Maine
Advocates warn a Trump presidency could be a threat to Maine immigrants
Faisal Khan, executive director of the Greater Portland Immigrant Welcome Center. Shawn Patrick Ouellette/Staff Photographer
Advocates are warning that a second Trump presidency could pose threats to Maine’s immigrant population based on his promises of mass deportations and increased restrictions.
In Maine, which has been a destination for thousands of asylum seekers from central African countries in recent years, there are also concerns that President-elect Donald Trump could make the asylum process more difficult.
“It’s yet to be seen what will actually take place in terms of policies, but given his previous administration and how things evolved, I feel the worst is yet to come, though I hope I am wrong,” said Faisal Khan, executive director of the Greater Portland Immigrant Welcome Center.
“There’s no doubt that among people I’ve spoken to here and in other parts of the country, there’s a tremendous amount of anxiety and stress,” he added.
Maine is home to about 56,419 foreign-born residents who make up just a small percentage – about 4% – of the state’s 1.3 million population, according to the Migration Policy Institute, a nonpartisan think tank.
But federal immigration policy is still likely to have an impact here, and advocates are bracing for challenges and a rollback of immigrants’ rights even before Trump takes office.
The president-elect has not announced specific plans, but his early appointments signal that he’s serious about following through on at least some of his campaign rhetoric. In addition to stopping the flow of asylum seekers across the southern U.S. border, a central promise of the Trump campaign was to carry out mass deportations of millions of people per year.
His newly appointed “border czar,” Thomas Homan, played a key role in the first Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” border policy that included family separations.
Trump also said that if elected he would issue an executive order instructing federal agencies to stop recognizing birthright citizenship, referring to the long-standing policy of granting citizenship to children born in the U.S. even if their parents are not citizens.
WILL DEPORTATIONS IMPACT MAINE?
There were about 5,000 immigrants living in the U.S. illegally in Maine as of 2022, according to data from the Pew Research Center, and about 11 million nationally, with California, Florida and Texas each home to more than 1 million.
Unauthorized immigrants are noncitizens who generally have entered the United States without inspection, overstayed a period of lawful admission, or violated the terms of their admission. The term means the same thing as “undocumented” but is the preferred language for researchers and policy analysts and is also used by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, according to Pew.
The unauthorized population appears to be the most likely target of deportation efforts, but advocates say it’s too early to know what exactly that could look like.
“How extensive it’s going to be and how they will proceed – will they use other law enforcement agencies to drive their mission? – I don’t know,” Khan said. “But I do believe deportation is going to affect everyone across the country when it comes to people who don’t have documentation or are undocumented.”
Although Maine’s unauthorized immigrant population is small, Maine residents were affected by Trump’s deportation policies under his last administration.
Otto Morales-Caballeros at home in Brunswick. Brianna Soukup/Staff Photographer
Otto Morales-Caballeros, a Guatemalan man who fled violence in his home country as a teenager, was deported in 2017 after Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents arrested him on his way to work from his home in Naples. He was separated from his wife, a U.S. citizen, for four years before she was able to work with an attorney to bring him back to Maine in 2021. The Biden administration revised guidelines for ICE deportations the same year, generally prioritizing national security and violent crime concerns over petty and nonviolent offenses.
Abdigani Faisal Hussein, a Portland resident who came to the U.S. lawfully as a Somali refugee, was nearly deported in 2018 because of his conviction in 2002 for possessing khat, a leafy stimulant grown in East Africa that’s illegal in the U.S. Hussein’s lawyer was able to intervene at the last minute and defer the deportation because of the grave political situation in Somalia.
The Trump transition team did not provide specifics about deportation plans and who in Maine could be impacted in response to questions from the Press Herald on Friday.
“The American people reelected President Trump by a resounding margin giving him a mandate to implement the promises he made on the campaign trail,” Trump-Vance transition spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt said in a statement. “He will deliver.”
Homan, Trump’s pick as border czar, told the Washington Post on Monday that he planned to focus deportation efforts on those who pose a threat to public safety and national security and people who recently crossed the border illegally. He said that anyone with an active removal order could be deported, even if they don’t have a criminal record.
“I’m not saying arrest a million people in a week, right?” Homan told the Post. “We’ve got to go for the worst first.”
