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Tulsi Gabbard Defended Russia and Syria. Now She Must Defend Those Views.

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Tulsi Gabbard Defended Russia and Syria. Now She Must Defend Those Views.

Tulsi Gabbard, President Trump’s nominee for director of national intelligence, has made headlines for years with her criticism of what she describes as “regime change” wars and abuses by the nation’s intelligence agencies. On Thursday she will be defending those comments.

At her confirmation hearing, senators are likely to zero in on her sympathy toward Russian President Vladimir V. Putin’s arguments for waging war in Ukraine. Her failure to strongly and consistently condemn Bashar al-Assad, Syria’s now-deposed dictator, is likely to be another line of questioning.

Ms. Gabbard, a former Democratic congresswoman who is now a Republican, will undoubtedly be asked about her views on whether the intelligence gathering of federal agencies, which she will oversee if confirmed, needs to be reined in.

She might find herself on the defensive, even in questioning from Republican senators, for her previous championing of Edward Snowden and Julian Assange, each of whom were pursued by the American authorities for unlawfully releasing classified documents.

Here are examples of comments she made on podcasts, social media or television interviews:

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Ms. Gabbard has repeatedly voiced views in line with the Kremlin’s. She insisted that the Biden administration, NATO and some European countries had dismissed Russia’s security concerns about Ukraine and that Mr. Putin, who ordered the military invasion, was not solely to blame for the conflict.

“You hear President Biden say, ‘Well, this is Putin’s war, this is Putin’s fault. It’s Putin who’s the one who’s solely responsible.’ Well, the United States and some of these European NATO countries are fueling this war.”

She has also said that the Biden administration was supporting President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine not for moral reasons, but rather because the United States wanted to “destroy Russia,” even at the risk of nuclear war.

“This is about regime change in Russia and exploiting this war to strengthen NATO and feed the military-industrial complex. Now, to Joe Biden, it’s even about bringing about ‘a new world order.’”

“Tucker Carlson Tonight,” Fox News, Aug. 12, 2022

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“The warmongers are trying to drag us into WW3, which can only end in one way: nuclear annihilation and the suffering and death of all our loved ones. Zelensky, Biden, NATO, congressional and media neocons are insane. And we are insane if we passively allow them to lead us into this holocaust like sheep to the slaughter.”

@TulsiGabbard post on Twitter, now X, May 21, 2023

Ms. Gabbard has said she opposed U.S. support for armed rebels seeking to overthrow Mr. Assad, partly because it is not in America’s interest to involve itself in wars to topple foreign leaders.

Disputing the Pentagon’s findings in 2017 in an interview with CNN’s Wolf Blitzer, she questioned whether Mr. al-Assad’s forces had used banned chemical weapons. She refused to pin blame on Mr. Assad, who was supported by Russia, for the multitude of deaths in his nation’s conflict.

“There’s responsibility that goes around, Wolf. Again, my interest is in bringing about peace. Standing here and pointing fingers does not accomplish peace for the Syrian people. It will not bring about an end to this war.”

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Ms. Gabbard has argued for years that U.S. intelligence agencies need to be tempered.

“The security state is real and don’t you dare challenge them or you’ll have a target on your back.”

“Tucker Carlson Tonight,” Fox News, Aug. 12, 2022

She has claimed that the Biden administration weaponized the government to spy on her. After she attended an event organized by someone on an F.B.I. watch list, the Transportation Security Administration briefly assigned undercover air marshals to her flights under its airline security program. Senior U.S. officials denied that the scrutiny was politically motivated.

“I will always be looking over my shoulder wondering if and how our government in any of these different agencies is surveilling me, watching me. Are they reading my text messages? Are they listening to my phone calls?”

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She has described John Brennan, director of the C.I.A. under President Barack Obama, and Adam B. Schiff, the California Democrat who once led the House intelligence committee, as domestic enemies. Mr. Brennan declined to comment before her hearing.

“The John Brennan’s, Adam Schiffs and oligarchs in Big Tech who are trying to undermine our constitutionally-protected rights and turn our country into a police state with KGB-style ‘surveillance’ are also domestic enemies—and much more powerful, and therefore dangerous, than the mob that stormed the capitol.”

@TulsiGabbard Twitter post, Jan. 26, 2021

Senators from both major parties have sharply criticized Ms. Gabbard’s defense of Mr. Snowden, who in 2013 released reams of classified data from the National Security Agency on American surveillance programs and was charged with violating the Espionage Act. He is now in Russia.

“If it wasn’t for Snowden the American people would never have learned the NSA was collecting phone records and spying on Americans.”

