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What ‘aggressive’ well-plugging Texas can teach oil-producing states like New Mexico – NM Political Report

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What ‘aggressive’ well-plugging Texas can teach oil-producing states like New Mexico – NM Political Report


By Elliott Woods, Capital & Main

After a century and a half of oil and gas production in the United States, the nonprofit environmental watchdog Climate Tracker published a sobering report in 2020: Some 2.6 million unplugged onshore wells lay scattered across the country. Plugging all those derelict holes, from the rocky Appalachian hill country of western Pennsylvania to the dry plains of West Texas and the tundra of Alaska, and countless points between, might cost as much as $280 billion. And that figure from the report did not include undocumented wells — the ones that have vanished from the books, if they were ever recorded in the first place. Carbon Tracker’s estimate of the number of undocumented onshore wells was also striking: 1.2 million. 

Since 1859, when the first successful American oil well was drilled in Titusville, Pennsylvania, no state has had more holes punched through its bedrock or has sucked more hydrocarbons out of the ground than Texas. Carbon Tracker uses data from the energy industry analytics company Enverus to identify wells that are inactive or low producing, said Rob Schuwerk, executive director of Carbon Tracker’s North America operation. And as of 2024, Carbon Tracker reports there are 476,790 documented wells that have been drilled, but not plugged, in the Lone Star State. The lengthy list includes those that have ceased operation and been added to the state’s orphan well program. 

This story first appeared at Capital & Main and is republished with permission.

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For a well to be listed as an orphan by the Texas Railroad Commission — the oil and gas regulator that manages the state’s well-plugging program — it must have been inactive for at least 12 months and have an operator whose Organization Report has also been delinquent for at least a year. There are 8,580 wells on the current Texas orphan list, which was last updated in April. The Environmental Defense Fund, a nonprofit environmental advocacy group, uses a simpler definition of orphans: “oil and gas wells that are inactive, unplugged, and have no solvent owner of record.”

Of the nearly half-million unplugged wells Carbon Tracker has identified in Texas, more than a third have either been temporarily abandoned, have not produced in five or more years or have never produced oil or gas, Schuwerk said. Most of the rest are low-producing stripper wells. Only 15% of the unplugged wells in the state produce more than 15 barrels of oil equivalent per day, Schuwerk said. (The most recent figures from the Railroad Commission show that the state’s 246,133 active oil and gas wells produced an average of 41 barrels of oil equivalent per day in January.) Derelict wells are more than a nuisance — they are virtual doomsday machines that foul the air, pollute the soil, threaten groundwater and make it increasingly likely that we won’t meet our carbon reduction goals in the near future. In Texas and other oil and gas producing states, the bill for oilfield cleanup is staggering, but there are signs that state and federal lawmakers are getting serious about paying it.

Signs of leakage are visible on the side of the pumpjack and at the wellhead at the orphaned Beach Oil & Gas Olix-A- Well No. 1, near Monahans, TX.

On the heels of the Carbon Tracker report, the U.S. Congress in 2021 passed the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, which earmarked $4.7 billion for “orphaned well site plugging, remediation and restoration activities on federal, Tribal, state and private lands,” all to be administered by the Department of Interior. According to the Environmental Defense Fund, some 120,000 wells in the United States would qualify for plugging under the new federal program, including the entire Texas orphan list. Plugging those wells and eliminating the methane they emit would be the equivalent of taking 1.5 million-4.3 million cars in the United States off the road for a year, the Environmental Defense Fund noted in a press release. 

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The reaction to the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, which the Department of Interior described as a “historic investment” that would “ reduce methane and other greenhouse gas emissions from orphaned wells, help clean up water contamination, restore native habitat, create good-paying union jobs and benefit disproportionately impacted communities,” was chilly at the Texas Railroad Commission.

 “We’re going to wait to see what their rules are before we decide if we have the opportunity to accept those dollars,” Commissioner Christi Craddick said in a speech at a Texas Pipeline Association meeting in January 2023. Craddick said she intended to protect Texas from regulatory strings attached to the bill that might be “hostile to energy.” 

