Business
Column: Pork producers are in full squeal over California’s farm animal rules. You should tune them out

Main pork producers — an enormous a part of Large Meat, because the livestock business is usually identified — have been pulling out the stops not too long ago to eviscerate a California legislation regulating how they deal with pregnant sows.
They’ve requested the Supreme Court docket to overturn the state’s rules. (The justices could subject a call on whether or not they’ll take the case as quickly as Monday.)
They’ve been floating scary predictions concerning the penalties if the foundations stand. These embody the entire disappearance of bacon from Californians’ breakfast plates, and better costs for raw pork merchandise nationwide, not solely in California.
The sows can’t transfer, they’re biting on the bars. There are large, large psychological welfare points.
Chris Inexperienced, animal legislation knowledgeable, on “gestation crates”
Then there’s the looming chapter of hundreds of mom-and-pop pig farms.
The Nationwide Pork Producers Council and American Farm Bureau Federation, the plaintiffs within the lawsuit into consideration by the Supreme Court docket, painting California’s legislation as an unconstitutional and virtually unprecedented try by one state to impose its regulatory whim on the remainder of the nation.
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They increase the prospect of platoons of gimlet-eyed inspectors despatched out by California to verify farms within the pork belt of the Midwest and North Carolina are complying with a legislation conjured up by these radical libs within the Golden State.
Below the circumstances, the response to those claims writes itself: They’re hogwash.
The business’s goal is Proposition 12 of 2018, which was handed with a strong 63% majority.
The measure, which went absolutely into impact on Jan. 1, took goal at a number of livestock practices of evident excessive cruelty. It established new requirements for the therapy of livestock in California, setting minimal house necessities and establishing civil and prison penalties for egg-laying hens, veal calves and breeding sows.
Among the many chief goals of the initiative in addition to its precursor, Proposition 2 of 2008, has been to eradicate “gestation crates.” These appalling gadgets confine pregnant sows so tightly that they’ll’t flip round, lie down or stretch their legs.
Breeding sows spend most of their lives in these coffin-like buildings, beginning after they’re first artificially impregnated at about 7 months of age.
They get moved into “farrowing crates” after they’re suckling their piglets, designed in order that they’ll’t roll over and crush their offspring. The piglets are weaned at two to a few weeks, and some days later, the sows are impregnated once more.
These practices could have been tacitly accepted by the general public as a result of pigs weren’t seen as they’re — as clever animals that want room to roam. “The sows can’t transfer, they’re biting on the bars,” says Chris Inexperienced, govt director of the Animal Regulation and Coverage Program at Harvard Regulation Faculty. “There are large, large psychological welfare points.”
Pigs are typically considered extra clever than canines, he famous, “however in case you stored canines in cages for the overwhelming majority of their lives the place they couldn’t even flip round, individuals would lose their minds — it might be very apparent that that was utterly inhumane.”
Two components of the legislation are what actually get below Large Meat’s pores and skin. One is the usual for sows: The legislation requires that pork producers present no less than 24 sq. toes of house per pregnant sow.
That’s a typical that isn’t at the moment met by the overwhelming majority of pork manufacturing amenities within the U.S., based on the business; compliance may value greater than $1 billion, not together with ongoing prices to make sure that noncompliant and compliant pork merchandise don’t get blended collectively.
The second beef cited by the pork business is that the measure established prison and civil penalties for promoting raw meals produced in violation of these requirements, even when the sources have been outdoors the state.
That’s what makes the California legislation “impermissibly extraterritorial,” the pork producers say — that’s, the state imposes its will on farmers outdoors its borders, and interferes with interstate commerce in addition.
As they level out, California accounts for 13% of pork consumption, however solely 0.13% of the nationwide breeding herd. California farmers gained’t pay the value of California rules: “It’s to out-of-state sow farms that Proposition 12 virtually solely applies.”
That’s the core of the argument that California voters have been out of line in enacting Proposition 12.
A typical screed on this vein got here from Republican Sen. Joni Ernst of pork-producing Iowa, who managed to bury the difficulty in a mound of ideological refuse: “Radicals in liberal states like California are punishing our hardworking farmers and producers in Iowa by imposing Proposition 12,” she instructed a farm radio program final summer time, calling its provisions “radical animal rights requirements.”
Final month, Ernst’s fellow Iowan, Republican Sen. Charles E. Grassley, known as on the Supreme Court docket to strike down “California’s warfare on breakfast.”