The American Immigration Council, a pro-immigration advocacy group, estimates that it would cost at least $315 billion to conduct a one-time mass deportation program, which would also require mass incarceration prior to removal. Trump told NBC News after the election that “there is no price tag” too big for his plan to deport undocumented immigrants.
“They’re going to go back to those countries because they’re not staying here,” Trump said.
Joel Stetkis, chair of the Maine Republican Party, said he thinks there will be support in Maine for Trump’s immigration policies but that it’s too early to assess impacts here until concrete plans are released.
“I think most Mainers are very excited about having substantially less fentanyl killing our neighbors, family and friends,” he said, adding, “Republicans have always been in favor of legal immigration.”
Maine Republican Party Chair Joel Stetkis. Joe Phelan/Kennebec Journal
Federal data analyzed by KFF, a nonpartisan health policy organization, indicates that most fentanyl enters the U.S. through legal ports of entry and is trafficked primarily by U.S. citizens. Experts have also said that stricter immigration policies will not effectively combat the opioid epidemic.
Rep. Billy Bob Faulkingham, R-Winter Harbor, Maine House minority leader, pointed out that Maine has spent millions of dollars in general assistance costs to house asylum seekers.
“Even though in Maine we’re very far from the southern border, we still feel the effects of it here,” he said. “I’m excited we’re going to have a president who is going to tighten up the border.”
With regard to deportations, Faulkingham said he expects to see greater enforcement of existing laws.
“What good are laws if you’re not going to follow them?” he said.
IT’S STILL EARLY
Advocates in Maine’s immigrant community said that while there is generally a feeling of unease and anxiety about Trump’s election, it’s still too early to know what the impacts will be. But they are preparing to protect immigrants’ rights in the event of a crackdown or new restrictions.
“ILAP is deeply concerned about racist and anti-immigrant policies that would have a devastating impact on immigrant communities in Maine and beyond,” said Sue Roche, executive director of the Immigrant Legal Advocacy Project, which provides legal services to Maine immigrants. “But despite threats of mass deportation, we have a legal system and due process rights that must be enforced.”
Martha Stein, executive director of Hope Acts, which offers housing and assistance with basic needs to asylum seekers in Portland, said her staff is trying to be as prepared as possible but they don’t want to “fall down a rabbit hole of what about this or that.”
“There’s so much bad information and disinformation and nobody knows what the new administration is going to do until they do it,” Stein said. “It’s very unsettling.”
The Greater Portland Immigrant Welcome Center provides support and services including professional development and English classes, assistance with financial literacy and help getting integrated into Maine and the U.S.
Khan said he believes those services will become even more important under a Trump administration that puts immigrants at risk and where they will be more likely to come to the nonprofit center for services and a sense of belonging.
So far, Khan said he hasn’t heard many immigrants expressing concerns about the new administration, but that doesn’t mean they don’t exist.
“A lot of people are going to be very afraid to speak out or share who they are or what their status is,” he said.
Mufalo Chitam, executive director of the Maine Immigrants’ Rights Coalition. Brianna Soukup/Staff Photographer
Mufalo Chitam, executive director of the Maine Immigrants’ Rights Coalition, has been hearing from people who are worried. In the initial aftermath of the election, Chitam said, some immigrants who lived through the first Trump administration were dismissive of the results, saying things like, “He said this last time but he didn’t do it.”
But as the days have gone by and more information about Trump’s plans have been shared, panic has set in. Some parents have reported their children coming home from school saying that they heard from friends they will be deported.
Chitam said her organization is telling people that for now they need to wait and see what actual policies are handed down. But in the meantime they are preparing to hold information sessions, helping people understand the rights they have and pointing them to resources like ILAP that they can rely on if they do find themselves at risk.
“The most we can do right now is just wait,” she said. “But in the meantime, we’re telling folks, ‘Know your rights.’ ”
THREATS TO ASYLUM?
While Maine’s overall immigrant population is relatively small, the state has experienced an influx of asylum seekers from central Africa, including Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the first six months of 2023, more than 1,500 asylum seekers arrived in Portland, pushing the city of 65,000 to the brink of its ability to house people at its shelters.
Asylum seekers are immigrants who come to the United States seeking protection from violence, persecution or human rights’ violations. Applying for asylum is a lengthy legal process that can take years, but Roche said that in general someone who is filing for asylum and going through the process can’t be deported.
“They have a right to complete that process and for the government to make a decision on their asylum application,” she said, noting that it is possible for asylum seekers to be deported if they don’t win their court case.