By the end of 2023, Texas had decided to take the federal money after all, accepting a $25 million grant to step up its state-managed plugging program, with an additional $319 million to follow in subsequent funding rounds. The flood of federal funds augments state dollars — $52.5 million in 2023, according to commission spokesperson Patty Ramon — that have funded a state-managed well-plugging program since 1984. 

At the Capitol in Austin, Rep. Brooks Landgraf, an oil and gas attorney who represents the city of Odessa and chairs the Texas House Environmental Regulation Committee, has been driving an effort to boost funding for oilfield cleanup — including plugging orphan wells — as part of a larger effort to rehabilitate areas hit hard by intensive energy industry activity. For more than a decade, since the start of the fracking boom, Permian Basin cities, towns and rural areas have seen their roads degraded by endless streams of semis hauling water, sand and heavy equipment. One of those roads, Highway 285, has grown so dangerous from oilfield traffic that it is known as “Death Highway.”  The boom has also stressed schools, hospitals, law enforcement and health care resources, and caused a deterioration of air and water quality in the region, which is home to about half a million people, according to the Permian Basin Regional Planning Commission.

“This is something that’s going to take a lot of time and a lot of money, but it’s something we have to do,” Landgraf said in May 2022. “We have to clean up our state.” A bill authored by Landgraf that would have tapped a new severance tax to increase funding for orphan plugging passed the Texas House of Representatives in 2023 with overwhelming support but died in the Senate. Landgraf told Capital & Main that he plans to bring the bill back in the 2025 session.

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Pecos County, TX: The APV McCamey Mag-N- No. 32, an orphan well on property owned by Exxon-Mobil.

In a radio interview in April 2023, Craddick said she and the other commissioners on the Texas Railroad Commission believe “it’s important that we plug wells” and that Texas has the “most aggressive well-plugging program” in the country. “We have just under 1,000 people who work for this agency. Of that, almost half are inspectors,” Craddick said. (Ramon said the commission actually employs 180 inspectors in the oil and gas division.) “We go and inspect these wells and identify where it is and then put them on a list,” Craddick said. “When they go on a list, we prioritize them. Then, we have a process to determine whether they should be plugged sooner rather than later.” 

Ramon said the commission has been “exceeding [plugging] targets set by the Legislature for seven straight years and counting.” But despite plugging in excess of 1,500 wells each year, the backlog of Texas orphans never seems to diminish. Worse, that list does not include an unknown number of unplugged wells that are undocumented, abandoned, or otherwise likely to meet the orphan criteria in the future.

Since July 2020, the number of officially recognized orphans in Texas has never dropped below 6,208, according to monthly versions of the Railroad Commission’s orphan list obtained through an open records request. The average number of orphans over 42 months, including the most recent April 2024 list, was 7,907 (no lists were provided for July and August 2021 or December 2023, and the October 2020 list was blank). In March 2024, the number of orphans suddenly surged by nearly 4,000 to 12,205, before dropping back to 8,580 in April. Asked for an explanation, Ramon said the March list “inadvertently included wells that were not orphaned.” Ramon did not respond to a question about what process the commission uses to add and remove orphans from the list, or how such a meteoric leap and crash in orphan numbers could have inadvertently occurred in the span of a single month.

Mosaic Midland, LLC, is the operator on record for the Cordz-Juul No. 13, a leaking non-orphan well close to Fort Stockton, Texas, photographed in April 2023. The Railroad Commission plugged the Cordz-Juul No. 13 about a year after this photo was taken.

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Asked if the commission has an estimate of the number of orphaned or abandoned wells that are not on the list, Ramon said, “All orphaned wells are on the list.” In a follow-up email, Ramon clarified that the state maintains the orphan list, which includes only wells that meet the dual criteria for orphans — inactive for at least a year, with an operator whose organizational paperwork has also been delinquent for at least a year — and a separate list of “Wells Remaining to be Plugged with State Managed Funds,” which is updated monthly and includes a mix of orphans and nonorphan wells that the state intends to plug during the current fiscal year, along with a cost estimate for each job. 

