Connect with us

North Carolina

Lawsuits could torpedo red light cameras in North Carolina

Published

on

Lawsuits could torpedo red light cameras in North Carolina


By day, Brian Ceccarelli works as a software program engineer in Cary. However by evening, he’s a self-described “crimson gentle robber.”

For greater than a decade, Ceccarelli, 61, has been on a mission to rid North Carolina of automated crimson gentle cameras, which {photograph} autos operating crimson lights after which mail the drivers fines. In 2010, he sued the city of Cary after receiving his second digicam quotation, arguing the size of time given for yellow lights was too quick. Bringing a white board to the courtroom, he served as each professional witness and plaintiff. He misplaced in 2013, however the city quickly shuttered its program.

At the moment, Ceccarelli operates the “Purple Gentle Robber” web site, which recruits plaintiffs to file authorized challenges in opposition to what he believes are flawed, harmful and unconstitutional native visitors techniques.

And he’s discovered some takers.

Advertisement

Persons are additionally studying…

A number of ongoing instances in opposition to crimson gentle digicam techniques in North Carolina might scale back the already dwindling variety of municipalities that function them.

Advertisement

Automated crimson gentle digicam packages exist in 4 North Carolina cities: Raleigh, Fayetteville, Wilmington and Greenville. However in March, the N.C. Court docket of Appeals unanimously dominated Greenville’s program violated state regulation by not giving a minimum of 90% of the fines collected from its digicam program to public Ok-12 faculties.

Greenville had been giving a minimum of 90% of its crimson gentle fines to the native Pitt County Faculties, however the metropolis would then bill the district to have a part of the cash despatched again. Maintaining extra of the cash allowed Greenville to self-fund its digicam program to a higher diploma, argues Paul Stam of the Apex-based Stam Legislation Agency, which is representing plaintiffs Eric Fearrington and Craig Malmrose of their case in opposition to Greenville.

Stam, who goes by Skip, served 16 years within the N.C. Common Meeting, representing southern Wake County. A Republican, he served as Speaker Professional Tempore from 2013 to 2016. He started to see crimson gentle cameras as a problem after Ceccarelli, a constituent, reached out regarding Cary’s program. By Ceccarelli, Stam additionally grew satisfied the period of time given for yellow lights all through the state was too quick.

“The digicam just isn’t the issue,” he stated. “The digicam reveals the issue.”

Kevin Lacy, the state visitors engineer with the N.C. Division of Transportation, pushed again on this assertion.

Advertisement

“There isn’t an issue with yellow lights,” Lacy stated. “The authorized groups which have give you this strategy have accomplished a wonderful job of making a substantial quantity of doubt, which is their job.”

Greenville has appealed the Fearrington ruling to the N.C. Supreme Court docket, which has but to resolve whether or not it should hear the case. Stam anticipates town will finish its digicam program whether it is made to pay for it by different means, comparable to elevating taxes or diverting cash from different departments. And town instructed he is likely to be proper.

Requested how town may reply if the Fearrington ruling isn’t overturned, Greenville spokesperson Brock Letchworth stated town “will think about whether or not it desires to proceed this system contemplating a brand new contract would seemingly embody elevated prices for town.” Letchworth famous Greenville has up to date its funding system to adjust to the appellate ruling in the intervening time.

In 2006, town of Excessive Level folded its crimson gentle digicam program after the State Court docket of Appeals dominated town needed to give extra of its superb income to the native public faculties.

In line with Stam, neither Fayetteville nor Wilmington are utilizing their crimson gentle digicam revenues in compliance with state regulation. In July, his agency filed a lawsuit in opposition to town of Wilmington and can quickly do the identical to Fayetteville.

Advertisement

Most of his crimson gentle digicam plaintiffs, Stam stated, got here to his agency after visiting Ceccarelli’s Purple Gentle Robber web site.

Raleigh’s crimson gentle program is exclusive

In the way it funds its SafeLight crimson gentle digicam program, Raleigh will get to play by its personal guidelines.