There are a number of issues with all these criticisms. One is that Proposition 12 has been reviewed a number of occasions by federal courts and has survived each problem — three district court docket rulings, two forays earlier than the ninth Circuit Appellate Court docket in San Francisco, and as soon as by the Supreme Court docket, which final yr let stand decrease court docket rulings refusing to dam the legislation. The case, nonetheless, is but to be heard on its deserves.
The one victory scored by opponents is modest — a current order by a California state decide delaying the appliance of the legislation on California retailers till six months after state officers draft rules. These rules are at the moment out for public remark. The plaintiffs had requested for a 28-month delay.
One other impediment for the business’s case is that there’s appreciable precedent for legal guidelines in a single state being upheld even when they’ve results past its borders. Historically, courts have let these legal guidelines stand so long as they don’t discriminate in opposition to out-of-staters — that’s, impose guidelines on others whereas exempting in-state residents.
California’s auto emissions rules are an ideal instance: Autos bought within the state have been required to satisfy particularly stringent anti-pollution requirements for the reason that Nineteen Sixties, typically by the set up of kit not required elsewhere.
Since California is such an immense automobile market, and since almost a dozen different states have adopted its guidelines, the California customary has grow to be virtually a de facto nationwide customary. Pork producers could also be intent on overturning Proposition 12 as a result of they foresee its mandates spreading nationwide.
There are additionally indications that the pork business is exaggerating the influence of Proposition 12 for public consumption, whereas quietly acknowledging that it’s not that huge a deal.
Hormel, one of many nation’s largest producers, said publicly in October that it might have the ability to “absolutely comply” with the foundations by Jan. 1 with “no threat of fabric losses,” and that its Applegate line of sausages and different ready meats was then already in full compliance.
Tyson Meals executives instructed traders in August that the share of its market that might be impacted by Proposition 12 was “not important for us as we speak.”
Large Meat lobbyists prefer to depict their business as considered one of small farmers plying a household commerce on the sting of extinction — “65,000 farmers [raising] 125 million hogs per yr” to position meals on American tables, the plaintiffs petitioning the Supreme Court docket wrote.
That’s a deceptive image of an unlimited agribusiness, nonetheless. The business has been consolidating for years; the massive conglomerates protect farming’s homespun picture mainly for political functions, utilizing “native symbolism and people narratives, e.g., God Made a Farmer,” Loka Ashwood, an knowledgeable on farm society on the College of Kentucky, wrote in 2020.
“Industrial-scale agribusinesses successfully use such symbolism … to take care of management over the political financial system, regardless of ever lessening distribution of financial returns,” she noticed.
The true targets of Proposition 12 are big firms operating piglet factories. “You have got only a few farmers left,” Ashwood instructed me. The gestation amenities topic to Proposition 12 are usually amenities valued at greater than $10 million holding 18,000 sows and piglets at a time, she says. “This isn’t about small and medium-sized farmers.”
Once you hear Ernst and Grassley complaining about Proposition 12, simply keep in mind that they’re talking up for large enterprise, not household farmers.
That factors to the simple fact that one cause the business claims it’s dealing with an important second is that it hasn’t bothered to arrange for a deadline it has identified about for 3 years. As a substitute, it selected to pursue a battle within the courts that it’s shedding, to date.
However the farm belt senators’ grandstanding, pork producers have been destined to face ever-stricter manufacturing requirements even when California voters had by no means acted.
The primary poll measure regulating livestock therapy was not in radically blue California however within the pink state of Florida, the place 55% of voters positioned a rule prohibiting gestation crates within the state structure in 2002.
In Arizona, one other pink state, voters outlawed gestation crates and veal crates by 62% to 38% in 2006.
California’s first poll measure regulating therapy of livestock, Proposition 2 of 2008, garnered almost a two-thirds vote to ban the usage of gestation crates, veal crates and “battery cages,” which constrict the motion of egg-laying hens, throughout the state. (As a result of veal and pork aren’t main California merchandise, in sensible phrases the measure applies mainly to poultry farms.)
In 2016, a Massachusetts poll proposal to ban the sale of meals produced by way of inhumane animal confinement handed with an enormous 78% vote; implementation of the pork provisions, which have been to enter impact Jan. 1, has been postpone till Aug. 15 as a result of rules haven’t been accomplished. Proposition 12, just like the Massachusetts initiative, bans not solely the inhumane therapy of livestock however the sale of foodstuffs derived from such therapy.
