the disappointing bookings stem from fewer than expected international travelers and large cancellations by FIFA — the organizer of the World Cup — leaving hotels with an unexpectedly large number of empty rooms.

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“Despite more than 5 million tickets sold (for World Cup matches), this demand has not yet translated into strong hotel bookings,” the AHLA said in the report.

The disappointment comes after the hotel industry was bracing for a strong summer in 2026. The World Cup is taking place across the U.S., Canada and Mexico — with 11 U.S. cities hosting games. In addition, the U.S. is celebrating the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, which was also expected to bring an influx of foreign visitors.

Overseas visitors are critical to the hotel industry, the AHLA says, because they tend to spend more — and stay longer.

But the AHLA warned nearly 80% of hotel bookings across host cities are running below initial forecasts, according to its survey. In Kansas City, 85% to 90% of hotels reported bookings below projections.

World Cup organizers in Kansas City pushed back to the survey, telling The Athletic that embassy staff in countries such as the Netherlands are deploying additional staff to the city in anticipation of a high number of visitors. An tournament organizers in the city still stand by their ambitious projection to attract 650,000 visitors over the course of the World Cup, CEO of Visit KC and the Kansas City Sports Commission, Kathy Nelson, told KCUR in an interview.

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KC26, the host committee, did not immediately reply to a request for comment from NPR.

There were bright spots, however, for host cities Miami and Atlanta. About half of survey respondents in the capital of Georgia reported bookings in line or ahead of projections, while about 55% of respondents in Florida’s biggest metro city reporting stronger-than-expected projections.

Japan supporters celebrate after their team beat Spain at a 2022 World Cup game held at the Khalifa International Stadium in Doha, Qatar, on Dec. 1, 2022.

Japan supporters celebrate after their team beat Spain at a 2022 World Cup game held at the Khalifa International Stadium in Doha, Qatar, on Dec. 1, 2022.

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Not coming to America

The survey results appear to be another sign that overseas travelers are not planning to come to the U.S. in the numbers once expected as a result of a slew of factors including tighter immigration policies by the U.S. administration.

“Even with global anticipation building, the path to the U.S. for many World Cup travelers feels increasingly less like a red-carpet welcome,” the AHLA said in its survey. “There is a perception that international travelers may face lengthy visa wait times, increased visa fees, and lingering uncertainty around entry processing.”

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The AHLA also cited other factors such as the strong U.S. dollar and concerns about airport screening as “contributing to a growing sense that visiting the U.S. for the World Cup may be more complicated and costly.”

FIFA has continued to tout the “unprecedented” demand for the tournament, and has said it expects the World Cup to break attendance records.

Meanwhile, White House spokesman Davis Ingle told NPR last week for a story on World Cup demand that the tournament “will no doubt be one of the greatest and most spectacular events in the history of mankind,” and that “President Trump is focused on ensuring that this is not only an incredible experience for all fans and visitors, but also the safest and most secure in history.”

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The U.S. Army’s ‘Big Experiment’ in the Arctic Cold

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The U.S. Army’s ‘Big Experiment’ in the Arctic Cold

The soldiers heaved the 300-pound plastic sleds down the hallway of their headquarters building. Packed inside were the things they would need to survive when the temperature at their Alaska training area plunged to 40 below or colder.

Each sled carried a tent with enough room for 10 soldiers if they curled their legs. There were gasoline containers to fuel a small metal stove that would keep them warm. There were shovels to clear the snow and hammers, stakes and rope to keep their tents standing when the winds howled.

There were fire extinguishers in case the whole thing caught ablaze.

“Make room!” the soldiers screamed.

The white sleds screeched across the linoleum floor.

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In Washington and other world capitals, the Arctic is cast as a new frontier for military competition, a region where rising temperatures are opening new sea lanes and creating new access to valuable rare earth minerals. Pentagon strategy papers have repeatedly called for closer cooperation with Arctic allies and the construction of new bases to ward off rivals like Russia and China. President Trump has expressed his interest in more atavistic terms, vowing to buy or, if necessary, conquer Greenland by force.

“I would like to make a deal the easy way,” Mr. Trump said earlier this year of his ambitions for the semiautonomous Danish territory. “But if we don’t do it the easy way, we’re going to do it the hard way.”

Absent from all of the strategy documents and Oval Office threats is any sense of how U.S. troops might fight in the brutal conditions.

In February, the Iran war was looming and tens of thousands of U.S. troops were gathering in the Middle East, the region that has been the Pentagon’s focus for the last 25 years. But in Alaska, the Army was preparing for a new kind of war.

The setting was the Yukon Training Center, a 400-mile expanse of snow and ice near Fairbanks and the Arctic Circle.

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At minus 40 degrees and below, weapons fail, batteries quickly lose their charge, and fuel turns into a viscous jelly. Army officials wanted to learn how their equipment would perform in the extreme cold.

But their biggest questions were about the soldiers who came from places like Alabama, Texas, Florida and California. How far could these troops go before exhaustion set in and they started to lose focus, make mistakes or simply quit?

About 4,000 soldiers from the Army’s 11th Airborne Division, including 107 from the division’s Able Company, were taking part in the training battle, which pitted two similarly sized forces against each other.

