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U.S. Housing Finance Support At A Crossroads

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U.S. Housing Finance Support At A Crossroads

If the incoming Trump Administration picks up where it left off, the last unfinished business of the 2008 financial crisis may soon be addressed. That business? Reforming a housing finance system that has been stuck in a sort of high-functioning limbo for more than 16 years.

Housing received considerable attention in the recent election, but that focus was on increasing supply, lowering prices, and providing downpayment help. Absent was a discussion about the federal agencies and programs that ensure ready access to loans for homeownership.

The U.S. housing finance system has largely recovered from the 2008 financial crisis, when the housing market collapsed. Contributing factors in the years leading up to the crisis included unsustainable home price increases, relaxed lending requirements, and an influx of subprime mortgages. Loosened lending was enabled by an increasingly sophisticated set of finance tools—mortgage-backed securities and related derivative products—used by lenders and Wall Street firms. That dynamic led to an expansion of mortgage availability that drove unsustainable house price increases.[1]

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Rising prices led to a belief they would continue to rise, further inflating prices. All was well until prices peaked, and then declined, as high-risk borrowers found it difficult to refinance or sell to settle mortgage debts. Falling prices accelerated as default-driven homes for sale flooded the market. Weakened mortgage lenders then began defaulting on their own lines of credit. Wall Street quickly lost its appetite for risky mortgages and credit markets began to freeze. By late 2008, the seismic impacts of the U.S. housing downturn were being felt across the global economy.

In Washington D.C., policymakers authorized and executed on a series of legislative, regulatory, and operational reforms—often intended as triage-like treatments to stabilize the system—to ensure continued strong mortgage market liquidity. A complete market meltdown was prevented.

Since then, however, the system has progressed without a cohesive and comprehensive reconsideration. Instead, mortgage guarantee agencies and government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs) have adapted their operations and processes to meet evolving market circumstances, but only on the margin. That could change if the incoming administration decides to continue efforts the first Trump Administration initiated in 2019 to overhaul the system.

Beyond addressing housing finance, there is also a need to expand the supply and affordability of housing by making it easier to provide more types of housing in places where people want to live. A common thread through the nation’s housing affordability crisis is the fact that the supply of homes built has been insufficient to keep up with demand. While a healthy finance system is critical, that alone is insufficient to expand the nation’s supply of housing to meet current and future needs. That said, the rest of this essay focuses on housing finance.

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Is A Bigger FHA Here To Stay?

Many of the stabilization measures enacted in response to the 2008 crisis (such as the Troubled Assets Relief Program) were wound down as the economy recovered. But that was not the case at the Federal Housing Administration, the main U.S. agency that guarantees loans made by lenders to homebuyers. FHA dramatically expanded its role as private lending rapidly receded, precisely the countercyclical role envisioned for the agency at its founding in 1934. In fact, FHA’s market share jumped from less than 4% in 2006 to a quarter of all home purchases during the crisis.

Today, the agency continues to back mortgages at elevated, though moderated, levels. Its portfolio of loan guaranties continues to grow and, according to a 2023 report issued by Arnold Ventures (which I authored), rose 171% in inflation-adjusted terms from 2007 to 2023. While a growing portfolio poses potential risks to taxpayers, loans originated since the crisis have performed much better than those made previously. FHA has improved its lending guidelines and adopted improvements such as risk-based underwriting.

Budgetarily, FHA’s single family mortgage insurance programs were projected to result in savings each year from 2000 to 2009. Premium revenues were forecast to far exceed payments on claims. However, after the 2008 crisis, it became clear loans made in those years cost (rather than saved) billions of dollars. Making matters worse, those savings that never materialized were spent elsewhere (showing the danger of mixing cash and accrual budgeting concepts).

Since then, and even with substantial increases in lending volumes, performance has been more in line with forecasts and has, at times, exceeded expectations. Based on supplemental data contained in the 2025 Budget, increasingly reliable forecasts have reflected more in savings than were realized before the crisis. Nevertheless, risks remain that could impact taxpayers in a significant economic downturn.