Stein said she is hopeful that the clients she works with will continue to be protected through the asylum process, but she worries there are ways those protections could be eroded.
“There’s a lot of talk about people who fly in on a visa and ask for asylum versus people who come over the border and apply for asylum,” she said. “Could they split things that way? And we’ve seen in the past that people from certain countries were deemed more or less desirable, which is reprehensible to me.”
Trump said this fall that he plans to reinstate travel bans that were in effect under his first administration barring some people from predominantly Muslim nations from coming to the U.S., and that he would expand them to include refugees from Gaza.
The American Civil Liberties Union of Maine has expressed broad concerns about a Trump presidency and how it would impact a variety of issues, saying in a news release last week that “we are clear-eyed about the dangers posed by a second Trump presidency and the challenges ahead.”
A spokesperson said this week that it’s too early to discuss specifics for Maine, but since immigration policy is federal, the impacts in Maine would likely mirror what is seen at the national level.
“Trump has made the demonization of people seeking asylum at the southern border a key element of his campaign this year,” the ACLU said in a memo on Trump’s immigration policy in June. “We expect his administration to renew and expand attempts to destroy our nation’s system of protection for people seeking safety from violence and persecution.”
The memo said impacts to asylum could come through executive orders or legislation, which would likely be facilitated with Republicans now controlling both the U.S. House and Senate. Trump is reportedly planning to kick off his second term with a major bill on border security and immigration that could limit or effectively end access to asylum, according to the memo.
But attempting to shut down asylum would also pose significant legal challenges and conflict with existing policies, the ACLU said.
“The ACLU and its partners challenged numerous Trump anti-asylum policies, pressing these legal claims and more,” the memo said. “Courts held many of the policies illegal, and some were suspended or never went into effect.”
MILLS MONITORING TRUMP PLANS
Gov. Janet Mills is taking a cautious approach to Trump’s plan to conduct mass deportations of immigrants – a process advisers say would require assistance from state and local law enforcement.
While some Democratic governors, such as Massachusetts Gov. Maura Healey, have said they will not use state police to assist the Trump administration, a Mills spokesperson said the governor is monitoring Trump’s plans and will evaluate any requests for help from the incoming administration.
“At this time, the State of Maine has not received a communication from the incoming administration,” spokesman Scott Ogden said in an email. “If the Trump Administration advances a specific plan or directive involving State of Maine assets or resources, the Governor will review it, assess its impacts on Maine people, and make a decision that she believes is in the best interest of the state and our people.
As attorney general, Mills pushed back against Trump’s anti-immigration policies, including the travel ban on people entering the United States from Muslim-majority countries.
Mills was one of 20 attorneys general to sue Trump over plans to roll back the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which provided protections against children – known as “dreamers” – who were brought into the country illegally by their parents.
And as governor, Mills objected to Trump’s efforts to make it harder for people who are seeking asylum to obtain work permits – a move at odds with national business groups and immigration advocates who have pushed for changes to federal laws to make it easier for asylum seekers to work.
Advocates say it would help businesses address workforce shortages and reduce the burden on communities providing financial support to asylum seekers who are not allowed to support themselves.
Mills’ current approach is more cautious than that of some of her colleagues.
Healey told MSNBC recently that she would use “every tool in the toolbox” to block attempts to deport unauthorized immigrants in the commonwealth. She said she would “absolutely not” allow Massachusetts State Police to assist federal deportation efforts.
Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and California Gov. Gavin Newsom, two Democrats who are eyeing 2028 presidential runs, have signaled they are prepared to push back against a variety of Trump policies, and New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy said “if it’s contrary to our values, we will fight to the death,” according to The Hill.
Staff Writer Randy Billings contributed to this story
Maine
Graham Platner says he’ll withdraw from Senate race in Maine
SCARBOROUGH, Maine (AP) — Graham Platner said Wednesday that he plans to withdraw from the U.S. Senate race in Maine after facing an allegation of sexual assault, shuttering an insurgent campaign that had withstood months of controversy only to implode and imperil Democrats’ attempt to regain power in Washington.
Platner’s exit will most likely force a reckoning within the party, which has been divided between its moderate and progressive factions, when it is struggling to unify during this year’s midterm elections. Maine is considered a key state for control of the narrowly divided Senate, and Democrats were desperate for a candidate capable of defeating Republican Sen. Susan Collins while President Donald Trump is broadly unpopular.