In this fight, the ammunition was fake; blanks and lasers replaced bullets and artillery shells. But the cold was unsparingly real.

Capt. Trung Duon Vo had been in command of Able Company for almost a year, enough time to understand the dangers his soldiers faced from frostbite. The coldest nights, he knew, could take fingers and toes. If soldiers got sloppy, it could cost them their lives.

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Captain Vo called the company’s leaders together inside their small headquarters building to update them on the latest intelligence on the enemy, which consisted of about 1,000 paratroopers positioned along two ridgelines.

Outside, it was a relatively balmy minus 3 degrees. A light snow was falling.

Captain Vo’s most immediate worry was the company’s movement across a frozen river into the training area and the possibility that someone might break through the ice. He stressed the importance of quickly alerting him and other leaders to “real world issues” like frostbite or hypothermia.

Heads nodded.

“The Arctic always puts a little fear into me as a leader,” Captain Vo confessed. “If you don’t do the right things, you will die.”

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The troops’ eagerness to get moving mixed with dread at the prospect of 10 days in the bitter cold. A few minutes later they were streaming onto buses that would drop them off in the icy, dark wilderness.

The Able Company soldiers said they often felt as if they were participants in a “big experiment.”

Some of the soldiers had volunteered to serve in Alaska, in search of adventure or because the Army had offered them a cash bonus. Others were there purely by chance; someone in the Pentagon’s vast bureaucracy needed to fill an open spot in an infantry platoon.

The troops climbed off the buses and spent the next several hours searching for their rucksacks and other equipment in the dark. The soldiers knew they were at higher risk for frostbite and other weather-related injuries when they were not moving. So, they flapped their arms and stomped their feet to keep their blood flowing.

“If you’re cold, put on your Level 7s,” a sergeant screamed, referring to their heaviest jackets.

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Captain Vo expected that his company’s lead element — about two dozen troops from its first platoon — would push across the frozen river and march about three miles through knee-deep snow with their tents and equipment.

Around 2 a.m. Captain Vo’s lieutenant and first sergeant quietly approached. The 10-day exercise had barely begun and some of the troops already looked miserable. The snowfall was growing heavier.

The lieutenant and first sergeant suggested that they modify the plan and cut the first platoon’s movement that night down to one mile.

Captain Vo’s normally upbeat demeanor shifted quickly to disgust. “I’m so sick of whiny infantrymen!” he yelled.

He was a relative newcomer to Alaska and still learning how to fight and survive in the extreme cold. His uncertainty about his new environment, though, was balanced against a powerful belief in “the human capacity to endure difficult things,” he said.

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As a child, he had endured six years in a Malaysian refugee camp. Hundreds of displaced Vietnamese families, including his own, were packed into a space not much larger than a football field.

A chain-link fence surrounded the facility, with armed men at every gate.

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Eventually, his family was granted political asylum and a new chance at life in the Atlanta suburbs, where they opened a nail salon.

Now, he was a 35-year-old Army officer who needed to get his infantry company motivated and moving.

“It’s Day 1 and you already sound like you’re tired,” he shouted. A string of profanities followed, along with a shared understanding that the first platoon soldiers were going to march the full three miles as planned through the snow before they broke for the night and set up their tents.

By 2:24 a.m. the soldiers had strapped their snowshoes to their boots. Bent under the weight of their 60-pound rucksacks, they made their way across the frozen river and disappeared into the darkness.

They arrived at their objective as the sun was rising and started digging out a clearing in the snow to put up their tents. After about 30 minutes of shoveling in search of solid permafrost, they realized that they were digging in frozen muskeg, a deep bog common in the Alaska wilderness.

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Instead of looking for a better spot, they decided to temporarily lay out their sleeping bags in the open snow. They squeezed each other’s fingertips and earlobes, a regular check to ensure that blood was still flowing through their capillaries and they were not at risk for frostbite.

They boiled water, using portable gas heaters, and poured it into plastic bottles that they stuffed into their sleeping bags for extra warmth.

After a couple of hours in their cold bags, they resumed their search for solid ground. Captain Vo arrived just as they were scraping the permafrost and staking their tents.

“You look demoralized,” he told First Lt. Jordan Lofgren, the platoon leader.

“That was an ass kick,” replied Lieutenant Lofgren, 26. “Without some rest we can’t move the way we just did.”

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The platoon had about six hours before they would have to head out again.

They climbed inside their dark, cramped tents. As the heat from small metal stoves spread, the soldiers sprang back to life. They talked about the parties they were going to throw when they got back to the base and the high cost of plane tickets home. They showed affection in the macabre ways of the infantry. Specialist Zooey Adams, a 20-year-old from Texas, told Lieutenant Lofgren that she had seen him running on post and debated hitting him with her car.

“Like a light nudge or a real hit?” he asked.

“In my mind, I’m taking you out, sir,” she replied.

Soon the only sounds in the tent were snoring and the occasional rustle of a soldier rising to do a shift as fireguard.

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Senior leaders knew that their frontline troops cared about two things more than anything else. “They want to know when they are going to get warm, and they want to know when they are going to eat their next hot meal,” said Col. Christopher Brawley, who oversaw about 2,700 troops, including Captain Vo’s Able Company.

Colonel Brawley built his strategy around this harsh reality. If he could cut off the enemy’s access to food and fuel, Colonel Brawley believed that he could rapidly break their will to fight.

The Able Company troops were part of a big force moving to cut off the enemy’s northern supply routes. A smaller force, made up of several hundred Canadian soldiers, was pushing across more than 10 miles of heavy snow and muskeg — a multiday slog — to close off the harder-to-reach southern routes.

“The Canadians have a horrifying task,” Colonel Brawley said.

But they also had some advantages. They had three times as many snowmobiles as the U.S. battalions in the Arctic. Their soldiers were accustomed to operating in the extreme cold.

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As the Canadians drove south, Captain Vo and his troops trudged toward their objectives in the north.

The days blurred together. The troops longed for the moment when they would sneak up on the enemy and test their soldier skills in a simulated firefight with lasers, smoke and the loud pop of blank rounds. But the actual gun battles were few and far between.

Most days they simply marched.

The lower the temperatures fell, the louder the snow crunched under their boots. “The worst sound you can hear,” Sgt. First Class Stephen Bowers said.

When the temperature plunged below minus 30, the soldiers said they could feel a cold ache in their lungs. Exposed skin prickled and turned red in a matter of seconds. At minus 40 and below, the soldiers retreated to their tents and shifted into survival mode. Sergeants had to force their reluctant troops to keep drinking water. No one wanted to leave their tent to pee.

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On Day 5, heavy snows forced a six-hour pause so that the Army could plow the roads leading into and out of the training area. It was a relatively warm morning, with temperatures hovering around 10 degrees.

A dozen of the Able Company soldiers grabbed their weapons and strapped on their skis so they could practice being pulled by a snowmobile. The tactic, known as skijoring, was supposed to help them move faster while carrying a heavy load. But many of the troops were still wobbly on the snow.

The snowmobile made a big circle, pulling five soldiers who clung to a rope. On one of the passes, Specialist Zaurion Caldwell’s M240 machine-gun barrel caught in the snow, sending him flying and taking out several soldiers behind him. Everyone was laughing and smiling.

“Anyone wanna do it one more time?” the platoon sergeant asked.

“Yeah, me!” someone yelled.

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The skijoring soldiers did another loop, hitting 22 miles per hour before letting go and gliding to a gentle stop.

“The Arctic is a hell of a place,” said Sgt. John Wolf, 26, of Selma, Ala.

An hour later, the pause was lifted. And with that, Able Company returned to the endless march.

A big question that hung over the entire Arctic training exercise, now in its fifth year, was whether the U.S. Army could really fight a war this way.

One problem was the warm tents, which stood out in the extreme cold and could be easily spotted by drones carrying thermal sensors. “They glow like Christmas trees,” said Sgt. Marcus Soto-Simmons, one of the Able Company drone operators.

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A few days into the training center battle, Captain Vo launched a surveillance drone and, using its thermal sensor, quickly found an enemy platoon in its tents.

He then sent out a second killer drone carrying a mock explosive. The opposition soldiers heard its whirring engine as it sped toward them at 80 miles per hour and tried to scramble out of their tents to safety. But it was too late.

The judges overseeing the exercise concluded that Captain Vo had killed most of the enemy platoon. “What would happen if drones took out a string of American tents?” Captain Vo wondered. How would the American people react? How would he?

The Army had been using the same heavy canvas tents for decades. Senior Army leaders were looking for tent fabrics that radiated less heat.

The Army was realizing it needed more Arctic vehicles, like snowmobiles or big, tracked troop carriers. The Swedish-made machines cost $1 million each, carry a dozen soldiers and can move swiftly through deep snow.

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The exercise also showed the value of Arctic expertise. The Canadians had weighed every piece of equipment that they brought to Alaska and meticulously planned how far their troops would be able to move each day. “The American technique is go, go, go until you can’t anymore,” Colonel Brawley said. The Canadian approach, he concluded, was more effective.

By the ninth day of the exercise, the American and Canadian troops under Colonel Brawley’s command had cut the opposition’s supply lines. They were running low on fuel. “You have the enemy in checkmate,” one of the Army officers overseeing the exercise texted him.

For the Able Company soldiers, though, the combat never felt as real as the cold.

A handful of soldiers were forced out of the exercise by cold weather injuries, twisted knees, broken ribs or wrenched backs. But the vast majority endured and were now taking turns digging out spots for their tents. Most preferred shoveling, which got their blood pumping and warmed their bodies, to standing around.

They struggled to hammer tent stakes into the permafrost. The smell of smoke, from metal pounding metal, hung in the air.

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Two hours passed before they had raised the tent.

Specialist Abdul Mare, 25, who emigrated from the Ivory Coast, threaded the Yukon stove’s metal chimney through a hole in the canvas.

“I don’t like the cold,” he said. “But, here I am.”

Everyone was moving slower than normal. Everyone’s muscles ached. In the morning, they would head home and finally escape the cold.

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