Removed from being “radical,” these legal guidelines are broadly fashionable. “Polling reveals that the general public is actually strongly in help of measures banning excessive types of confinement,” Inexperienced instructed me. One other indication is that client firms are falling into line.
Perdue Premium Meat Co. made that very level in asking a federal court docket in Iowa to toss out a lawsuit in opposition to Proposition 12 filed by Iowa farm lobbyists.
“The truth is that Proposition 12 codifies animal welfare requirements that producers like PPMC and retailers (akin to Entire Meals) have been advancing for a while,” Perdue instructed the court docket. “This isn’t a case about compelled change and irreparable hurt, however moderately about voter/client desire.” The court docket dismissed the case.
Restaurant Manufacturers Worldwide, the dad or mum of Burger King, says it’s “dedicated to eliminating the usage of gestation crates for housing pregnant sows in our provide chain globally” in addition to to different anti-cruelty measures. Main retailers akin to Safeway have vowed to shun producers utilizing gestation crates.
McDonald’s, one of many largest sellers of processed pork within the nation, made a dedication in 2012 to stop sourcing its pork from producers utilizing gestation crates inside 10 years. Nevertheless it now faces criticism for lacking that deadline and reneging on facets of its dedication.
The Humane Society of the US has filed a shareholder decision for the corporate’s subsequent annual assembly searching for disclosures associated to the animal cruelty subject, and activist shareholder Carl Icahn has nominated two administrators for the corporate board to implement extra rigorous requirements. McDonald’s says it expects by the top of this yr to supply 85% to 90% of its pork from producers not utilizing gestation crates, and 100% by the top of 2024.
As Perdue famous in its Iowa temporary, “In the case of client preferences, the writing is on the wall, and people preferences will prevail with or with out Proposition 12.”

Business
Help! I Couldn’t Take My Tall-Ship Voyage, and I Want My Money Back.

Dear Tripped Up,
Last summer, I booked a five-day sailing trip with Tall Ship Experience, a company based in Spain. For 1,350 euros, or $1,450, I would be a volunteer on the crew of the Atlantis, sailing between two ports in Italy. But eight days before, I had a bad fall that resulted in multiple injuries, including eight stitches to my face that doctors said I could not expose to sun or water. The Tall Ship Experience website clearly states that I could cancel for a full refund up to seven days before the trip. But the company revealed it was just an intermediary and the Dutch organization actually running the trip, Tallship Company, had different rules, under which I was refunded 10 percent. I offered to take credit for a future trip, to no avail. Finally, I disputed the charges with my credit card issuer, American Express. But Tall Ship Experience provided a completely different set of terms to Amex, saying I canceled one day in advance. The charges were reinstated. Can you help? Martha, Los Angeles
Dear Martha,
This story reads like a greatest-hits playlist of travel industry traps: a middleman shirking responsibility, terms and conditions run amok, a credit card chargeback gone wrong, and the maddening barriers to pursuing justice against a foreign company. However, the documentation you sent was so complete and the company’s website so confusing that I was sure Tall Ship Experience would quickly refund you.
Tallship Company did not respond to requests for comments, but did nothing wrong. It simply followed its own terms and conditions that Tall Ship Experience, as a middleman, should have made clear to you. When you canceled, Tallship Company sent back a 10 percent refund to Tall Ship Experience to then send to you.
That’s why I was surprised that the stubborn (though exceedingly polite) Tall Ship Experience spokeswoman who responded to me on behalf of the Seville-based organization argued repeatedly that although she regretted your disappointment, Tall Ship Experience was not at fault. At one point she suggested you should have purchased travel insurance, even as the company scrambled to adjust and update its website as we emailed.
Before the changes, the site contained two distinct and contradictory sets of terms and conditions: one for customers who purchased via the website’s English and French versions, and another on the Spanish version. (Confusingly, both documents were in Spanish.)
The English/French version — the one you had seen — promised customers a full refund for trips canceled more than seven days in advance. The Spanish one is vastly more complex, offering distinct cancellation terms for each ship. The Atlantis offered customers in your situation only 10 percent back.
Enter the stubborn spokeswoman: “The terms and conditions in Spanish correctly reflected the cancellation policy of the ship in the moment the client made the reservation,” she wrote via email. “We are conscious that at the time, the English version of the terms was not updated, which may have generated confusion. However, the official terms of the reservation were applied correctly.”
In other words, customers should somehow know to ignore one contract and seek out another on a different part of the site, both in a language they may not read.
But I am no expert in Spanish consumer law, so I got in touch with two people who are: Marta Valls Sierra, head of the consumer rights practice at Marimón Abogados, a law firm based in Barcelona; and Fernando Peña López, a professor at the Universidade da Coruña in A Coruña.
They examined the documentation and each concluded independently that Tall Ship Experience had violated basic Spanish consumer statutes. When I passed along their convincing points to the spokeswoman and alerted her that you were considering taking the company to Spanish small-claims court, she finally said it would refund you the remaining €1,215.
I felt a bit sheepish about exerting so much pressure on this small company — actually, an arm of the nonprofit Nao Victoria Foundation, which operates several replicas of historic ships — but the company should have taken much more care when it set up its website, Ms. Valls Sierra told me.
“If in your terms and conditions you say that up until seven days before departure you have the right to cancel,” she said in an interview, “and a consumer comes and says, ‘I want to cancel,’ you have to cancel their trip and return their money. They can’t use ‘Sorry, we forgot to put it on one web page, but we put it on another web page’ as an excuse.”
It is a principle of consumer law, she added, that confusing or contradictory contracts are interpreted in favor of the consumer.
The other troubling issue with the website is that you had no way of knowing that your trip was not operated by Tall Ship Experience. There was no such mention I could find on the website, which relies on marketing copy like this: “On board you will learn everything you need to know that will allow you to become one of our crew.”
Dr. Peña López, the law professor, wrote me in an email that “Tall Ship Experience is obligated to inform the consumer about the service it provides in an accessible and understandable manner, clearly indicating whether it is an intermediary.” He added that Tall Ship Experience “clearly” presented itself as the ship’s operator in this case.
As I mentioned, Tall Ship Experience did begin updating its site almost as soon as I got in touch, calling itself a “marketplace” for experiences and posting the correct terms and conditions (in the correct languages) on its English and French pages.
But Tall Ship Experience agreed to a refund only after I sent the company a compilation of the two experts’ legal analyses. “We are dedicated to creating experiences aboard unique boats, and not to legal matters,” came the spokeswoman’s response. “Regardless of which party is correct in this case, we would like to refund the full amount. We look forward to putting this to rest and to focus on continuing to improve customer experiences.”
You also said that American Express had let you down, by taking the company’s word over yours when you contested the charge. It is true that the document Tall Ship Experience sent to Amex (which forwarded it to you, who forwarded it to me), is wildly inaccurate, including only the terms favorable to the company and saying you canceled only one day in advance.
A spokeswoman for American Express emailed me a statement saying that the company “takes into account both the card member and the merchant perspectives.” But travelers should not mistake credit card issuers for crack investigators who will leave no stone unturned in pursuit of travel justice. A chargeback request works best when the problem is straightforward — you were charged more than you agreed to pay, or you never agreed to pay at all. Asking your card issuer to do a deep dive into terms and conditions is a much longer shot.
And as we’ve seen before (and might be seeing in this case) such chargeback requests often anger the companies involved to the point that they refuse to deal with you further.
If all else had failed, as I told you before the company gave in, you could have requested a “juicio verbal,” Spain’s version of a small-claims-court proceeding, via videoconference. It would not have been easy, said Dr. Peña López. Cases under €2,000 do not require a lawyer, but they do require you to have a Foreigner Identification Number, to fill out forms in legal Spanish (A.I. might help) and to find an interpreter to be by your side.
When I finally told you — in our 39th email! — you’d get a refund, you told me you had been “almost looking forward to a Spanish small-claims experience.” I admire your spirit, although I suspect it would have been quickly broken by bureaucratic and linguistic barriers.
If you need advice about a best-laid travel plan that went awry, send an email to TrippedUp@nytimes.com.
Follow New York Times Travel on Instagram and sign up for our Travel Dispatch newsletter to get expert tips on traveling smarter and inspiration for your next vacation. Dreaming up a future getaway or just armchair traveling? Check out our 52 Places to Go in 2025.
Business
In dizzying reversal, Trump pauses tariffs on most Mexican products
MEXICO CITY — In a dizzying turn, President Trump said Thursday that the U.S. would temporarily reverse the sweeping tariffs it imposed just days ago on most Mexican products.
In a post on Truth Social, Trump said he would delay for one month the imposition of 25% taxes on Mexican imports that fall under a free trade agreement that he negotiated during his last term.
His remarks follow comments from U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, who on Thursday said in a television interview that Trump was “likely” to temporarily suspend 25% tariffs on Canada and Mexico for most products and services, widening an exemption that was granted Wednesday only to vehicles.
Lutnick told CNBC that the one-month delay in the import taxes “will likely cover all USMCA-compliant goods and services,” a reference to the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement, the North America free trade pact Trump negotiated in his last term. Lutnick said around half of what the U.S. imports from Mexico and Canada would be eligible.
Lutnick said the reprieve will last only until April 2, when the Trump administration has said it will impose reciprocal tariffs on countries to match the ones they have on U.S. exports. Later, he said that if Canada and Mexico don’t do enough to stop fentanyl from entering the United States, the 25% tariffs could be reapplied in a month as well.
On Tuesday, the U.S. began placing duties of 25% on imported goods from Mexico and Canada, with a 10% rate on Canadian energy products. It also began imposing a new 10% tax on all imports from China.
Trump has said the tariffs are punishment because the three countries haven’t done enough to stop the flow of immigrants without proper documentation and drugs into the United States — and are an attempt to lure manufacturing back to the United States.
China and Canada responded forcefully, both imposing retaliatory tariffs on U.S. goods. Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum had said that Mexico would also respond with counter tariffs, and had planned to announce them Sunday at a public rally in Mexico City’s central square.
In Canada, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said he welcomed news that the U.S. would delay, but said Canada’s imposition of retaliatory tariffs will remain in place for now. “We will not be backing down from our response tariffs until such a time as the unjustified American tariffs [on] Canadian goods are lifted,” he said.
Trudeau told reporters that the U.S. and Canada are “actively engaged in ongoing conversations in trying to make sure these tariffs don’t overly harm” certain sectors and workers.
Business
Trump’s Cuts to Federal Work Force Push Out Young Employees

About six months ago, Alex Brunet, a recent Northwestern University graduate, moved to Washington and started a new job at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau as an honors paralegal. It was fitting for Mr. Brunet, 23, who said he had wanted to work in public service for as long as he could remember and help “craft an economy that works better for everyone.”
But about 15 minutes before he was going to head to dinner with his girlfriend on the night before Valentine’s Day, an email landed in his inbox informing him that he would be terminated by the end of the day — making him one of many young workers who have been caught up in the Trump administration’s rapid wave of firings.
“It’s discouraging to all of us,” Mr. Brunet said. “We’ve lost, for now at least, the opportunity to do something that matters.”
Among the federal workers whose careers and lives have been upended in recent weeks are those who represent the next generation of civil servants and are now wrestling with whether they can even consider a future in public service.
The Trump administration’s moves to reduce the size of the bureaucracy have had an outsize impact on these early career workers. Many of them were probationary employees who were in their roles for less than one or two years, and were among the first to be targeted for termination. The administration also ended the Presidential Management Fellows Program, a prestigious two-year training program for recent graduates interested in civil service, and canceled entry-level job offers.
The firings of young people across the government could have a long-term effect on the ability to replenish the bureaucracy with those who have cutting-edge skills and knowledge, experts warn. Donald F. Kettl, a former dean in the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland, says that young workers bring skills “the government needs” in fields like information technology, medicine and environmental protection.
“What I am very afraid of is that we will lose an entire generation of younger workers who are either highly trained or would have been highly trained and equipped to help the government,” Mr. Kettl said. “The implications are huge.”
The administration’s downsizing could have a lasting impact, deterring young workers from joining the ranks of the federal government for years, Mr. Kettl said.
About 34 percent of federal workers who have been in their roles for less than a year are under the age of 30, according to data from the Office of Personnel Management. The largest single category of federal workers with less than a year of service are 25- to 29-year-olds.
The federal government already has an “underlying problem” recruiting and retaining young workers, said Max Stier, the president of the Partnership for Public Service. Only about 9 percent of the 2.3 million federal workers are under the age of 30.
“They’re going after what may be easiest to get rid of rather than what is actually going to make our government more efficient,” Mr. Stier said.