When the Common Meeting granted Wake County municipalities the suitable to put in crimson gentle cameras in 2001, it allowed them to make use of the fines they collected to cowl the packages’ prices. Any remaining funds would then go to native faculties. For this reason Raleigh was capable of give solely 9% of its SafeLight quotation cash to Wake County Public Faculties final 12 months, in line with Rob Murray, spokesman for town’s transportation division.

Stam stated he made it a degree within the Common Meeting to cease different municipalities from receiving this sort of funding exception.

Raleigh started its SafeLight digicam system in 2003 and issued practically 30,000 citations final 12 months. The quotation is $50, with one other $50 added for late funds. The cameras are operated by Conduent, a New Jersey-based IT administration firm.

Advertisement

Raleigh strategically locates its cameras at high-risk intersections utilizing information on collision varieties and frequency, Murray stated.

“Prior third-party evaluations, particularly on Raleigh’s program, have proven this instrument (Purple Gentle Cameras) have a dramatic impression on lowering angle crashes,” Murray wrote in an e mail to The Information & Observer.

Whereas analysis backs this assertion, the general success of crimson gentle cameras is combined.

“The effectiveness of red-light digicam packages has been a supply of controversy within the analysis neighborhood,” the Facilities for Illness Management and Prevention states on-line. “The methodologies used to evaluate effectiveness have various, as have the conclusions drawn from totally different research.”

A 2019 analysis paper from the College of North Carolina Freeway Security Analysis Middle discovered the presence of crimson gentle cameras sometimes elevated rear-end crashes whereas lowering side-impact crashes. It beneficial the cameras are finest positioned at intersections with a higher ratio of angled crashes to rear-end ones.

Advertisement

A 2004 research by two N.C. A&T State College professors was much less favorable to the cameras. Over an almost five-year interval, Mark Burkey and Kofi Obeng analyzed greater than 300 intersections in Greensboro. They discovered a 40% enhance in rear-end crashes, aspect crashes, and general collisions at intersections with crimson gentle cameras.

Greensboro shut down its digicam program the next 12 months.

The variety of cities with automated crimson gentle cameras in the US peaked in 2012 at 533, in line with the Insurance coverage Institute for Freeway Security, a nonprofit funded by auto firms, and has since dropped to beneath 350.

In North Carolina, native governments should obtain authorization from the Common Meeting to function a crimson gentle digicam program. Since gaining this proper in 2001, Charlotte, Cary, Chapel Hill, Knightdale, Greensboro and Excessive Level have all shut down their digicam packages.

‘It was meant to be a security instrument’

All visitors lights in North Carolina observe requirements set by the Federal Freeway Administration’s Guide on Uniform Site visitors Management Units. The guide states all yellow lights ought to final between three and 6 seconds, with particular person state and native departments factoring in pace restrict, terrain and pace notion to find out the time.

Advertisement

Lacy of the state Division of Transportation stated the problem isn’t within the size of yellow lights however within the crimson gentle digicam packages that penalize drivers who enter intersections fractionally too late. North Carolina, he defined, is an all-red state, that means visitors lights will momentarily sit at crimson in all instructions between colour adjustments. Thus, he stated, there’s no actual danger of an accident when a automotive drives by an intersection the tiniest bit late, although an automatic digicam may nonetheless ding the driving force.

“They’re sending out all these tickets for individuals who, by the letter of the regulation, ran the crimson gentle, however the crimson gentle digicam was not meant to be an enforcement instrument,” Lacy stated. “It was meant to be a security instrument to stop individuals from operating crimson lights and getting in wrecks.”

Lacy instructed the digicam packages could be improved in the event that they centered on penalizing drivers who entered intersections after the all-red intervals.

In his challenges to the remaining crimson gentle techniques, Stam and his companions have argued the engineering ideas behind the size of yellow lights is flawed. They’ve invited Ceccarelli to talk as an professional witness, but his arguments so far haven’t prevailed.