But FHA’s role in the housing finance system has proven beneficial during and after the financial crisis. While there is no compelling need for reform, legislative efforts to refresh the GSEs could pull FHA (and its sister agency Ginnie Mae) into the fray to ensure roles are harmonized.

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Will Fannie/Freddie Conservatorship End?

The primary function of the GSEs, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, is to facilitate liquidity in the U.S. mortgage finance system. They purchase home loans made by banks and other lenders—known as conforming loans since they must meet strict size and underwriting standards— and pool those loans into mortgage-backed securities, which are then sold to investors. Those securities are favored because the GSEs guarantee full principal even if the underlying mortgages default. The GSEs typically finance more than half of all mortgages originated.

The GSEs are private companies created by the U.S. government. During the financial crisis, Fannie and Freddie were placed into conservatorship by their then-newly created regulator, the Federal Housing Finance Agency. While not at that point insolvent, their earnings and capital were deteriorating as house prices fell and their capacity to absorb further losses was in doubt. A driving concern was that if they failed due to substantial defaults on their insured mortgage portfolios or an inability to issue debt to finance themselves, the crisis would have escalated dramatically.

Conservatorship is an odd legal place for any organization to reside for an extended period—with a third party (in this case FHFA) in operational control. Conservatorship was expected to last only a short time. Then-Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson dubbed the move a “time out” to give policymakers an interval to decide their future. But the GSEs have remained there for more than 16 years, with occasional changes to conservatorship terms. In recent years, the Biden Administration has shown little interest in resolving the matter.

If actions during the first Trump presidency are any indicator, the incoming administration will be more assertive in tackling the issue. A memorandum issued by President Trump on March 27, 2019, stated that “The lack of comprehensive housing finance reform since the financial crisis of 2008 has left taxpayers potentially exposed to future bailouts, and has left the Federal housing finance programs at the Department of Housing and Urban Development potentially overexposed to risk and with outdated operations.” The memo goes on to point out that reforms are needed “to reduce taxpayer risks, expand the private sector’s role, modernize government housing programs, and make sustainable home ownership for American families our benchmark of success.”

The Treasury Secretary was directed to develop a plan to end the conservatorship, facilitate competition in housing finance, operate the GSEs in a safe and sound manner, and ensure the government is properly compensated for any backing. Under the direction of then-Secretary Steven Mnuchin, Treasury published such a plan in September 2019 proposing both legislative and administrative reforms. FHFA and Treasury then began carrying out the parts of the plan that could be done administratively.

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Former FHFA Director Mark Calabria wrote about those actions in his 2023 book Shelter from the Storm. Plans were being made “to bring the conservatorships to an end, restructure the balance sheets, and end the illegal line of credit, while preserving stability in the mortgage market.” But those plans were pushed until after the election to avoid any market disruptions that might occur, particularly given risks posed to the economy by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Consequently, some key actions were completed while others remained on the drawing board. The GSEs were allowed to build capital by retaining earnings and, in a related move, FHFA established a post-conservatorship minimum capital rule. The outgoing administration left a blueprint for reform to end the conservatorship, compensate taxpayers, and allow the GSEs to raise third-party capital.[2]

The Need For Congressional Action

While the new administration can take steps to reform and release the GSEs from conservatorship, a transformed and well-coordinated housing finance system will require legislative action as well. The activities of housing finance agencies like FHA and the GSEs should complement each other. Roles need to be clearly defined, overlap avoided, and taxpayer risks minimized.

The new Congress and incoming administration must explicitly determine those roles. While objectionable levels of risk have accrued in the past, the housing finance system has operated much more soundly in recent years. Legislation should be structured to lock in the operational and financial improvements since the financial crisis and to codify reforms to further strengthen the system.

The nation’s housing market depends on a robust and dynamic housing finance system. While maintaining the status quo follows a path of least political resistance, it will be interesting to see if a second Trump Administrations picks up its past pursuit of comprehensive reform.

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[1] For a fuller explanation of the conditions that led to the crisis, see Subprime Mortgage Crisis, by John V. Duca, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, November 22, 2013.