As for identifying wells to plug under the program — orphan or not — Ramon said the commission uses a “Well Plugging Priority System” worksheet, with which it determines a well’s rating on a scale from Priority 1, the most urgent — leaking wells that need plugging immediately — to Priority 4, the least urgent. Whether a well meets the dual orphan criteria, or whether it is on the commission’s official orphan list, does not factor into its priority rating on the worksheet, though there is a line item for wells with operators that have been delinquent for more than five years.

Out of 185 wells approved by the commission for plugging with state funds in March, according to documents obtained by Capital & Main through an open records request, at least three never appeared on the orphan list. The operator of one of those wells, Outline Oil Company LLC, located in Beeville, Texas, has a valid Organization Report and is in good standing with the Texas Comptroller’s Office. Ramon declined to explain why the state had committed an estimated $110,000 to plug Outline’s well, rather than requiring the operator to plug it. The remaining wells approved for plugging on the March list, but that were absent from the orphan list, have operators whose Organization Reports have been delinquent for years. The state estimates it will spend $120,000 replugging two gas wells owned by Dallas-based Arriola Operating and Consulting Inc., which has been delinquent since January 2013. The commission’s wellbore database lists the wells, which were both originally plugged in 1985, under a different operator. The commission will also spend an estimated $26,500 replugging a well owned by Coleman-based Ringo Rig LLC that records show had spent years on the orphan list before being plugged by the state in August 2023 and subsequently removed from the list. Ringo Rig LLC has been delinquent since July 2019. 

Signs of leakage are visible around the wellhead at the orphaned Beach Oil & Gas Olix-A- Well No. 1, near Monahans, TX.

“Not only do we plug orphaned wells, we also plug a well if an operator does not take action as directed at a leaking well,” Ramon said in an email. “Bottom line: we do not abdicate our duty to protect the environment; we plug wells, orphan or non-orphan, and eliminate pollution threats.” Ramon did not respond to questions about whether the commission has an estimate of how many nonorphans may eventually become the state’s responsibility, finding their way onto the orphan list, the plugging list, or both. 

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If there is a bottom line, it’s that Texas has no solid estimate of the number of unplugged wells within its borders that may one day become wards of the state. Some date back to the earliest years of oil exploration, when few if any records were kept. Others are still producing, but with operators who may not have enough cash when it comes time to end the well’s life and plug it — which is their legal responsibility. Others stopped producing a long time ago, and belong to delinquent operators, but for some reason are not included on the orphan list.

“Right now the Railroad Commission estimates that we have almost 8,000 orphan wells that need to be plugged in the state of Texas,” Rep. Landgraf said back in 2022, when he was drumming up support for more orphan funding. “In reality there are probably more than that, because we just don’t know where they all are or how many exist.” 



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New Mexico

Tanya Tucker to perform at New Mexico State Fair

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Tanya Tucker to perform at New Mexico State Fair


ALBUQUERQUE, N.M. — Country Music Hall of Fame inductee Tanya Tucker will perform at the 2026 New Mexico State Fair, officials announced Tuesday.

Tucker will take to the stage Friday, Sept. 18, after the Chevron PRCA rodeo. The Grammy Award-winning icon has racked up 10 No. 1 country hits since her first hit, “Delta Dawn,” at age 13.

“We couldn’t be more thrilled to bring the legendary Tanya Tucker to the New Mexico State Fair,” said Dan Mourning, general manager of the New Mexico State Fair. “Tanya is one of the greatest icons in country music history and is the perfect fit for the Fair.”

Tucker has 23 Top-40 albums and 56 Top 40 singles on the Billboard country music charts. She has won two Country Music Association awards, two Academy of Country Music awards, three CMT Awards and two Grammys for Best Country Album and Best Country Song.

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Tickets are set to go on sale on Friday at 10 a.m.