One other argument the Stam Legislation Agency has levied in opposition to crimson gentle digicam techniques is that they inherently violate the state structure.

Advertisement

In 2018, Stam filed a separate lawsuit in opposition to town of Greenville and Pitt County Faculties alleging crimson gentle digicam techniques violated Article II, Part 24, of the state structure which bans the Common Meeting from creating native payments “referring to well being, sanitation, and the abatement of nuisances.”

But this didn’t sway the state Supreme Court docket, which in June declined to contemplate overturning the Court docket of Appeals’ unanimous ruling which allowed crimson gentle digicam techniques to proceed working within the state.

This story was produced with monetary help from a coalition of companions led by Innovate Raleigh as a part of an impartial journalism fellowship program. The N&O maintains full editorial management of the work.

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

North Carolina

Federal judge punts disputed judicial race back to North Carolina's conservative state Supreme Court

Published

on

Federal judge punts disputed judicial race back to North Carolina's conservative state Supreme Court


Republican judicial candidate Jefferson Griffin is getting the audience he wanted for his claim that 60,000 ballots should be invalidated in his electoral loss to Democrat Allison Riggs. A federal district court judge has remanded Griffin’s election protest to the heavily conservative state Supreme Court, the same court Griffin is trying to join.

After the general election and two recounts — a statewide machine recount and a partial hand-to-eye recount of ballots from randomly selected early voting sites and Election Day precincts in each county — Allison Riggs, the Democratic incumbent, holds a 734-vote lead over Griffin.

The vote count notwithstanding, Griffin, a judge on the North Carolina Court of Appeals, has fought to throw out more than 60,000 ballots for alleged irregularities despite lacking evidence of any actual voter ineligibility.

In most of the cases, Griffin has alleged the disputed ballots were cast by voters who did not properly register under North Carolina law. The issue has to do with voters who registered — some of them many years and election cycles ago — using a form that predated the federal Help America Vote Act, or HAVA, of 2002. The pre-HAVA registration form did not clearly mandate registrants provide the last four digits of their Social Security number or their driver’s license number.

Advertisement

Griffin’s protests notwithstanding, neither state law nor HAVA makes having a Social Security number or a driver’s license number a prerequisite for voting.

In cases where elections officials cannot confirm the last four digits of a voter’s Social Security number or that person’s driver’s license number — often due to a clerical error — that voter must present a so-called HAVA document, such as a utility bill, when they first show up to vote.

And if a person registering to vote does not have a Social Security number or a driver’s license number, HAVA provides that a state elections administration office must assign the voter a special identification number for the purposes or registering.

Griffin has also protested the counting of ballots submitted by some absentee military and overseas voters who did not provide photo identification, even though state administrative code, in accordance with federal law, explicitly excuses such overseas voters from that requirement.

Additionally, Griffin has alleged some ballots should be discarded because they were cast by ineligible voters who live overseas. These protests claim children of overseas voters — for example, missionaries and military personnel — who had never resided in North Carolina, should not have been allowed to vote, though such voters are eligible under state law, again, in line with federal laws protecting the voting rights of overseas citizens.

Advertisement

After the state elections board dismissed Griffin’s ballot protests due to a lack of evidence of improper voting and a failure to provide affected voters with adequate notice, the Republican candidate filed a writ of prohibition directly with the state Supreme Court.

Griffin circumvented the typical state court appeals process and asked the high court to block the elections board from certifying his electoral loss.

Attorneys for the state elections board had the case removed to federal court because, they argued, it raised federal questions about HAVA and other U.S. Constitutional voting rights protections.

But attorneys for Griffin disagreed and argued in their briefs to Judge E. Richard Myers II of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina that the matter at hand concerned an election for state office and unsettled questions of state, not federal, law.

Those arguments carried the day with Myers, a Donald Trump appointee, who, on Monday evening, remanded the case back to the North Carolina Supreme Court.