[2] For a detailed explanation of events during and after conservatorship see: The GSE Conservatorships: Fifteen Years Old, With No End in Sight, by former Freddie Mac CEO Donald H. Layton, September 5, 2023.

Finance

Austin council member Paige Ellis may have violated campaign finance rules again

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Austin council member Paige Ellis may have violated campaign finance rules again

Austin City Council Member Paige Ellis listens to public testimony on Wednesday, Aug. 16, 2023 at City Hall. The District 8 representative, who is running for re-election this year, has previously faced scrutiny for campaign finance practices.

Mikala Compton/Austin American-Statesman

Austin City Council member Paige Ellis has again accepted campaign contributions that appear to exceed city limits, according to recent campaign finance reports, raising questions about compliance with local election law as she seeks a third term representing Southwest Austin.

Under current city rules, candidates for City Council or mayor may not accept more than $450 per contributor per election. The limit applies to individual donors, with exceptions only for the candidate and small-donor political committees.

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Campaign finance reports filed in July 2025 and January 2026 show Ellis accepted nearly $2,500 in contributions that exceeded the $450 individual cap. At least 12 donors gave more than the legal limit, either through single donations above $450 or through multiple contributions across the reporting period that cumulatively exceeded the cap.

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In some cases, donors made two or more contributions during the reporting period that, when combined, pushed their total giving beyond the limit. In other instances, donors appeared to list themselves both individually and jointly with a spouse or partner in ways that resulted in total contributions exceeding what is allowed.

Ellis’ campaign manager, Mykle Tomlinson, said he was aware of the $450 cap for individual contributors. Ellis and Tomlinson both said they believed married couples could contribute up to $900 combined, based on each spouse being allowed to give $450.

“As long as the couple hasn’t given over $900, it’s within the limits,” Ellis said. She added that this interpretation applies even when one spouse gives jointly and then later gives individually, calling it a “working definition” that campaigns have followed for years.

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Read More: Austin City Council members push to ease spending rules before vote

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Ellis said she personally knows the donors and is aware of which contributors are married, even if both spouses’ names are not listed on campaign finance forms.

However, official guidance from both the Texas Ethics Commission and the City of Austin requires contributors to list their full name on campaign finance reports.

“If a finance report listed an amount above $450 with only one name, that would be an issue for the city’s Ethics Review Commission to review,” city spokesperson Jenny LaCoste-Caputo said in a statement Wednesday.

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Central Texas-based ethics attorney Andrew Cates called it “common sense” to list contributions under two names from a married couple to clarify that those donations come from both people, adding that the whole reporting system is in place so there is no confusion about where the money is coming from.

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“If it’s combined, then say it’s combined,” he said. “It’s not that hard.”

City rules state that the candidate is responsible for filing required reports.

Campaign finance violations are reviewed by the city’s Ethics Review Commission. Ellis’ husband, Edward Espinoza, served on the commission from July 2023 through March 2025. He also previously served as Ellis’ campaign treasurer.

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Asked whether Espinoza’s service on the commission posed a conflict of interest, Tomlinson said Ellis recused herself during Espinoza’s appointment by the mayor. He added that the commission often struggled to achieve a quorum during that period and that other council members supported Espinoza’s appointment.

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“It doesn’t seem like anyone thought it was a conflict of interest,” Tomlinson said.

Read More: Austin’s proposed tax hike follows behind-the-scenes budget maneuvering

This is not the first time Ellis has faced scrutiny over campaign finance practices. In 2022, the Ethics Review Commission considered a complaint alleging 56 violations related to her campaign, including accepting contributions above city limits and failing to provide required donor employment information.

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Commissioners dismissed the allegations related to donor information but found that Ellis had accepted excessive contributions. Ellis acknowledged the violations and was sanctioned with a letter of notification. She later issued refunds for the amounts in question.

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In a written statement, Tomlinson said the commission “dismissed the lion’s share of complaints” and found that seven transactions — totaling about $20 — exceeded contribution limits by small amounts. Those funds were refunded and reflected in a subsequent campaign finance report, he said.