Here is the full 2026 New Mexico State Fair rodeo-concert lineup:

Friday, Sept. 11

Turnpike Troubadours with Chevron PRCA Xtreme Bulls

Saturday, Sept. 12

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Ian Munsick with Chevron PRCA Xtreme Bulls

Wednesday, Sept. 16

Chevron PRCA Standalone Rodeo

Thursday, Sept. 17

Everclear with Chevron  PRCA Rodeo

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Friday, Sept. 18

Tanya Tucker with Chevron PRCA Rodeo

Saturday, Sept. 19

The Warning with Chevron PRCA Rodeo

Sunday, Sept. 20

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Chevron PRCA Rodeo – Matinee



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New Mexico prosecutors launch search of Jeffrey Epstein’s secluded former Zorro Ranch

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New Mexico prosecutors launch search of Jeffrey Epstein’s secluded former Zorro Ranch


SANTA FE, N.M. (AP) — State investigators began searching a secluded ranch in New Mexico on Monday where financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein once entertained guests amid allegations that the property may have been used for sexual abuse and sex trafficking of young women.

The office of state Attorney General Raúl Torrez announced that the search was being done with the cooperation of the current ranch owners.

Torrez last month reopened an investigation of the ranch. New Mexico’s initial case was closed in 2019 at the request of federal prosecutors in New York, and state prosecutors say now that “revelations outlined in the previously sealed FBI files warrant further examination.”

Epstein purchased the sprawling Zorro Ranch in Stanley, New Mexico, about 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of Santa Fe, in 1993 from former Democratic Gov. Bruce King and built a hilltop mansion with a private runway.

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The property was sold by Epstein’s estate in 2023 — with proceeds going toward creditors — to the family of Don Huffines, a candidate in Texas for state comptroller who won the Republican primary last week.

“The New Mexico Department of Justice appreciates the cooperation of the current property owners,” the agency said in a statement. Prosecutors “will continue to keep the public appropriately informed, support the survivors, and follow the facts wherever they lead.”

Additionally, New Mexico state legislators have established a new commission to look into past activities at the ranch.

Epstein killed himself in a Manhattan jail while awaiting trial in 2019 on charges that he sexually abused and trafficked dozens of underage girls.

Epstein never faced charges in New Mexico, but the state attorney general’s office in 2019 confirmed that it had interviewed possible victims who visited Epstein’s ranch.

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Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.



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110 years since ‘Pancho’ Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico

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110 years since ‘Pancho’ Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico


It is the 110th anniversary of Mexican revolutionary Gen. Francisco “Pancho” Villa’s attack on Columbus, New Mexico, on March 9, 1916.

The “Battle of Columbus,” as the raid is also known, was a pivotal moment in U.S.-Mexico border history and the first foreign ground invasion of the continental U.S. since 1812.

Camp Furlong Day

Pancho Villa State Park will commemorate the history surrounding Pancho Villa’s 1916 raid on the Village of Columbus on Saturday, March 14, during its Camp Furlong Day activities.  

The annual event offers visitors an opportunity to explore the site where U.S. and Mexican history collided, shaping military strategy, border relations and life in southern New Mexico for generations. 

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Park visitors can participate in ranger-led tours and view exhibits highlighting Camp Furlong’s role during the Villa Raid.

Special guest presentations: 

  • At 10 a.m., historian Glenn Minuth will present, “The Importance of Cootes Hill on the Raid on Columbus.”  
  • At 1 p.m., Minuth returns with, “Mexican Death Train: The Santa Ysabel Massacre.” 
  • At 2 p.m., historian Mike Anderson will present, “Tracks Through History: The Story of the El Paso and Southwestern Railroad.” 

The Cabalgata Fiesta de Amistad includes the Memorial Ride from the border into Columbus, recognized as Luna County’s longest horse parade. Festivities continue in the downtown plaza with mariachis, folklorico dancers, and community gatherings honoring the shared cultural history of the border region.  

Pancho Villa State Park is located at 228 W. Highway 9 in Columbus, New Mexico, approximately 30 miles south of Deming via Highway 11 or 70 miles west of Santa Teresa via Highway 9.

All activities are free and open to the public. Visitors are encouraged to arrive early. For details, visit www.emnrd.nm.gov/spd/find-a-park/pancho-villa-state-park/ or call 575-531-2711. 

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Pancho Villa’s raid on Columbus, New Mexico

Here is an article by Chris Roberts that originally ran in the El Paso Times on Nov. 7, 2010.

COLUMBUS, N.M. — A moonless night of mayhem in 1916 that left hundreds of Mexican revolutionaries and a smaller number of U.S. cavalry soldiers and civilians dead opened wounds that still haunt this small border town nearly a century later.

Francisco “Pancho” Villa’s raid on Columbus began just after 4 a.m. on March 9. It was the last major invasion of the continental United States by a foreign armed force, according to New Mexico state historians.

Eight U.S. soldiers were killed in the fight and another died later of his injuries. Ten Columbus residents and one Mexican national died. Villa lost nearly 200 men, and about 75 more were killed as soldiers chased them back over the border immediately after the raid.

“It was kind of a rag-tag army, if you want to call it an army,” said Richard Dean, a Columbus historian whose great-grandfather was killed in the raid. “Many of them were peons. He could have wiped Columbus off the map in 30 minutes if he had an army.”

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A hotel was torched by the Villistas, which turned out to be a significant tactical blunder. The fire spread to a grocery store and two smaller buildings. The town was looted.

In response, U.S. officials formed the “Punitive Expedition,” which was headed by then-Brig. Gen. John “Black Jack” Pershing. Pershing’s mission was to enter Mexico; hunt down the raiders, particularly Villa; and bring them back to face trial.

Columbus’ economic losses from the raid were quickly offset as thousands of soldiers arrived for the expedition, which ended on Feb. 5, 1917. The garrison was not abandoned until 1924.

The expedition allowed the U.S. military to test its newfangled mechanized vehicles in battle conditions just before the nation entered World War I. That included Curtiss JN-3 “Jenny” biplanes, four-wheel drive trucks, Dodge touring cars and Harley-Davidson motorcycles.

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“The first batch (of eight Jennys) were out of commission in the first month,” said John Read, a heritage educator at Pancho Villa State Park in Columbus. “One was brought down by a dust devil.”

Expedition soldiers faced harsh conditions in the Chihuahuan desert — dehydrated by day and frozen at night. Most infantry soldiers wore canvas and glass goggles to protect their eyes.

“The dust down there was just horrendous,” Dean said.

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Soldiers went as far as Parral, Mexico, but never found Villa. In the immediate aftermath of the raid, 14 wounded Villistas were captured, Dean said, with only six surviving. Five were hanged in Deming a few months after the raid. One received executive clemency, escaping the hangman’s noose with a life sentence.

Accounts of the raid have been numerous and often conflicting. And the perceptions of Villa run from national hero to terrorist, depending on who is speaking.

What follows is a re-creation of the raid drawn from historical reference works with heavy reliance on the Army’s staff ride, a teaching tool based largely on reports from the time. Other sources include interviews with Columbus historians, relatives of people involved, articles from the El Paso Times and other publications, and a New Mexico park service movie capturing oral histories from some who were there at an early age.

Trouble brews

In early 1916, Columbus was a growing town of about 400 residents. It had a school with 12 grades, three hotels, a bank, two mercantile stores, a grocery store, two drugstores, a hardware store, two churches, a lumberyard, a blacksmith shop and restaurants.

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The modern age had arrived, represented by a Ford automobile dealership and a Coca-Cola bottling plant.

With revolution raging to the south, rumors of attack had become common. Townspeople prepared by conducting drills, finding the shortest route from home to the town’s more substantial brick and adobe buildings where family members could find a measure of safety.

The U.S. government, taking defensive measures, had established military camps along the Southwest border.

In Columbus, Army tents for enlisted soldiers in the 13th Cavalry were lined up across the railroad tracks from the town’s southern border. Col. Herbert J. Slocum, who lived in Columbus with most of the officers, had about 350 soldiers in camp.

Slocum was prevented from sending soldiers into Mexico by presidential policy. So, he and his soldiers scoured newspapers, questioned travelers from Mexico, pumped Mexican border guards and even paid a Mexican cowboy to find Villa’s force and report its location. Unfortunately for Slocum, most of his intelligence indicated Villa was moving away from Columbus.

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In fact, Villa had targeted the town.

Villa’s motives are not entirely clear. However, historians agree that a number of factors likely contributed to his resolve.