Advertisement

“Should a federal tribunal resolve such a dispute?” asked Judge Myers in his order, referring to the Griffin’s claims the disputed ballots should be invalidated.

“This court, with due regard for state sovereignty and the independence of states to decide matters of substantial public concern, thinks not,” Myers wrote, answering his own question.

The fact that North Carolina’s registration statute refers to, and aligns with, HAVA, did not sway Myers that the Griffin protests belong in federal court.

“Because Griffin’s first challenge does not require resort to HAVA,” Myers wrote in this order, referring to Griffin’s protests over allegedly incomplete voter registrations, “it does not necessarily raise a question of federal law.”

The challenges to overseas voters who never resided in North Carolina and military and overseas voters who did not provide photo IDs also only require interpretations of state law, according to Myers.

Advertisement

The state elections board was poised to certify the results of the election by Friday barring a court’s intervention. Judge Myers’s order could be appealed to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals.

The general counsel for the state elections board said his office is reviewing Myers’ order.





Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

North Carolina

NC Supreme Court could now decide who should win the election for a seat on the court

Published

on


The North Carolina Supreme Court might soon get to decide who should win the election for one of its own seats, potentially giving the court’s Republican majority a chance to expand the party’s control over the judiciary.

The lawsuit had been in federal court, where judges at multiple levels have already rejected the legal theory behind the lawsuit seeking to change the results of 2024’s state Supreme Court election. But on Monday a federal judge sent it back down to the state Supreme Court.

In the 2024 elections, incumbent Democratic Justice Allison Riggs appeared to have held off Republican challenger Jefferson Griffin, with multiple recounts confirming the initial results that showed her winning by slightly more than 700 votes — a sliver of the more than 5 million votes cast in the race. But state elections officials haven’t made the victory official yet, due to a series of challenges launched by Griffin’s campaign and the North Carolina Republican Party. Griffin and the state GOP are seeking to throw out the ballots of more than 60,000 North Carolinians who voted last year, largely over registration concerns.

The complaint primarily revolves around people for whom a driver’s license number or Social Security number isn’t listed in a state database, with Republicans raising questions of whether state officials can verify that those voters are who they say they are. Democrats say the argument is moot because, in order to vote last year, North Carolina voters had to show a photo identification card, such as a driver’s license. If they lacked ID at the polls, they had to provide their Social Security number. Anyone who didn’t never had their vote counted in the first place.

Advertisement

Republicans tried using the argument before and during the 2024 elections in an attempt to block affected people from being allowed to vote. Those legal theories were rejected by the State Board of Elections, by a federal district court judge and also by a federal appellate court. So the voters in question were allowed to cast ballots.

Now Griffin says their ballots should be thrown out after the fact, predicting in court filings that doing so could propel him to victory and expand Republicans’ majority on the Supreme Court from a 5-2 to a 6-1 advantage.

State vs. federal court

Griffin’s post-election efforts were rejected by the State Board of Elections in a series of votes, with the election board’s Democratic majority voting that his claims were baseless and Republican members siding with Griffin.

Griffin, who remains a judge on the Court of Appeals while the case is pending, lodged five types of complaints, which also included a smaller number of overseas voters he doesn’t think should’ve been allowed to vote. One of the complaints was rejected unanimously, the others were rejected on 3-2 party-line votes.

State law says Griffin should’ve then appealed the election board’s decision in Wake County by taking the case to trial. He skipped that process and went straight to the Republican-led Supreme Court, seeking a ruling in his favor. Riggs’ campaign said that’s because Griffin has no evidence and would be exposed at trial. Griffin said it’s because he wants to speed things along since the election is already two months in the past.

Advertisement

In one of the previous cases ruled on during the election, federal Judge Richard Myers shot down the Republican Party’s efforts to stop the voters in question from voting. His ruling was later upheld by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, which further added that the legal arguments involved could only be heard in federal court, not state court.

