Texas
The numbers show a child welfare revolution in Texas
In 2015, U.S. District Judge Janis Graham Jack declared that the conditions for children in the Texas foster care system were so bad that it represented a violation of the children’s constitutional rights. Texas children, she wrote, had been “shuttled throughout a system where rape, abuse, psychotropic medication, and instability are the norm,” and where children “often age out of care more damaged than when they entered.”
Ten years later, dramatic changes have shaken the child welfare system in Texas. Much work remains, but the outcomes are nothing short of shocking. Texas now removes fewer children, keeps more children out of foster care, and protects more children from abuse and neglect than ever before. Accomplishing all three of these goals at the same time is something few people thought was possible.
Many Texans may not realize how quickly a child can be removed from their home if Child Protective Services believes there is an immediate risk. Even today, after years of reforms, a court has the authority to take a parent’s child even when the parent, CPS, and the judge all agree that the parent is most likely innocent of abuse and neglect.
Nationally, 1 out of every 3 children will experience a CPS investigation by age 18, according to a study published by the American Journal on Public Health. For Black and Native American children, it’s more than 1 out of every 2.
Once a child is removed, he or she will stay in foster care for an average of 14 months. In Texas, only a third of them will ever return home. Reform advocates often point out that a stranger who is accused of abusing a child is entitled to a litany of due process protections in a criminal trial that a parent is never afforded in a civil trial — even when the parent is accused of the same conduct. Yet, it is the parents who face the prospect of losing their child completely.
Termination of parental rights is often referred to as the “death penalty” of civil law. It’s not hard to see why. Most parents would sooner go to jail than lose their children.
In 2018, Texas removed 20,685 children from their homes. That same year, 211 children died from abuse and neglect in Texas. But since that time, the system has been shocked by a barrage of reforms. In 2024, Texas removed 9,220 children — a 55% drop in just six years. Furthermore, 99 children died from abuse and neglect in 2024 — a 53% drop.
Also in 2018, a new set of CPS reforms began taking effect, reforms that would set the tone for nearly eight years of earthshaking changes to the child welfare system in Texas.
State Reps. Gene Wu, D-Houston, James Frank, R-Wichita Falls, and Dustin Burrows, R-Lubbock, who is now the speaker of the Texas House, worked together in 2017 to craft and pass HB 7 with the help of Sen. Bryan Hughes. The bill included a long list of due process reforms to Texas CPS law. Among other reforms, the bill prohibited child removals based on a family being low-income, required CPS to end its practice of suing parents in multiple courts at the same time (one court for each child), and prohibited CPS from terminating the rights of both parents when they only had evidence against one. The bill passed the Legislature with near unanimous support. Due process in CPS cases had gotten the Legislature’s attention.
In the years following, due process reforms in Texas sped up. In 2020, the Texas Supreme Court ended a practice whereby a jury could terminate parental rights even when jurors could not agree on what the parent had done wrong — a rule change specifically set in motion by HB 7.
In 2021, HB 567 dramatically reformed the definition of child neglect. In 2023, HB 730 required CPS caseworkers to inform parents of their rights before questioning them, like police officers do with criminal suspects. Both bills included numerous other reforms as well, and they were accompanied by a slew of other bills each making additional “pro-family” reforms to the system — reforms ranging from narrowly targeted due process changes to broad new standards of training for CPS caseworkers. Almost all of the bills passed with broad bipartisan support.
In 2021, Rep. Wu put clear words to the problem when describing how HB 567 changed the definition of neglect to prohibit the removal of a child unless there was an immediate danger. “We’ve always looked at what we’re doing for kids, but we don’t consider often what we’re doing to kids. … We guarantee you, if you strip them from their family, they will be traumatized. The question that we’ve never asked is this: Is it worth it?”
Because fewer children are being removed from their homes, the total number of children sitting in foster care has also plummeted, according to Texas Department of Family and Protective Services data. Altogether, the shift in the system since the 2018 reforms began has been dramatic:
- Children removed by CPS each year: down 55%
- Child deaths from abuse and neglect: down 53%
- Number of children sitting in foster care: down 47%
- Number of children waiting for adoption: down 43%
- Six-month and one-year recidivism rates: both at the lowest levels ever recorded (five-year rates have been essentially flat since 2015).
The Texas Legislature is now well into the 2025 legislative session. More reforms to the system are already being proposed. There are many holes left to be filled. In his State of the Judiciary speech before the Texas House and Senate, Supreme Court Chief Justice Jimmy Blacklock spoke for several minutes about the critical importance of ensuring due process for families in the CPS system. At the state’s highest court, due process for families is now a point of critical focus.