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@TulsiGabbard Twitter post, June 3, 2019

“I remember the very day that I woke up in D.C., looked at my phone, started looking through the headlines and saw those headlines about how the N.S.A. was mass surveilling all of us and collecting our phone records, collecting our cellphone records — Verizon, AT&T, T Mobile — and I was shocked. So that was something that Snowden uncovered and released, something that I don’t know that even as members of Congress we would have been aware of.”

She said criminal charges should be dropped against not just Mr. Snowden, but also Mr. Assange, reasoning that he had also informed the American people about their government’s actions. Mr. Assange pleaded guilty to violating the U.S. Espionage Act last year.

“The increasingly authoritarian Biden-Garland administration is doubling down on its crusade against our constitutionally protected rights, our freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of the press, by continuing their vindictive retaliatory crusade against Julian Assange. If they succeed in this, this will be yet another nail in the coffin of democracy, here in our country and around the world.”

@TulsiGabbard Twitter post, Oct. 28, 2021

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Video production by Chevaz Clarke.

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U.S. Trade Deficit Grew in March

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U.S. Trade Deficit Grew in March

The U.S. trade deficit in goods and services rose to $60.3 billion in March, increasing 4.4 percent from the previous month, after the Supreme Court struck down President Trump’s global tariffs, according to data from the Commerce Department released on Tuesday.

Exports grew 2 percent in the month, to a record $320.9 billion, as the United States exported more oil, soybeans and industrial supplies. The U.S. trade surplus in petroleum hit a record in March, as war with Iran pushed up the price of oil and U.S. energy exports. Imports also gained 2.3 percent in March, to $381.2 billion. The combination increased the monthly trade deficit, the gap between what the United States imports and what it exports.

Tariffs resulted in up-and-down swings in the trade deficit last year. The monthly trade deficit is now somewhat lower than it was in 2024. But overall, the figure hit a record last year, as the United States continued to import high-priced computer chips and weight-loss drugs, and importers stockpiled foreign goods before tariffs took effect.

The data provided the first snapshot of trade since the Supreme Court ruling forced major changes to the Trump administration’s tariff regime.

On Feb. 20, the Supreme Court ruled that Mr. Trump had exceeded his authority last year when he used an emergency law to impose steep tariffs on nearly every nation.

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That ruling forced the administration to withdraw the double-digit tariffs it had issued under that law, which varied by country based on bilateral trade deficits. Mr. Trump immediately moved to replace those levies with a flat 10 percent tariff, issued under a legal authority known as Section 122.

The Section 122 tariff will expire in July unless Congress votes to reauthorize it. So the Trump administration has been working on tariffs to replace it. It has started two trade investigations under another legal provision known as Section 301, which allows the president to impose tariffs in response to unfair trade practices.

One of the new investigations would target countries that don’t have laws blocking imports made with forced labor. The other centers on what the administration calls “excess capacity” among 16 of the country’s largest trading partners.

The Trump administration says overproduction in the factory sectors of some foreign countries has resulted in large and persistent U.S. trade deficits with those nations. Representatives from various industries, ranging from sugar to technology to chemicals, are set to testify about the investigation on Tuesday and Wednesday in Washington this week.

Next week, Mr. Trump is expected to visit Beijing, for a meeting with the Chinese leader that will be partly focused on trade. U.S. imports from China have shrunk significantly, as the administration has imposed high tariffs on Chinese goods, and companies have relocated supply chains out of the country.

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Commentary: How many Cybertrucks has Tesla sold to the public? Fewer than you might think

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Commentary: How many Cybertrucks has Tesla sold to the public? Fewer than you might think

How bad are sales of Tesla’s Cybertruck? Nearly 20% of the vehicles went to Elon Musk’s other companies, raising questions about the vehicle’s future

The Cybertruck, Tesla’s would-be competitor in the EV pickup truck market, has long since secured its place as the Edsel of the electric vehicle age.

It’s been derided as unwieldy and ugly and unable to match other pickups in basic functionality. In the colorful take of Tesla critic Will Lockett, it’s “the vehicular form of halitosis” and an “ick’ on four wheels.”

But one doesn’t need words to describe how the Cybertruck has fared among the pickup-buying public; the numbers tell the story.

According to Cox Automotive’s Kelley Blue Book, Tesla sold only 20,237 of the vehicles in 2025, down 48.1% from the 38,965 sold the year before. The slide continued in the first quarter of this year, Cox reported — 3,519 sold, down 45.1% from the 6,406 sold in the year-earlier period.

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But there’s more to the story — or to be more precise, less.

In the fourth quarter of 2025, of the 7,071 Cybertruck U.S. registrations, 1,279 went to SpaceX, the rocketship company headed by Tesla boss Elon Musk, which is planning an initial public stock offering sometime this year. An additional 60 were registered by other companies in the Musk empire, namely xAI, Neuralink and the Boring Co.

In other words, nearly 20% of all the Cybertrucks registered in the U.S. in the fourth quarter went to Musk’s companies. Based on the Cybertruck’s starting price of $70,000, that’s the equivalent of $93.7 million in merchandise circulating within Musk’s orbit rather than going to outside buyers.

In the fourth quarter of 2025, of the 7,071 Cybertruck U.S. registrations, 1,279 went to SpaceX

The figures were compiled by S&P Global Mobility and reported by Bloomberg. I asked Tesla to comment but received no reply.

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The transfers of Cybertrucks to other Musk companies raise questions about how he conflates the interests of his private companies and his public company (Tesla), arguably to the disadvantage of Tesla shareholders. More on that in a moment.

The sales numbers raise obvious questions about the future of the Cybertruck as part of Tesla’s five-model lineup. They also undermine Musk’s declared faith in the truck. When it was introduced in 2023, Musk asserted that he expected to sell 250,000 to 500,000 Cybertrucks a year once manufacturing capacity was fully engaged.

It would be hard to find market experts who took that prediction seriously, but few probably expected the shortfall to be so steep. Cybertruck’s 48.1% decline in 2025 sales compared with 2024 was the sharpest such decline of any EV in the U.S. market over that period, in which EV sales generally slumped.

Initial Cybertruck sales of 38,965 in 2024 seemed almost to validate Musk’s optimism. But negative perceptions took hold through the year and into 2025, starting with the ridicule the vehicle’s boxy design attracted on the street.

Poor manufacturing quality has prompted U.S. regulators to order eight recalls of Cybertrucks since its introduction, culminating in the March 2025 recall of almost every Cybertruck to correct the tendency of a stainless steel exterior panel to come off the vehicle at freeway speeds, posing a hazard to other drivers.

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Online reports and videos showing Cybertrucks defeated by conditions such as uneven terrain and steep grades that are routinely managed by rival pickups may also have sapped buyer enthusiasm for the model.

It’s true that the Cybertruck has problems that aren’t shared with other EVs. One is that it can’t be sold in European Union countries, because the EU has found that its exterior design can imperil pedestrians.

Nor do other EV manufacturers have to contend with public obloquy being showered on their leaders; Tesla sales in Germany cratered last year after Musk threw his support behind the extreme-right neo-Nazi party Alternative for Germany. There, new Tesla vehicle registrations fell by 76.3% in February 2025 from the same month a year earlier — that is, to 1,429 from 6,029. The decline continued all year, resulting in an overall decline of 48.4%.

As my colleague Caroline Petrow-Cohen reported last year, public distemper over Musk’s position as the leader of DOGE, the quasi-governmental body that ran roughshod through the federal workforce after Donald Trump launched his second term, also may have cut into Tesla sales in the U.S. A study by Yale researchers last year estimated that Musk cost Tesla as many as 1.26 million car sales since October 2022, when he acquired the social media platform Twitter and gave greater access on it to the far right and other extremist voices.

That said, Teslas remained the best-selling EVs in the U.S. market last year with nearly 60% of EV unit sales, according to Cox. Its full-year decline of 7% was exceeded by several other carmakers with EVs in their lineups, including BMW (down 16.7%), Kia (down 39.7%) and Ford (down 14.1%).

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The U.S. EV market generally lost ground after the expiration of federal incentives last year, but many individual models slumped sharply, including Ford’s all-electric version of its top-selling F-150 pickup, sales of which fell 18.5% from the year before (though it still outsold the Cybertruck).

Tesla’s transfers of Cybertrucks to other Musk operations should concern Tesla shareholders, depending on how much, if anything, SpaceX and the other companies paid for the vehicles. In arm’s-length transactions between related parties, the transfers should be marked at prices resembling those on the open market, whether individual or fleet sales.

Tesla has been vague to the point of opacity about these deals. In an amendment to its annual report filed on April 30 (after the Bloomberg report), it disclosed that it received about $143.3 million last year and $100,000 this year in deals with SpaceX, including “the sale of vehicles” at what may be market prices. But it didn’t say those deals involved the Cybertruck.

It would be interesting to know how SpaceX is using its Cybertrucks, since it wouldn’t seem to need a fleet to transport equipment headed for space in the back of pickup trucks. Why Musk’s AI or neurological companies need any such vehicles is hard to gauge.

As it happens, however, Tesla investors don’t seem to have been fazed by Bloomberg’s report. Tesla shares closed in Monday’s trading at $392.51, higher than they were on April 15, the day before Bloomberg published, when they closed at $391.95.

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This wouldn’t be the first time that Musk has melded his personal interests with those of his public shareholders. The prototypical such action occurred in 2016, when he orchestrated Tesla’s purchase of his SolarCity for $2.8 billion, a 35% premium from the latter’s trading price. (Investment manager Jim Chanos, who had short positions in both companies, called the deal a “shameful example of corporate governance at its worst.”)