The State Board of Elections moved Griffin’s post-election lawsuit into federal court, citing that precedent. The case went back to Myers, a Republican appointed by Donald Trump, who on Monday ruled that it shouldn’t be heard in federal court and that the North Carolina Supreme Court should decide.

The State Board of Elections could still appeal that decision. So, too, could Riggs, who has since intervened in the lawsuit. If the case ends up being heard in state court, however, Riggs won’t be able to defend her election results. She has already recused herself from taking part in any potential case over her election.

Spokespeople for Riggs and the elections board each said Monday they were still reviewing the order and had no immediate comment.

Political ramifications

A loss by Riggs would make it more difficult, though not impossible, for Democrats to flip back control of the Supreme Court before 2030 when there will be a new U.S. Census, followed by a new round of political redistricting.

Advertisement

In 2022, a Democratic majority on the court ruled that Republican lawmakers’ 2020 redistricting plans were unconstitutionally gerrymandered. But Republicans took control of the court in 2023 and immediately moved to undo that ruling and allow GOP lawmakers to gerrymander for political gain. They ruled state courts aren’t allowed to rule on partisan gerrymandering cases.

That 2023 ruling allowed Republicans to flip three of North Carolina’s seats in the U.S. House of Representatives in the 2024 elections — in which Republicans won a 220-215 majority in the U.S. House. If those three seats hadn’t flipped, Democrats would control the U.S. House by a 218-217 margin instead.



Source link

Continue Reading

North Carolina

AVI Systems Signs Agreement to Acquire North Carolina-based AVCON

Published

on

AVI Systems Signs Agreement to Acquire North Carolina-based AVCON


With the Addition of AVCON, AVI Systems Further Establishes Its Presence and Ability to Serve Customers throughout the Southeast United States

MINNEAPOLIS & RALEIGH, N.C., January 06, 2025–(BUSINESS WIRE)–AVI Systems today announced it will acquire Cary, N.C.-based AVCON, a systems integration firm that designs, installs and maintains audio, visual and lighting technologies for companies, houses of worship and other organizations. The acquisition includes transitioning all AVCON employees to AVI Systems and will close on Jan. 15, 2025.

“AVCON’s founder, Frank Yarborough, has built an incredible company with a stellar reputation for audiovisual design and support,” said Jeff Stoebner, CEO of AVI Systems. “The alignment between AVI and AVCON is quite remarkable in that both organizations strive to be a trusted advisor to each customer we serve. I look forward to having Frank and his team become employee-owners at AVI Systems and help us continue our growth trajectory.”

AVCON got its start in 1997 when Yarborough created the business with his vision to be the best audiovisual systems integrator in the Southeast. He focused on building a team of experts who share in a commitment to understand each customer’s goals, vision and environment – and to guarantee a successful outcome with each engagement.

Advertisement

“What’s made AVCON great is our individual relationships with our customers – from the sales team to the expert installers who represent us on site,” said Yarborough. “That’s why I’m so excited about joining AVI Systems. Our two entities strive to always do what’s best for the customer, and that’s a market-leading differentiator.”

Since 2022, AVI has established itself in several new markets in the Eastern United States including Massachusetts, New York, Washington, D.C., and most recently Tennessee and Florida. When the acquisition of AVCON is finalized, AVI will maintain the office location to serve customers in North and South Carolina as well as Southern Virginia. AVI Systems will have 1,300 professionals across 41 U.S. locations. The company also serves as the Regional Business Unit in the United States for GPA – which enables AVI to serve large, multi-national organizations that have operations around the world.

ABOUT AVI SYSTEMS

AVI Systems helps organizations create more human impact through the design, deployment and support of audiovisual and unified collaboration systems. With 40 locations in the United States and the ability to do business nearly anywhere in the world, we work with thousands of organizations who value the power of visual communications and strive to enable people and teams to communicate and collaborate. The solutions we create accelerate decision making, improve human interactions and create immersive digital experiences. For more information about AVI Systems, visit www.avisystems.com.

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending