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Why overdose deaths are declining in Maine

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Why overdose deaths are declining in Maine


Maine is set to close out 2024 as a year that saw a continued decline in drug overdose deaths. But while the top official responsible for coordinating the state’s response to the opioid crisis is glad to see the trend, he’s not celebrating.

That’s because the approximately 500 total overdose deaths projected for this year is still far too high, Gordon Smith, Maine’s director of opioid response, said in an interview.

“One death is too many, but 500 is a catastrophe. It’s simply better than 720 [in 2022],” he said, referring to the year when Maine saw its greatest number of overdose deaths.

Across Maine, 405 people died after overdosing between January and October, according to the Maine Drug Data Hub. That official count represents a 20 percent decrease compared with the same time period in 2023. It continues the decline first seen in 2023, when fatal overdoses decreased 16 percent compared with 2022.

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The reasons for the decline are not truly known, Smith said, but it is probably at least partially due to the decreasing potency of fentanyl, a powerful manmade opioid that is the most frequent cause of death. There are also more services in Maine to help people with an addiction to opioids than in the past.

The Bangor Daily News spoke with Smith about the changes he has seen since his position in state government was created in 2019, after fentanyl turned Maine’s ongoing opioid crisis even more deadly. From distributing hundreds of thousands of doses of overdose-reversing naloxone, to training more than 2,000 people as peer recovery coaches, to expanding access to treatment, Maine has significantly boosted help for people who need it, Smith said.

For instance, more than 5,000 people are currently receiving methadone, the most ever, Smith said. Providers in Maine are also prescribing a record 16,000 to 20,000 people with buprenorphine, another medication for opioid use disorder. While people can have success with an abstinence-based approach to treatment, he said, medications such as methadone and buprenorphine have been shown to increase people’s odds of staying in long-term recovery.

The following Q&A has been condensed:

Gordon Smith, state of Maine: I think one of the reasons that this is all going better now is that so many people are willing to take some help medically, and we’ve really encouraged the medical community to step up and make that available in all the primary care practices, in all the emergency departments — low-barrier access to buprenorphine. We’re only down to three to five [predominantly small, rural] emergency departments in Maine that aren’t ready to do that, and we’re working with them to make sure that they do get ready to do it.

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Erin Rhoda, BDN: I don’t know that any ERs a number of years ago were prescribing buprenorphine. Is that right?

Smith: None were.

You’re recalling, in Executive Order 2, which established my position in February of 2019 … we said the first thing I’m going to do is buy 35,000 doses of naloxone. … Now it’s truly the thing that’s making the biggest difference in keeping people alive. The data in [the state’s monthly overdose report] is startling: 95 percent of people that overdose in Maine today are surviving their overdose. That’s remarkable. …

The second thing we said in that executive order, after we purchased 35,000 doses of naloxone, was we were going to ask every emergency department to have low-barrier access available to buprenorphine, to any patient that came in after an overdose or was otherwise struggling with substances. …

One of my favorite things in that executive order was we asked every prison and facility and every jail to make sure that people who had a substance use disorder were treated for their illness and had medication available, meaning buprenorphine generally.

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Because it’s just stunning, as a health care lawyer, that in 2019, two decades after the Americans with Disabilities Act, that people with substance use disorder were not treated when they were incarcerated. And that’s still true in the majority of carceral settings in this country. …

Almost 50 percent of the [inmates in Maine’s prison system] are on medication for substance use disorder. Which sounds like an insane amount except we know that 70 or 80 percent of them have a substance use disorder. In many of the jails also the numbers are up around 50 percent, sometimes more.

Rhoda: Are all jails now offering treatment?

Smith: They’re all offering treatment. They’re all offering medication. They’re not necessarily all offering the injectable version of buprenorphine. The goal would be to offer all [U.S. Food and Drug Administration] approved products for substance use disorder and in all of their versions — injectable, film, pills, whichever works for that particular resident of the jail, but almost no jail or facility at this point is able to offer all those versions.

Rhoda: [The jails offering medication] seems like a huge change.

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Smith: There’s not a single facility, Erin, that is where we’d like to have them right now, but they’re all way, way better than it was. The reason that they’re not further along is really resources. … We’ve made some more state money available to them. The governor did $4 million in the last budget, more money for the jails for these purposes, but it really is an issue of resources.

And you know, in the grand scheme of things I’d really prefer to not see people with substance use disorder in jail. I’d like to see a lot more diversion. …. The treatment courts are trucking along. We’ve got one in … every county except Aroostook County, and we’ve got a great plan up there that Todd Collins, [the district attorney], and a whole bunch of people worked on, but we need $750,000 a year to do it, and nobody has come up with that money. So we’ll try again.

Rhoda: I also remember when there were no detox beds [at facilities that medically supervise people through the acute stages of withdrawal].

Smith: We now have about 120, 130 detox beds because we’ve also been successful in getting the private places to open some beds to MaineCare, like Pine Tree in Portland and Libby Bay. We’ve got 10 beautiful Wabanaki beds [in Bangor] … but they’re not full. I think part of it is communicating to people who might need those beds that they’re not just for Indigenous Mainers, number one, and that they’re open for business.

Rhoda: When it comes to the overdose death rates, are you seeing really big declines in certain areas? Where in Maine have you seen the biggest declines?

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Smith: Actually in Portland. It has not been uniform across the state. There are some counties that will see more deaths this year than last year. They tend to be smaller numbers, but still. …

We’ve seen the biggest decline really in the urban areas, and we’ve not done as well in reducing overdoses in some of the rural areas. We need to do a better job there. Some of it is hard to address. It takes a long time to get an ambulance out to Springfield, Maine, 20 miles east of Lincoln, right? Fentanyl acts very quickly. Too many people use alone. Why do they use alone? There’s a lot of shame and stigma associated with it.

Rhoda: Stimulants are continuing to increase as a cause of death in combination with other drugs like fentanyl. What do you make of that, why that’s happening?

Smith: I don’t think anybody knows. Not a week goes by that we’re not on some webinar with our federal partners and national people; we get together with our New England group all the time, we talk about these things. Nobody really knows. People don’t even know why the death rate is declining. We speculate.

There’s a North Carolina drug lab run by Dr. [Nabarun] Dasgupta. He posited eight different theories [for the decline in overdose deaths]. They all made sense to me: more naloxone, more treatment available. …

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Now xylazine [a sedative added to fentanyl that is not as lethal] is a factor. We’re up to 14 to 16 percent xylazine. Oddly enough it might be some of these fillers that are helping to keep people alive. It’s still doing really bad things to them, you know, but they don’t die.

Rhoda: With xylazine, that’s a relatively new thing. Do you think that that filler is playing a role in the declining number of deaths?

Smith: It is one of the things that the researchers are speculating that may be part of why fewer people are dying. …

The fact is that nationwide we’ve seen a 10 to 12 percent decline, and not every state is doing what we’re doing, right? In some of the New England states, probably New Hampshire and Maine have seen the sharpest declines. But every state has seen some improvement. So it’s more than just what we’re doing.

Rhoda: Where does Maine stand exactly in its decrease of opioid deaths relative to the nation? We are falling faster?

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Smith: Yes, but we were also higher to start with. We started from a pretty bad place in 2018, 2019. And so we’re coming down now towards the middle.

Rhoda: I’ve been reading about the declining toxicity of fentanyl. The fentanyl on the street is becoming weaker. Is that happening in Maine?

Smith: Probably. We don’t necessarily have enough drug checking and drug testing to know that. … It’s funny because we used to talk about fentanyl adultering everything else; now people want fentanyl, and it’s being adulterated with everything from xylazine to other fillers, including cocaine and meth.

So, again, we don’t have the sophisticated kind of drug-checking apparatus. We’ve got four new drug-checking machines that are just starting to be used. There’s one in Machias, one in Sanford, as part of Project DHARMA. It’s a federal grant run out of the Maine Medical Center. …

The whole idea is we’re going to start testing residual amounts of drugs — in syringes usually — at various sites around the state and then get that to the Colby drug lab and see what’s in these drugs. That will give us maybe a head start on what kind of drug policies we need in the state in reaction to that. So it’s possible in a year or two when you ask me the question about the strength of the fentanyl that I’d have actually good chemistry to answer that question, but it’s just starting.

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Rhoda: What do you think next year will bring?

Smith: I don’t think we need a lot of new initiatives, but I think we need to put more resources into all the things we’re doing. We had one crisis receiving center [to help people with a range of mental health or substance use challenges]. Now we’re going to have five. We had three McAulay houses [for women in recovery and their children]. Now we’re going to have seven. We’ve got 1,000 recovery beds [at about 100 recovery residences]. We need probably 200 more in rural areas.

We need to just keep doing what we’re doing, lower the stigma, let people know we care about them, give them hope, and make sure when they’re ready today that we’ve got a bed for them, or an outpatient facility, whatever they need. That’s my hope.

Rhoda: A final note here: What do you want families to do if they have a loved one with addiction? If they’re reading this and they think, I really need to do something, what is your advice?

Smith: There are support groups for family members. We have 24 recovery community centers now. Call 211. Don’t suffer in silence alone, and don’t give up on your loved one.

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Erin Rhoda is the editor of Maine Focus and may be reached at erhoda@bangordailynews.com.



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A hard lesson for Democrats in Maine. Plus, we have some news about Ed Markey. – The Boston Globe

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A hard lesson for Democrats in Maine. Plus, we have some news about Ed Markey. – The Boston Globe


Markey comes out and says it: One more and he’s done

By Abdallah Fayyad

Massachusetts Senator Ed Markey, who will turn 80 this week, is running for his third full term in the US Senate. His Democratic primary challenger, Rep. Seth Moulton, has tried to make age and generational change the issue in this campaign. But Markey is hoping that this year will be a repeat of 2020, when he handily beat another younger (and now former) member of Congress, Joe Kennedy III.

While Markey has been able to overcome concerns about his age in the past, the reality is that time waits for no one. So on Tuesday, Markey told the Globe Editorial Board that should he win again, his next term in the Senate will be his last.

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In that interview, Markey initially dodged questions about his age, arguing that he is energized and perfectly capable of doing the job. But one question on many voters’ minds is whether people in positions of power know when to call it quits. After all, Joe Biden dropped out late in the 2024 presidential race after a disastrous debate performance against Donald Trump fueled speculation about cognitive decline. Dianne Feinstein, the late California senator, died while serving in office amid controversies surrounding her cognitive health and memory issues. And right now, Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell is in the hospital after having been recently found unconscious, and there’s little to no public information about his current condition.

Ed Markey spoke at a Massachusetts TPS Committee & Community Allies press conference at the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul on June 26, 2026 in Boston.Jonathan Wiggs/Globe Staff

Addressing these concerns about aging elected officials, Markey eventually gave the right answer to the board — one that other politicians facing similar questions about their age or health should take note of. “I would hold myself to the same standard that every elected member should,” he told the editorial board. “If I cannot do the job, I would step down. I believe the commonwealth is more than one person. I would put the needs of the people of Massachusetts first.”

For now, though, he’s running because he believes he’s still capable of doing the job. And that’s the case he has to make to voters between now and Election Day. One last time.

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Right, Left, and Center: A hard lesson for Democrats in Maine

Entries by Joan Vennochi, Noah Rothman, and Abdallah Fayyad

Yes, another shoe has dropped on Graham Platner’s insurgent campaign for US Senate in Maine, and this was the biggest one yet: allegations of rape by a former girlfriend.

He denies the allegation, but just about all his one-time Democratic supporters – including senators Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, and Ed Markey – have called on him to quit the race. If he does so by Monday, the Democrats can pick a replacement candidate to challenge the incumbent Republican, Senator Susan Collins.

Here’s how our three writers view the situation.

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Jim Dao, Globe Opinion editor


Democrats have some soul-searching to do

By Joan Vennochi

It’s over for Graham Platner, the Democratic Senate nominee from Maine. After a woman with whom he once had a romantic relationship accused him of rape, politically speaking, he sleeps with the fishes.

And so does much of the hope that Democrats had of defeating longtime Republican Senator Susan Collins. Because today’s politics feel especially volatile, I am not saying all hope is lost. It’s not impossible – if someone other than Platner is the nominee.

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It’s clear now that Platner was an exciting candidate with serious character flaws, and conduct which now includes an allegation that he sexually assaulted a woman while intoxicated.

A May 10 column entitled “The Platner Trap,” by David French of The New York Times was right on target. French said, “I’m seeing Democrats engage in the same process of absurd accommodation and justification that Republicans use to excuse their deep love of Trump.” David Frum was also right when he wrote a month ago that Democrats “have to choose between character and power.”

The counter-argument – What about Trump? – is not the right rallying cry for Democrats. Riding the horse picked by the people rather than the party is a fine idea, unless the horse has a totenkopf tattoo. There was enough information from Platner’s past to suggest he could be hobbled by it, and he was.

Imperfection is human. People deserve second chances. But how a man treats the women in his life is ultimately more important than how much he supports abortion rights and I’m sorry I did not write that instead of this in a recent column.

The big political names that backed Platner, especially powerful women like Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, have a lot of soul-searching to do. If they allow ideology to blind them to deep character flaws, they are no better than the MAGA ideologues whom they deplore.

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From that perspective, it’s interesting to consider an influential and progressive politician who did not endorse Platner – Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. Asked to respond to Platner-related controversies on June 9, the day of Maine’s Senate primary, Ocasio-Cortez told CNN: “Obviously, there’s a lot in that behavior that’s really challenging – it’s hard to stomach. But at the end of the day, I think it’s a choice.” She added, “If the choice is between that and a senator who’s voted to take healthcare away from millions of Americans, that’s the situation that we have to weigh.”

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) speaks to reporters outside the Capitol in Washington, June 30.ERIC LEE/NYT

She did not explicitly say what her choice was, but instead staked out a middle ground that I recognize – neither support nor outright rejection.

At that point, the Platner controversies included a tattoo with Nazi implications that he had covered up; Reddit posts flagged as racist and sexist that had been deleted; and reports from The New York Times about sexual texts he sent to women who were not his wife, followed up by a report about his behavior from three of Platner’s previous romantic partners.

One of those previous romantic partners was Jenny Racicot, who told the Times about a 2021 incident in which Platner arrived at her house drunk after she asked him not to come over. While she said she found his behavior “reckless” and “unsettling,” she didn’t share further details until this week in Politico, when she accused Platner of rape.

He called the allegations false, but said he would “reflect” on what he would do next.

While he reflects, Democrats should also reflect on how embracing him before knowing more about him affects the battle for control of the Senate.

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Platner’s legacy will haunt his party

By Noah Rothman

In a way, Democrats were well-served by their reflexive, stubborn refusal to entertain the implications of an early June story in The New York Times alleging that Graham Platner had engaged in “unsettling” behavior with women.

The “unsettling” behavior it uncovered included allegations of physical abuse. One of Platner’s named accusers, Lindsey Fifield, claimed that the Maine Senate candidate put his hands on her more than once, “sometimes hard enough to leave marks,” and even “shoved her into a bedroom and held the door closed from the other side so she couldn’t get out.”

The campaign headquarters for Graham Platner in Ellsworth, Maine, stands empty July 6, 2026.Gin Majka/The New York Times

But the Times also devoted several paragraphs to Fifield’s work as a conservative political operative, and that was all Platner’s supporters needed to rationalize their summary dismissal of her allegations.

Senator Sheldon Whitehouse said he was “unimpressed” by the charges, all of which struck him as “a lot of nothing.”

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Congressman Ro Khanna said the charges didn’t amount to “evidence of violence,” and he deferred to the judgment of Maine’s Democratic primary voters, to whom the charges probably “didn’t come as a surprise.” After all, “he came back broken in a dark place” from his combat tours in Iraq – as if sexual assault were common among veterans.

“President Trump set a new standard,” Senator Mark Warner declared with mock resignation. “Whether that low standard is what we ought to proceed with is going to be, again, in the hands of the voters.”

Platner’s second accuser, Jenny Racicot, might not have told her Graham Platner story if Democrats had not taken the Times’s bait. She described in vague terms her ordeal to the Times’s reporters, but Racicot told Politico she “felt compelled to go public” because “the reaction to the Times story struck her as egregiously partisan. “My part of the story was just a read-over,” Racicot said. “And the story was Lyndsey, and the accusations of her being politically motivated.”

And Racicot’s story is harrowing. She alleges what she described as “rape” – a graphic episode in which Platner drunkenly forced himself on Racicot and had sex with her against her will. Suddenly, even Platner’s defenders – including even the morally compromised Hassan Piker – were willing to entertain the possibility that Platner’s accusers were telling the truth.

Their about-face was less a reaction to the details of Racicot’s assault than they were to her politics. “One of the reasons I didn’t come forward sooner was, the huge moral conflict that I had between supporting his politics, but not supporting him as a person,” Racicot confessed.

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Democrats may get lucky. They have a week to figure out how to cajole Platner out of the race and replace his name on the ballot before the state’s deadline expires. But even if the party can salvage its fortunes in Maine, the party’s dalliance with Platner will leave a legacy that will haunt the party.

They don’t believe all women. They believe women with the right politics.


Democrats had Platner, but Republicans still have Trump

By Abdallah Fayyad

It’s the end of the road for Graham Platner’s campaign. The insurgent Democratic candidate for Senate in Maine has been in scandal after scandal. And though he had so far been able to overcome negative stories about him in the past — in part because of his anti-establishment cred that propelled him to win the Democratic primary against the incumbent Democratic governor, Janet Mills — the latest allegation is a bridge too far: A woman has now accused Platner of rape.

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In a story in Politico, Jenny Racicot, a 41-year-old woman in Maine who had dated the Senate candidate years ago, says that in 2021, Platner came into her house and forced himself on her despite her objections. “I had been telling him these words, like: ‘No, don’t,’” she told Politico. “And, the look on his face and realizing what was happening, I just realized that, like, I am in a situation where there’s no consent here.” Platner’s campaign denied the allegation.

Since the story dropped, Platner’s supporters in Washington, including Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, have rescinded their endorsements of him and called on him to drop out of the race. And that’s exactly what Platner should do. This is a disturbing and credible allegation, and even if his supporters believe that his policy positions are better suited for Maine and the country than Republican Senator Susan Collins’s, there is no excuse for this kind of behavior. He has until July 13 to withdraw his name from the ballot, and the Democratic Party can nominate a new candidate by July 27.

The question now is whether Platner has completely sabotaged Democrats’ potential to finally unseat Collins. If he stays on the ballot, he’s all but guaranteed to lose. And if he drops out, Democrats will need to find a candidate that can quickly build a grassroots campaign that voters can still get excited about.

I wouldn’t count out the possibility that Democrats can come back from this. There are potential candidates that are being recruited or have already expressed interest in replacing Platner. Some are also promising. Former state Senate president Troy Jackson and Maine Secretary of State Shenna Bellows both recently ran in the Democratic primaries for governor. And though they ultimately lost, they could quickly reignite their campaigns.

The reality is that Collins faces an unfriendly political environment. These midterms will be a referendum on President Trump and his policies, which have proven to be deeply unpopular. While the Democratic Party has its fair share of problems with voters across the country, Democratic voters are energized and want to see a check on Trump’s power.

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If Democrats are able to pick the right candidate to replace Platner — ideally someone who has similar policy positions so that Democratic primary voters don’t feel entirely robbed of their choice — then they could still unseat Collins. But before any of that happens, Platner needs to drop out.


In case you missed it: Boston calls out Philly (and not just for stealing Jaylen Brown)

By Rami Abou-Sabe

Elsewhere in New England, this weekend was spent commemorating America’s 250th. As usual, the team at Globe Ideas took a unique approach, recontextualizing the anniversary through the lens of lesser-known stories and historical figures. In “America at 250: An unexpected history‚” seven writers explore the stories behind the Declaration of Independence, our Founding Fathers, and Boston’s role in all of it.

.Heather Hopp-Bruce/Globe Staff; Danik63/NATASHA-CHU/Adobe

Abdallah Fayyad takes a look at James Wilson, “the Founding Father you’ve probably never heard of,” who hated the Senate and didn’t believe in the Electoral College. Harvard professor Danielle Allen shines a light on a British Duke whose role in the Revolution often goes unrecognized. And historian Ted Widmer pulls together a hilarious argument that Boston, not Philadelphia, should actually get credit for the Declaration of Independence.

By the way… if you’re not already following us on TikTok, be sure to check out Ted’s video, which, unsurprisingly, is really riling up our neighbors down in Philly.

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In the mood for a podcast instead? On “Say More,” host Anna Kusmer talks to Yale historian Beverly Gage about liberals’ patriotism problem. “Whether or not people on the left like patriotism, it exists, and it’s a powerful, powerful force,” Gage tells Kusmer. What do you think? Do liberals have a patriotism problem? The transcript of the “Say More” episode has spurred a ton of debate in the comments. Take a look for yourself and join the conversation.


This is an excerpt from Globe Opinion’s weekly politics newsletter Right, Left, and Center. Sign up here to get it delivered to your inbox every Wednesday.


Abdallah Fayyad can be reached at abdallah.fayyad@globe.com. Follow him @abdallah_fayyad. Joan Vennochi is a Globe columnist. She can be reached at joan.vennochi@globe.com. Follow her @joan_vennochi. Noah Rothman is a senior writer at National Review and a regular contributor to Globe Opinion.





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Maine’s 10 most expensive home sales from June

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Maine’s 10 most expensive home sales from June


A nearly $7 million home on the coast of Kennebunk topped out as the most expensive home to sell in Maine last month.

We assembled a list of the top 10 most expensive residential properties in Maine that changed hands in June. The information comes from state transfer tax documents that are available to the public online.

While Maine’s most expensive residential property sales last month all surpassed $3 million and averaged nearly $5 million, they are not as pricey as some of the commercial real estate transactions from the same time frame.

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The Press Hotel in downtown Portland, for example, sold for just under $58 million, making it the state’s most expansive property sale from last month.

— Scott Edmunds, Trustee of The Oyster Shell Real, bought 7 Shoreline Way in Kennebunk from Evergreen/Kennebunk Realty LLC for $6.9 million on June 30.

— Rebecca and Eric Deschambault bought 49 Rising Tide Lane in Freeport from Daniel and Lauren Mills for $6.7 million on June 1.

— Sea Rose Holdings LLC bought 488 Main St. in Ogunquit from John Brennan for $6.3 million on June 30.

— Set Family Investments LLC bought 9 Starboard Lane in York from The Richard Jackson Sr. 2023 Trust for $5.2 million on June 8.

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— Suzanne and Christopher Hendriksen bought 904 Kings Highway in Kennebunkport from The Anchorage LLC for $4.5 million on June 15.

— The 149 Lighthouse Road Trust bought 149 Lighthouse Road in Bridgton from The William P. Boardman Irrevocable Trust for $4.2 million on June 30.

— Kevin Devaney and Melissa Croatti bought 7 Nubble Point in York from Jennifer and Andrew Amorosi for $3.5 million on June 18.

— Melanie and David Cox bought 909 Princes Point Road in Yarmouth from Thomas Harden for $3.4 million on June 18.

— The BH Family Trust bought 75 Scenic View Drive in Naples from the Denis R. Landrey and Cathleen Landry Revocable Trust for $3.4 million on June 26.

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— April and Joshua Lafrance and Gail Marie Sasseville bought 93 Governors Point Road in Harpswell from Donna B. Barmore for $3.1 million on June 17.



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Leslie Marshall urges Democrat Graham Plattner to exit Maine Senate race amid allegations | Fox News Video

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Leslie Marshall urges Democrat Graham Plattner to exit Maine Senate race amid allegations | Fox News Video


Fox News contributor Leslie Marshall expresses her belief in women as Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner faces rape accusations. Marshall criticizes the Democratic Party for applying a ‘political litmus test’ to sexual assault allegations, emphasizing that physical abuse should not be overlooked based on political affiliation or timing.



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