At the time, Tesla’s seven board seats were held by Musk and four of his cronies, including his brother Kimbal, and SolarCity’s board included Musk and two of his cousins. On that occasion, Tesla investors turned queasy, pushing Tesla shares down by more than 10% the day the deal was announced.

Musk defended the deal as a triumph of clean energy industry synergy, but one struggles to find significant gains from the linkup. Energy generation and storage, which would cover SolarCity’s business, accounted for about 13.5% of Tesla’s revenue in 2025, nearly a decade after the merger.

What role the Cybertruck — indeed, any Tesla vehicles — will play in the company’s future remains murky. Musk recently has talked about shifting the company’s focus to AI, robotaxis and humanoid robots, but these all resemble pipe dreams. AI is more and more a marketing term with less meat on its bones than the incessant publicity about it suggests and Tesla’s robotaxi venture today consists of about a dozen vehicles tooling around Austin, Texas, with human supervisors in the car or near at hand.

Musk last year projected that humanoid robots would generate “$30 trillion in revenue” for Tesla, though he acknowledged that he was “just guessing” and that there would be a “long way to go between here and making one billion robots a year.” As I’ve reported, however, even some robotics experts argue that giving workaday robots humanoid features makes no sense functionally and is likely to be abandoned once manufacturers seriously contemplate how household robots should look and function.

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None of this means that Tesla might not be able to recapture its mojo in the EV market. Consumer interest in EVs tends to rise and fall in lockstep with gas prices. EV makers had a tough 2025 in the U.S. But that could turn around this year if President Trump’s Iran adventure continues to drive up the cost of oil and consequently gasoline prices at the pump.

But Tesla faces a lot more competition for EVs than it ever has in the past; other companies such as Hyundai have moved down-market and China’s BYD recently surpassed Tesla in global sales of battery-powered vehicles. BYD has been largely kept out of the U.S. market by high tariffs, but it may be impossible to keep its cars out forever. Tesla, which pioneered the EV market, may need a new model to compete with BYD and the foreign and domestic automakers already in the market, but the Cybertruck sure hasn’t been looking like its savior.

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Anthropic and Wall Street Giants Join Forces to Create New A.I. Firm

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Anthropic and Wall Street Giants Join Forces to Create New A.I. Firm

Anthropic is teaming up with several large investment firms to create a venture that will help companies integrate artificial intelligence tools into their systems, the latest example of the deepening ties between Wall Street and the A.I. industry.

The private equity firms Blackstone and Hellman & Friedman and the investment bank Goldman Sachs through its investment funds are among the financial backers in the new firm, which will work with companies to deploy Anthropic’s A.I. model Claude.

In announcing the creation of the firm on Monday, Anthropic and the investment firms said the technology around A.I. was changing so rapidly that many companies were finding it challenging to integrate Claude.

The backers of the new firm said it would work with Anthropic’s engineers to help companies deploy Claude, which has abilities that “change on a monthly or even weekly basis.”

The creation of a firm combining Wall Street and Anthropic comes as the A.I. industry is locked in a fierce competition to become the go-to A.I. model in the private and public sector. It is also happening as A.I. companies, including Anthropic and its rival OpenAI, are expected to soon go public in what could be the largest series of public stock offerings ever, creating a boon for Wall Street.

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The decision by Blackstone, Goldman and the other investment firms to partner with Anthropic is a notable endorsement of an A.I. company that the Trump administration has criticized for refusing to allow the Pentagon to deploy its models without meeting the company’s ethical limits.

Anthropic and the Pentagon are in federal litigation over the Defense Department’s decision to label the company a supply chain risk, an unusual use of the government’s power to raise concerns about how corporations build their products.

Many of the details of Anthropic’s venture with Wall Street have not yet been announced, including its name and chief executive. But one area that the venture said it would start working on is integrating Claude at portfolio companies of the private equity firms that backed this deal, including Blackstone and Hellman & Friedman.

Anthropic, Blackstone and Hellman & Friedman said they would each put $300 million into the new company, and Goldman Sachs would contribute roughly $150 million, according to two people familiar with the deal terms. General Atlantic, Leonard Green, Apollo Global Management, GIC and Sequoia Capital are among the other firms that are taking part and investing in the venture.

Wall Street banks have been among A.I.’s enthusiastic corporate users. During the first quarter earnings reports from the largest banks, some executives discussed with unusual candor how A.I. had automated certain jobs, which in turn led to job cuts and higher profits.

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Elon Musk recently demanded that banks, law firms, auditors and other advisers working on the I.P.O. of his company, SpaceX, to buy subscriptions to his A.I. chatbot, Grok.

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