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For Louisiana churches, property insurance crisis prompts tough decisions, radical solutions

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For Louisiana churches, property insurance crisis prompts tough decisions, radical solutions


After a year of preaching under a tent in the parking lot after Hurricane Ida destroyed parts of Tulane Memorial Baptist Church, the Rev. Ross Johnson had a moment of respite when he moved the congregation back into the repaired sanctuary where he has been preaching for more than 30 years.

Then a new crisis hit.

Johnson faced a difficult math problem. The church’s insurer, which had battled in court for a year over damages before settling, dropped them. The $40,000-a-year insurance premium Johnson was quoted for the building nearly doubled. And the deductible roughly tripled to $90,000 a year, about 40% of the church’s annual budget.

He was wary about losing coverage after Ida destroyed most of the church’s archival material — old pictures, obituaries and baptismal records — in a second-floor storage room. Eventually, its insurer, Lloyd’s of London, paid to renovate the church, which was originally established on Tulane Avenue in the 1860s and moved to Gentilly in the 1960s.

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But the costs of fully insuring the renovated church were too high, and Johnson chose to drop wind and hail coverage. Now, when it’s hurricane season, he sometimes drives to the church and prays that the building will stay safe.

“My faith is strong,” Johnson said. “But psychologically, there’s a lot of anxiety.”

All across Louisiana, churches are being uniquely squeezed by the insurance crisis that has gripped the state, causing turmoil in the housing market and threatening the most at-risk communities.






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Pastor Ross Johnson stands in the upstairs of Tulane Memorial Baptist in New Orleans, Thursday, Jan. 30, 2025. The roof was torn off the upstairs during Hurricane Ida, which caused a lot of damage. (Photo by Sophia Germer, The Times-Picayune)



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In response, a group of church leaders are working to set up a self-insurance fund. If successful, it could provide a lifeboat for churches who have been dropped by their insurer or who face staggering costs to insure their buildings. Still, challenges remain like getting enough protection from the global reinsurance market to backstop hurricane risk.

Churches are generally seen as hard to insure, in part because they often have old and valuable buildings. High-profile sexual abuse scandals have created liability issues for some as well.

Church Mutual, a Wisconsin company that specializes in covering religious organizations, was the main insurer for Louisiana churches for years. In 2019, before the recent spate of storms hit, it was the fifth largest commercial property insurer in the state.

Then, after devastating hurricanes in 2020 and 2021, Church Mutual faced huge losses, as well as a rash of lawsuits from churches who claimed it delayed or denied the payments it owed to them. Some of those lawsuits resulted in multi-million dollar verdicts against the company. Church Mutual pulled out of writing property insurance in Louisiana.

Since then, hundreds of churches have been left in the lurch. The number of churches getting insurance from Citizens, the insurer of last resort which charges higher premiums, exploded with a fivefold increase since 2019. The number has fallen by 115 since a peak in September, though it’s not clear how many of them are going without insurance.

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“Churches are the hub of many of the communities they serve,” said the Rev. Shelton Charles Dixon, head of the Louisiana Home and Foreign Missions Baptist Convention. “Unfortunately, many of them are existing without coverage.”

For Johnson, the insurance crisis is yet another hardship that he and other pastors in south Louisiana face. Hurricane Katrina knocked his congregation down from more than 700 to 300 members. Then the COVID-19 virus and Ida hit back to back, whittling membership to around 100, about half of whom attend service regularly.







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Pastor Ross Johnson holds old documents that were salvaged after Hurricane Ida at Tulane Memorial Baptist in New Orleans, Thursday, Jan. 30, 2025. (Photo by Sophia Germer, The Times-Picayune)

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Walking along the pews of the sanctuary, Johnson said he’s been going without pay at the church, taking on a day job as a re-entry support specialist for the Juvenile Justice Intervention Center down the street. And he sometimes tells members who relocated to Houston that they’re better off staying there.

“Why would you come back?” he said.

‘Cease to exist’

In response to the turmoil that began hitting the insurance market in 2022, a group of church leaders set out to create a radical solution.

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The Louisiana Baptist Convention convinced the Legislature to pass a bill in 2023 allowing them to set up a self-insurance fund. The plan would allow any nonprofit religious organization to buy insurance from the nonprofit fund, which would act as an insurer. It would take in premiums, buy reinsurance in case a catastrophe struck and pay claims if members suffer damages.

Unlike a for-profit insurer, which has pressure from shareholders to deliver profits, the church fund would keep its money in reserves, invest it and give some of it back to members when the reserve gets big enough.

Steve Horn, the president of the newfound Fellowship of Louisiana Churches and Non-Profit Religious Organizations, said the group has a board of directors and an adviser with Arthur J. Gallagher, the brokerage giant, and hopes to start accepting members later this year.

It’s not clear how many churches are going without insurance. Horn, who also serves as executive director of the Louisiana Baptist Convention, said he believes hundreds are going without wind and hail coverage. Some pastors have told him they are weighing tough decisions, like deciding whether to lay off associate pastors or keep their insurance premiums.



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Stained glass original to the building remains visible from the sanctuary at Tulane Memorial Baptist in New Orleans, Thursday, Jan. 30, 2025. All the other windows were blown out during Hurricane Ida. (Photo by Sophia Germer, The Times-Picayune)




“We believe there’s a huge future crisis on the horizon,” Horn said. “It’s not if but when the next catastrophic storm happens. There could be dozens, I don’t think it’s an exaggeration to say hundreds of churches … that cease to exist.”

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The loss of churches would not only affect the congregations, Horn said, but would also affect a host of social services that happen in church buildings: AA meetings, disaster relief, food banks and more.

The group is still trying to put together enough initial funding to build up a reserve to allow it to start taking on members. Horn and others have spent months pulling together detailed information from potential members about their buildings and risk exposure.

Insurance Department spokesperson John Ford said that Insurance Commissioner Tim Temple is confident a series of laws passed last year will work by making it easier for insurance companies to do business, but “it’s going to take time.” He said a lack of affordable property insurance is a “major, and sometimes existential, issue for churches and other religious organizations.”

“While self-insurance funds require significant funding and can be complex to set up, the LDI is here to help organizations that are interested in exploring that possibility,” he said.

While the fund would be the first of its kind for property insurance in Louisiana, according to the Department of Insurance, it has precedent. Terry Duke, a broker with Arthur J. Gallagher who is helping the churches set up the fund, said it’s the same idea as similar funds for loggers, affordable housing and the Catholic church. While the idea was pushed by Baptists, any religious organization can join, and the group has Pentecostal leaders on its board.

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The New Orleans Catholic Church didn’t respond to queries about its insurance issues, but bankruptcy documents indicate the Archdiocese is part of a national self-insurance fund of the Roman Catholic Church in the U.S. and Canada. The self-insurance organization covers losses directly and acts as a broker to get insurance from other companies.







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Tulane Memorial Baptist in New Orleans, Thursday, Jan. 30, 2025. (Photo by Sophia Germer, The Times-Picayune)

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The self-insurance fund that churches are trying to create would not be taking on all the risk. They would instead would buy reinsurance, a global network of companies that underpin the cost of property insurance. Insurers pay a portion of the premiums they collect to reinsurers in London, Bermuda and elsewhere, and the reinsurers promise to pay certain claims, often when a major disaster strikes.

The reinsurance industry has been upended by climate change, inflation and high interest rates that caused an exodus of capital from the market. As a result, the rising cost of reinsurance coverage is a key driver of Louisiana’s insurance crisis.

Still, Duke said the fund would mean churches are “controlling their own destiny,” offering better rates for buildings with more fortification and delivering savings to members instead of shareholders. And he said reinsurers have given the group promising signals on rates that could work.

“We don’t have stockholders looking to us for money,” he said. “Right off the bat, our costs should be lower than a traditional insurance policy.”

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One challenge with these types of funds is that all the members will have the same type of hurricane risk, requiring a backstop like reinsurance, said Carolyn Kousky, head of the nonprofit Insurance for Good and a longtime researcher on insurance and climate.

But she noted that mutuals can encourage building stronger by delivering “resilience dividends” to members to help build stronger roofs and the like.

Insurer pulls out

The turmoil for churches followed a similar path to the crisis facing homeowners.

After a devastating hurricanes hit in 2020 and 2021, many churches reported delays, denials and underpayments from their insurers. And a host of them took to the courts.

Dozens of churches sued Church Mutual after the storms, court records show. In one case brought by the First Baptist Church of Iowa over Hurricane Laura damages, U.S. District Judge James Cain of the Western District of Louisiana wrote that Church Mutual settles far fewer cases before getting deeply tangled in court than other insurers. He said the company established a “pattern of systemic failure to resolve insurance claims.” The case went to trial, and the jury awarded the church $1.9 million.

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In another case, a church in Leesville won a $9.8 million verdict over unpaid Laura claims.

Hurricane Laura appeared to hit Church Mutual particularly hard, financial records show. The company took in $13 million in property insurance premiums in Louisiana that year while losing $82 million, according to Department of Insurance records. That loss rate was more than double the statewide average for commercial property insurers.

Church Mutual Chief Underwriting Officer Pam Rushing said in a statement that the company no longer provides property insurance coverage in Louisiana because “shifts in severe weather have moved Louisiana into an area now considered high risk,” though it does still write professional liability coverage.

“We do not make these types of decisions lightly,” Rushing said. “However, for us to remain financially strong, viable and best able to serve our mission, we need to mitigate the severe impact catastrophic weather has had — and will continue to have — on our bottom line and our ability to serve customers nationwide.”



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Louisiana

Will cloud cover impact lunar eclipse viewing in Louisiana? What the sky cover forecast says

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Will cloud cover impact lunar eclipse viewing in Louisiana? What the sky cover forecast says


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On the night of March 13, a lunar eclipse, or “Blood Moon,” will be viewable throughout the U.S.

In Louisiana, the lunar eclipse will begin at 10:37 p.m., with totality occurring at 1:26 a.m. and concluding at 2:31 a.m.

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However, cloud coverage and weather conditions may make viewing the lunar eclipse a bit more difficult.

Cloud coverage in the U.S. during the lunar eclipse

Cloudy and/or rainy weather could obstruct viewing for the lunar eclipse on Thursday night, however, a new cloud forecast shows the best spots for observing the eclipse.

Despite a March storm rolling through and causing come cloud coverage, forecasts show that there will still be some prime viewing spots for the eclipse.

The worst places to see the eclipse, where cloud cover is to be extensive, are likely to be in the Far West, the Rockies and North-Central U.S., according to AccuWeather meteorologist Tom Kines, USA Today reported.

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The best places to see the lunar eclipse, where cloud coverage is said to be minimal, will likely be Texas, the Ohio Valley and Southern Florida. Skies are also expected to be clear in regions of the Central Plains, specifically Oklahoma, Kansas and Missouri, reported USA Today.

Cloud coverage in Louisiana during lunar eclipse

At 11 p.m. on Thursday, March 13, cloud coverage in Louisiana will range from 31% being the lowest and 61% being the highest.

In North Louisiana, cloud coverage will range from 50% to 61%, according to the U.S. National Weather Service forecast.

In South Louisiana, cloud coverage will range from 31% to 44%, according to U.S. National Weather Service’s forecast.

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Presley Bo Tyler is a reporter for the Louisiana Deep South Connect Team for Gannett/USA Today. Find her on X @PresleyTyler02 and email at PTyler@Gannett.com



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Sustainable Fishing: How Louisiana’s Menhaden Industry Protects the Gulf

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Sustainable Fishing: How Louisiana’s Menhaden Industry Protects the Gulf


For generations, Louisiana’s menhaden fishing industry has supported small coastal communities and harvested a sustainable resource while employing responsible fishing practices that protect the Gulf’s ecosystem. Through science-based management, innovative technology, and strict regulations, we ensure that menhaden remains abundant for future generations.

The commercial menhaden fishery uses the purse seine method, a specially designed technique that minimizes environmental impact. Here’s how the process works:

  • Spotting the School: Fishing vessels use spotter airplanes to locate large schools of menhaden.
  • Setting the Net: The vessel encircles the school with a purse seine net, which closes at the bottom to form a contained “purse.”
  • Hauling in the Catch: A winch system pulls in the net, and a vacuum pump transfers the fish onto the boat while safely returning any larger marine species, like turtles, sharks, or dolphins, back to the water.
  • Sorting and Processing: Fish are sorted using bycatch reduction devices, which separate non-target species before the catch is transported for processing onshore.

Contentions that menhaden fishing has unintended environmental consequences are emphatically rejected by scientific studies. A 2021 study published in Conservation Biology found that imposing additional catch limits on species like menhaden would not significantly increase predator populations. Similarly, a 2017 study in Fisheries Research confirmed that predator populations are influenced more by environmental factors than by fishing, and that forage fish targeted by predators are not the same as those typically caught by commercial fisheries.