Doubtless, not all of the positive changes in the system are attributable to the due process reforms of the last seven years, but many of them clearly are.
One thing is apparent: Texas is embracing the theory of due process in the child welfare system, and seven years in, outcomes for families and children have dramatically improved.
Jeremy Newman is vice president of Family Freedom Project.
Texas is planning its grid around an unprecedented wave of AI-driven power demand that the state’s energy regulator says may not fully materialize on projected timelines.
In a recent filing to the Public Utility Commission of Texas, the Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT) projected statewide power demand could surge to nearly 368 GW by 2032 – more than four times the state’s current peak demand record of 85.5 GW. But the filing also contains an unusual warning from the grid operator itself.
“ERCOT has concerns with using the preliminary load forecast values for the Reliability Assessment and any other transmission and resource adequacy analysis,” the organization wrote in its April 2026 long-term load forecast filing.
The organization added that it may seek adjustments to the forecast based on “actual historical realization rates or other objective, credible, independent information.”
ERCOT has already begun adjusting for realization risk internally. In its 2025 long-term load forecast report, the grid operator said the “average peak consumption per site was 49.8% of the requested MW” and applied that factor to projected non-crypto data center load additions in some planning models.
ERCOT President and CEO Pablo Vegas said the forecast reflects “higher-than-expected future load growth” tied to changing large-load planning dynamics.
Texas has emerged as a hotspot for data center growth, with numerous new projects reshaping the energy market and challenging grid capacity. (Image: Alamy)
Texas Developers Race Ahead of Grid Capacity
Texas has emerged as a key data center market, driven by its abundant land, competitive energy prices, and favorable regulatory environment. This combination has positioned the state as a magnet for hyperscale operators and AI infrastructure investments. The state is estimated to account for around 15% of all data center connectivity in the US.
Recent and proposed AI data center campuses tied to OpenAI, Oracle, Meta, Crusoe, CoreWeave, Soluna, and other hyperscale operators are reshaping Texas grid planning. Developers have proposed large campuses across North Texas, Abilene, West Texas, and the Houston corridor, many requiring hundreds of megawatts of capacity and, in some cases, dedicated onsite generation to bypass interconnection delays. That buildout pushed ERCOT’s non-crypto data center forecast above 228 GW by 2032.
Developers are continuing to pursue Texas aggressively because ERCOT still offers faster timelines and more flexible market structures than many competing regions. Several proposed campuses pair AI infrastructure with onsite gas generation, colocated power assets, or flexible-load arrangements to navigate mounting transmission constraints.
Utilities across the US are grappling with AI-driven electricity growth, but ERCOT’s projections stand apart for both scale and uncertainty. PJM Interconnection, the nation’s largest grid operator, expects summer peak demand to climb above 241 GW over the next 15 years as data centers and electrification expand. ERCOT, by contrast, projects demand potentially reaching nearly 368 GW by 2032, driven largely by proposed non-crypto data center loads. At the same time, the grid operator openly questions how much of that demand will materialize on schedule.
Bigger Than Texas
Similar pressures are emerging elsewhere. In California, CAISO’s latest transmission plan cited “data center load growth” as a driver of major grid upgrades and described interconnection volumes as “unmanageable” before recent queue reforms.
A recent Grid Strategies report reached a similar conclusion nationally, warning that the “data center portion of utility load forecasts is likely overstated by roughly 25 GW” compared with market-based deployment estimates.
Ihab Osman, an independent strategist specializing in data center and other mission-critical infrastructure, said the distinction is less about “real” versus “fake” AI demand and more about “announced versus deliverable demand.”
“A large share of the current AI/data center planned load should be treated as paper megawatts until it is validated through physical gates,” Osman said, citing factors including site control, transmission deliverability, generation availability, turbine and transformer supply, permitting, financing, and credible energization schedules.
Osman said ERCOT’s forecast is best understood as “a stress-test map, not as a fait accompli build map.”
Separating ’Paper Megawatts’ From Real Demand
The filing shows Texas regulators and grid planners struggling to distinguish operating AI infrastructure from a rapidly expanding pipeline of proposed projects.
“The vast majority” of ERCOT’s projected load growth comes from submissions provided by transmission and distribution utilities, according to the filing. Those requests include hyperscale AI campuses, GPU clusters, and other large industrial loads seeking future grid capacity reservations.
Alison Silverstein, a former senior adviser to the chairman of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, said “a large proportion” of projects in ERCOT’s large-load interconnection queue have already been canceled, particularly among smaller developers facing long interconnection delays and high turbine and transformer costs.
Forecasts Collide With Physical Infrastructure Limits
ERCOT has also signaled that many projects may not materialize on the timelines shaping transmission planning.
The grid operator said summer 2026 peak demand is likely to land between roughly 90.5 GW and 98 GW – far below the preliminary 112 GW figure embedded in the long-term forecast. ERCOT said it appears “unlikely” that new large-load projects and existing site expansions will ramp quickly enough to push demand that high this year.
The filing suggests uncertainty around AI-related load growth is beginning to influence broader infrastructure planning assumptions. By 2032, ERCOT projects non-crypto data centers reaching 228 GW of demand, compared with just 9 GW from cryptocurrency mining and roughly 3 GW each from hydrogen/e-fuels and oil-and-gas-related industrial growth.
The move also suggests the regulator is no longer simply forecasting AI-driven growth, but also working to determine how much of the proposed boom can actually be financed, supplied, interconnected, and energized before utilities commit billions to long-lived infrastructure.
AUSTIN, Texas — Bravo is developing a new reality series set in the Texas Hill Country, the network announced on Instagram Monday.
“Secrets, Lies, Texas Wives” would follow a group of women in Boerne.
According to the network’s description, the series centers on “a tight-knit circle of glamorous women” navigating family life, ranching, and social obligations in a community rooted in rodeo and tradition. They promise drama with “forbidden romances” and relationship angst.
No premiere date or cast have been announced.
If picked up, the series would join Bravo’s long-running portfolio of region-specific reality franchises, which includes the “Real Housewives” lineup.
AUSTIN, Texas — With the average price of a gallon of gas in Texas topping $4, some leaders from Austin to Washington, D.C., are backing a temporary pause on gas taxes as a way to deliver relief.
Veronica Valdez Rodriguez was pumping gas at a southeast Austin station on Tuesday. She said the rising costs are becoming unmanageable.
“They’re sky high,” Rodriguez said. “I can barely get by, you know? It’s too expensive.”
She said she is spending $40 more every week on gas.
According to AAA Texas, the average cost of a regular gallon of fuel stood at over $4.01 in the Austin area on Tuesday, $1.24 higher than the average one year ago.
President Donald Trump said he is working to pause the federal gas tax, which is 18 cents per gallon.
A reporter asked the president on Monday how long the tax would be suspended.
“Until it’s appropriate. It’s a small percentage, but it’s, you know, it’s still money,” Trump said.
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In Texas, an 18-cent-per-gallon pause could add up to savings of about $2 to $3 on an average tank of gas.
Support for a federal pause is coming from both parties. State Rep. and U.S. Senate nominee James Talarico (D-Austin) backed the idea last month.
“Lowering prices at the pump should be a bipartisan commitment,” Talarico said in a statement Monday.
Republican U.S. Sen. John Cornyn said he didn’t know the details of the president’s plan.
“There’s a difference between a temporary suspension and a permanent suspension,” Cornyn said Monday. “I don’t know exactly what the President has in mind. I think a temporary suspension getting through this sort of bumpy time because of uncertainty about energy prices, I can live with that.”
Democratic gubernatorial candidate Gina Hinojosa is calling for a state gas tax pause as well. The state tax currently sits at 20 cents per gallon, according to the Texas Department of Transportation.
The state pause is also being urged by Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller, who has called on Governor Greg Abbott to act.
“Governors in Indiana, Georgia, and Utah have already stepped up to provide relief for their citizens, and I once again renew my call for Governor Abbott to follow the lead of President Trump and act decisively for Texas families,” Miller wrote on Monday.
The governor’s office, however, said a state gas tax pause is not an option under his executive authority.
In a statement, the governor’s press secretary, Andrew Mahaleris, wrote in response to Miller:
There’s a reason Sid Miller lost his election, it’s because he doesn’t shoot straight with Texans. Any suggestion that the Texas governor is authorized by law to suspend a gas tax is entirely uninformed or purposefully misleading. If the Texas governor could suspend taxes, he would have suspended the property tax years ago.
At the federal level, the Bipartisan Policy Center said a gas tax holiday would require an act of Congress. The group also estimated that a five-month pause could cost as much as $17 billion.
Some drivers, like Rodriguez, said any break would help.
“Pause the taxes!” she said.
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