Ellis is running for re-election to a third term representing District 8. Because city rules generally limit members to two terms, she will have to collect signatures from at least 5% of eligible voters in her district to appear on the ballot. 

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So far, Ellis has drawn one challenger: Selena Xie, a former Austin EMS Association president, EMS commander and ICU nurse, who announced her candidacy in July. 

Voters will decide the District 8 race in the Nov. 3 election. Council districts 1, 3, 5 and 9 will also be on the ballot this November.

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Finance

Fake ‘ghost students’ stealing identities and financial aid money

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Fake ‘ghost students’ stealing identities and financial aid money

NEW YORK (WABC) — They’re called “ghost students” and they’re draining the resources of community colleges and stealing tax payer financial aid funds.

“You’re stealing from people who really have the least already,” said Dr. David Stout, President of Brookdale Community College in New Jersey. “It’s infuriating.”

Scammers are stealing people’s identities, often through data breaches, to apply for online college classes. Once they apply for financial aid and get the money, they disappear.

It’s a sophisticated scheme and community colleges are often targeted because of their open enrollment policies.

At Brookdale Community College, they’ve been receiving about 1,000 ghost student applications each year for the past three years.

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“Knowing that there are individuals out there that are trying to steal from our community college students and individuals who are trying to steal from our community and from our taxpayers is infuriating,” said Dr. Stout.

Since the pandemic started, it wasn’t rare to have students across the country sign up for his college’s online courses. But three years ago, when one of his financial aid workers noticed a bump in enrollment, the president’s team investigated.

“So she dug a little bit deeper and found that there were seven students that all shared somewhat common credentials and it was at that point that we realized that we were the victims of ghost students,” said Dr. Stout.

“Of course I’m furious that we may have individuals who try to take advantage of the open door policies that community colleges have,” said Dr. Stout.

He said there’s no evidence that any of the fake students who applied at Brookdale received financial funds, they were discovered first. Since then, the college says it has put mechanisms in place to root out fake applicants.

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Eyewitness News reached out to other colleges in the area who say they’ve also put new screening practices in place.

At the City University of New York, a spokesperson said ghost applicants make up less than 1% of its applications. In a statement, a college spokesperson said: “Thanks to our careful screening process none were accepted or provided financial aid, but we continue to strengthen our policies to reduce the number of these applications. For example, the University recently introduced CAPTCHA to screen out bots and fake applicants.”

Nassau Community College has also taken precautions.

A spokesperson said. “while we cannot disclose specific security measures, the college’s IT, financial aid, and admissions departments have been working together to protect the integrity of our admissions and financial aid processes and mitigate the risk this type of fraud poses to our institution.”

Eyewitness News partnered with ABC News to show how this is a growing problem across the country.

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The Inspector General’s Office with the U.S. Department of Education says they have 200 open investigations nationwide.

“We see in some of these fraud schemes where people are enrolled in two or three different schools at the same time receiving aid at all of them,” said Jason Williams, the U.S. Dept of Education Assistant Inspector General for Investigation.

Some schools are now using special software to screen applicants.

“It takes a tremendous amount of administrative work to go through and verify that they’re fraudulent,” said Dr. Stout.

The Brookdale Community College President says they’re in contact with other colleges in the area on a continuous basis to share information and ways to prevent ghost applicants from getting enrolled.

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Finance

Graham Price, Senior Consultant, Financial Restructuring

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Graham Price, Senior Consultant, Financial Restructuring

Graham is a senior consultant in the global special situations & private credit practice, based in the Hong Kong office. Dually qualified in England & Wales and Hong Kong, Graham focuses on both finance and restructuring matters across the Asia-Pacific region. He represents private credit funds, private equity sponsors, major institutional lenders and asset managers on a wide range of finance transactions, including cross-border leveraged financings, restructurings, special situations, direct lending, margin loans, real estate finance and corporate facilities.

Prior to joining Akin, Graham worked at leading international law firms in Hong Kong and London where he also undertook a secondment to Barclays Capital. 

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