Trump administration officials and the billionaire Elon Musk, whom the president has tasked with shrinking the federal government, have defended their efforts to cut the work force.
“President Trump returned to Washington with a mandate from the American people to bring about unprecedented change in our federal government to uproot waste, fraud and abuse,” Harrison Fields, a White House spokesman, said in a statement.
Mr. Trump has vowed to make large-scale reductions to the work force, swiftly pushing through drastic changes that have hit some roadblocks in court.
Last week, a federal judge determined that directives sent to agencies by the Office of Personnel Management calling for probationary employees to be terminated were illegal, and the agency has since revised its guidance. Still it is unclear how many workers could be reinstated.
The abrupt firings that have played out across the government so far came as a shock to young employees.
They described being sent curt messages about their terminations that cited claims about their performance they said were unjustified. There was a frantic scramble to download performance reviews and tax documents before they were locked out of systems. Some said they had to notify their direct supervisors themselves that they had just been fired.
On the morning of Feb. 17, Alexander Hymowitz sat down to check his email when he saw a message that arrived in his inbox at 9:45 p.m. the night before. An attached letter said that he had not yet finished his trial period and was being terminated from his position as a presidential management fellow at the Agriculture Department. It also said that the agency determined, based on his performance, that he had not demonstrated that his “further employment at the agency would be in the public interest.”
Mr. Hymowitz, 29, said he was dumbfounded. “My initial thought was, obviously something is wrong,” he said. “How could I get terminated for performance when I’ve never had a performance review?”
Mr. Hymowitz, who had worked on antitrust cases and investigations in the poultry and cattle markets for about six months, said he was not given many further instructions. The next day, he decided to walk into the office and drop off his work equipment. “I just assumed that’s what people do when they get fired,” he said.
Around 8 p.m. on Feb. 11, Nicole Cabañez, an honors attorney at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, found out that she had been terminated after she realized she could not log into her work laptop. Ms. Cabañez, 30, worked in the agency’s enforcement division for about four months, investigating companies that violated consumer financial laws.
“I was prepared to help make the world better,” Ms. Cabañez said. “It’s honestly very disappointing that I never got that chance.”
During her first year at Yale Law School, Ms. Cabañez said she originally planned to work at a large law firm, where she would have defended companies and made a lucrative income after graduation. But she said she wanted to work in public service to help people get relief through the legal system.
Ms. Cabañez said she was now applying for jobs with nonprofits, public interest law firms and local governments. But she said she worried that the job market, especially in Washington, would be “flooded with public servants.” She said she could not file for unemployment benefits for three weeks because her agency had not sent her all of the necessary documents until recently.
The impacts have stretched beyond Washington, reaching federal workers across the country, including in Republican-led states.
At 3:55 p.m. on Feb. 13, Ashlyn Naylor, a permanent seasonal technician for the U.S. Forest Service in Chatsworth, Ga., received a call from one of her supervisors who informed her that she would be fired after working there for about nine months. Ms. Naylor said she initially wanted to stay at the agency for the rest of her career.
“It was where I have wanted to be for so long, and it was everything that I expected it to be from Day 1,” Ms. Naylor said.
Ms. Naylor, 24, said she felt a mixture of anger and disbelief. She said her performance evaluations showed she was an “excellent worker,” and she did not understand why she was fired. Although she said she was devastated to lose her job, which primarily involved clearing walking trails in the Chattahoochee-Oconee National Forest, she was not sure if she would return to the agency in the future.
“It would be really hard to trust the federal government if I were to go back,” Ms. Naylor said. She said she was considering enrolling in trade school and possibly becoming a welder since she is still “young enough” to easily change her career.
Although some said their experiences have discouraged them from pursuing jobs with the federal government again, some said they were intent on returning.
Jesus Murillo, 27, was fired on Valentine’s Day after about a year and a half working as a presidential management fellow at the Department of Housing and Urban Development, where he helped manage billions of dollars in economic development grants. After standing in countless food bank lines and working in fields picking walnuts to help his family earn additional income growing up, Mr. Murillo said he wanted to work in public service to aid the lowest income earners.
“I’ve put so much into this because I want to be a public leader to now figure out that my government tells me that my job is useless,” Mr. Murillo said. “I think that was just a smack in the face.”
Still, he said he would work for the federal government again.
“For us, it’s not a partisan thing,” Mr. Murillo said. “We’re there to carry out the mission, which is to be of service to the American public.”
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