The menhaden industry removes less than 2% of the total Gulf menhaden biomass each year—far below levels that would negatively impact the ecosystem. Stock assessments confirm that menhaden populations are not overfished, ensuring a sustainable fishery that maintains a critical food source for marine predators like redfish, speckled trout, and dolphins. Since 2019, the fishery has been certified as sustainable by the Marine Stewardship Council, the gold standard for seafood sustainability.

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Louisiana’s menhaden industry operates under strict federal and state regulations, ensuring responsible  practices that support the environment and coastal economies. Calls for additional restrictions lack scientific backing and threaten the livelihoods and communities of thousands of workers who depend on this industry.

Through significant investments in sustainable fishing methods, reducing bycatch, and maintaining healthy menhaden populations, the Louisiana commercial menhaden industry continues to balance conservation with economic prosperity. Sustainable fishing isn’t just about the environment—it’s about people, communities, and Louisiana’s coastal economy. Let’s ensure that science, not politics, drives the future of this fishery.



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Accountability for the Louisiana Democratic Party’s failure to defend LGBTQ+ rights

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Accountability for the Louisiana Democratic Party’s failure to defend LGBTQ+ rights


A Pride flag reads “Abide No Hatred” is hung at the entrance of Castaways, venue for the third annual SWLA Pride Fest weekend, June 10-12, in Big Lake. (Photo courtesy of Pride of SWLA)

To the Democrats of Louisiana:

I publicly acknowledge my failure as an elected official to effectively defend my own community – the LGBTQ+ community – and, in doing so, I have also failed to uphold equality for all.

This past Saturday in Baton Rouge, the Louisiana Democratic Party LGBTQ+ Caucus introduced a resolution at the DSCC meeting. The resolution called on the state party to align with the national Democratic platform in protecting LGBTQ+ rights and to commit “to not endorsing or supporting Democratic candidates or officeholders who use their votes or their public platform to deny fundamental rights and protections to LGBTQI+ citizens.”

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Ultimately, the majority of those present voted for an amended version that removed this key line. In other words, our party deliberately chose to weaken a resolution meant to hold accountable legislators and candidates who actively harm the LGBTQ+ community.

I understand that some who voted for the amendment did so out of fear that the resolution might not pass in its original form. However, the end result remains the same: the Louisiana Democratic Party opted to strip language that simply sought to uphold fundamental equality.

By removing this line, we have implicitly stated the inverse – that we are open to “endorsing or supporting Democratic candidates or officeholders who use their votes or their public platform to deny fundamental rights and protections to LGBTQI+ citizens.”

As Democrats, would we allow this for any other marginalized group? Would we tolerate party support for candidates who attack Black and brown people, immigrants, women, or those with disabilities? Defending and uplifting marginalized communities is a core tenet of our party – yet in this moment, we have failed to uphold it.

This failure is not hypothetical. Here in Louisiana, the only state that has never had an openly LGBTQ+ legislator, some of our own Democratic legislators have publicly supported and even sponsored legislation that strips away LGBTQ+ rights. Meanwhile, The Guardian reported last week that “Republican lawmakers in Montana voted en masse to help defeat two extreme anti-trans bills in an unprecedented move on Thursday, after powerful speeches from two trans representatives imploring them to reject the latest intent to criminalize gender nonconformity.” 

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The contrast is stark, and it forces us to ask: what kind of Democratic Party do we want to be?

The willingness to abandon marginalized communities is not limited to Louisiana. Nationally, some factions of the Democratic Party are veering away from progressive values in favor of donor and consultant-class interests. As Sam Rosenthal wrote in Common Dreams on March 5, 2024, “The party is very much at a crossroads: It can embrace progressivism and forge a new, compelling identity or it can take cues from the donor and consultant class and embrace the very policies that precipitated our current political crisis.”

The LGBTQ+ community is under relentless attack across the country. States including our own, have passed laws restricting gender-affirming care, banning transgender athletes from sports, and criminalizing discussions of LGBTQ+ topics in schools. There are efforts to redefine sex discrimination laws, weaken workplace and health care protections, and enable religious exemptions that justify discrimination. 

Book bans, drag performance restrictions and inflammatory rhetoric fuel hostility, putting lives at risk. Already this year, legislators in nine states are working to overturn same-sex marriage. Last week, Texas introduced legislation that would criminalize simply being transgender, labeling it as “gender identity fraud.”

What is happening to transgender and queer people is the writing on the wall, and I am begging you to read it. We must demand more from our party. If we cannot hold our own to the most basic standard of equality, then what do we stand for?

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