President Woodrow Wilson had allowed Villa rival Venustiano Carranza to use U.S. railroads for troop transport. Carranza’s forces had traveled through Columbus into Arizona and on to Agua Prieta, Mexico, to hand Villa a significant defeat — one of many he was suffering at the time.

“It was a huge blow to his ego,” Dean said.

Some historians believe Villa was trying to provoke war between Carranza’s Mexico and the United States.

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Villa felt he had protected U.S. residents and businesses in northern Mexico and saw Wilson’s move as a betrayal. And, after the mounting losses, Villa was reportedly low on provisions — weapons, ammunition, horses, food and other supplies.

Personal revenge may even have played a role. Sam Ravel, who owned a hotel and a general store in Columbus, allegedly accepted money from a Villa agent in 1913 for arms and ammunition. When Wilson banned the sale of those items to Mexican nationals, according to some accounts, Ravel kept the money without supplying the merchandise.

Whatever his motivation, Villa sent two spies to walk the streets of Columbus the day before the raid. They informed Villa his army would face only about 30 to 50 soldiers.

“Pancho Villa would never have done this if he had the correct intelligence,” Dean said.

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The attack begins

Under clear skies, the Mexican soldiers prepared to attack. A sliver of moon set just after 11 p.m. on March 8, leaving only faint starlight to illuminate the desert landscape.

Reports vary as to whether Villa himself crossed into the United States, but most accounts put him at a staging area a little more than a mile southwest of town.

On horseback, nearly 500 Villistas approached the town from the west, north and south in a pincer movement.

At about 4:15 a.m., 1st Lt. John P. Lucas, who lived on the southwest side of town, heard the beat of horse hooves through his open window.

“I looked out, and although the night was very dark, I saw a man wearing a black sombrero riding towards camp,” Lucas reported. “From the sounds I heard, it seemed to me that he had quite a few companions and that my house was completely surrounded.”

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Pvt. Fred Griffin, guarding regimental headquarters a stone’s throw from Lucas’ house, had spotted the raiders and called for them to halt. They shot him in the stomach. Griffin killed his assailant and two others. That commotion drew the Mexican soldiers away from Lucas’ house.

“I … have always felt that I owed him a great debt of gratitude,” Lucas wrote. “Unfortunately, he was killed.”

Officer of the day Lt. James P. Castleman, at his post as the staff duty officer, heard the gunshots and grabbed his pistol. As he wheeled around the corner of the duty shack, he collided with a Villista. Castleman fired first and killed the raider.

A barrage of gunfire erupted.

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The main Villista attack moved into the center of town. Another wave hit the Army barracks and stables to the south. The rest attacked through residences and businesses on the north end of town.

At the barracks, Sgt. Michael Fody rounded up about 25 troopers armed with Springfield rifles. Castleman arrived and took command.

“On account of the darkness it was impossible to distinguish anyone, and for a moment I was under the impression that we were being fired upon by some of our own regiment,” Fody wrote. “The feeling was indescribable and when I heard Mexican voices opposite us, you can imagine my relief.”

Castleman directed his troops to the southeast side of Columbus and set up a firing line pointed back through the center of town.

Meanwhile, Lucas, with two of his gunners, broke into the locked weapons shed and armed themselves with 1916 Benet-Mercie “machine rifles.”

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Lucas set up the guns at strategic locations on the south side of Columbus, firing northwest, also into the center of town. The two-man guns were unreliable and jammed at first.

Lucas and Castleman had set up a crossfire that raked the downtown area. By starlight, however, they could barely see.

The Villistas were all over the town, looting stores and looking for Ravel, whom Villa believed had cheated him. Ravel was in El Paso recovering from dental surgery.

Unable to find Ravel at his store, the Villistas went to a hotel he owned just north of Lucas’ gun emplacements. They killed some of its occupants and set it on fire. The fire spread to three other buildings, which illuminated the Villistas’ movements. The soldiers now were firing with deadly accuracy. For more than two hours, the fight continued until the Villistas began a retreat as the sun began to glow in the east.

Trish Long may be reached at tlong@elpasotimes.com.

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