READ MORE: Succession fight is underway as calls mount for Graham Platner to drop out of Senate race
Platner says the process to replace him needs to be “open, transparent and democratic” and to reflect the will and values of people who supported him. He also lashed out at Democratic leaders in Washington, D.C.
“People in D.C. need to stay in D.C.,” Platner said. “Decisions should not be made by people in places of political power.”
Platner stressed that his decision was not an admission of guilt.
Although Platner had never before held elected office, progressive leaders promoted him over Gov. Janet Mills, who was favored by the Democratic establishment. Mills dropped out of the race in late April as Platner, a military veteran and oyster farmer, consolidated support from primary voters who were eager for a more combative candidate and were willing to overlook his checkered past, which included a tattoo recognized as a Nazi symbol and online postings dismissive of sexual assault.
Shortly before Platner clinched the Democratic nomination in the June 9 primary, there were reports that he had exchanged sexually explicit messages with other women while married and that he had become physical with a previous girlfriend during an argument.
But Platner’s support didn’t crater until Monday, when Politico reported that a woman said he drunkenly forced her to have sex after she told him to stop.
Jenny Racicot, who lives in Maine, told Politico she had been in an on-and-off relationship with Platner but cut off contact with him after that night in 2021 and told him the encounter wasn’t consensual. In a CNN interview, she said she had been raped “by definition.”
After the story was published, Platner in a video released on social media denied the allegation as “categorically false” but said he would be “taking the time to reflect on the best path forward” for his campaign. High-level backers pulled their support, including Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, who said the next day that he spoke with Platner and that “in light of these very serious allegations, I have recommended that he step aside.”
State law includes a provision for Democrats to replace Platner before the general election. The state Democratic Party held an emergency meeting Wednesday, where more than 100 state committee members signed off on holding a nominating convention, in the event of Platner’s withdrawal.
According to the statute, party officials may select a new nominee if a candidate who won the primary withdraws by 5 p.m. on July 13. The replacement candidate must be named by July 27.
Democrats must net four Senate seats to gain control of the 100-member chamber, and party leaders viewed Maine as a critical piece of the puzzle, along with Alaska, Ohio and North Carolina.
Nazi tattoo, Reddit posts and more had already been challenges for Platner
Platner has faced difficult questions almost from the moment he started his campaign last year. News outlets uncovered years-old comments on Reddit that appeared to endorse political violence, dismiss rape in the military, criticize rural Americans and use anti-gay slurs.
There was another controversy over the skull-and-crossbones tattoo, which is widely recognized as a Nazi symbol, on his chest. He said he was unaware of the history and chose the tattoo while drunk and on leave with fellow Marines in Croatia. He covered the tattoo after becoming a candidate, and he said in an Oct. 21 interview with the Pod Save America political podcast that he was “not a secret Nazi.”
“Skulls and crossbones are a pretty standard military thing,” Platner added.
However, a former girlfriend told The New York Times that Platner joked about the tattoo being a Nazi symbol and called it “my Totenkopf.”
The revelations about the tattoo and the online comments stirred concern among Democrats that Platner had been poorly vetted as a political candidate and demonstrated questionable judgment. Some party leaders despaired over Platner’s chances to win even before allegations about previous relationships began to surface.
Platner drew progressive buzz and support
Before Politico’s story was published, Platner canceled some town halls planned around the state. Such events were a calling card for his campaign, which prided itself on a willingness to go anywhere to rally voters. Volunteers hosted happy hours and trivia nights that helped generate enthusiasm for a generational shift from Collins, 73, to Platner, 41.
At a time when Democrats have grown dissatisfied with the party establishment, Platner seemed like an appealing alternative. His deep voice could command a room, and voters were drawn to his gruff populism and focus on economic inequality.
They were also willing to look past controversies as Platner portrayed himself as a regular person who had made mistakes and was striving to better himself and his community. Sometimes he talked about his struggles with post-traumatic stress disorder, and he focused on the power of redemption.
Before the sexual assault allegation became public, some voters said they also wouldn’t want to be judged on their worst moments, such as drunken behavior or crude comments.
Platner was backed by progressives including Rep. Ro Khanna of California, but that support quickly eroded after Racicot’s allegations.
“I’ve been very clear that sexual assault or violence against women is a red line,” Khanna said Monday. “These allegations are very serious and credible. Graham Platner should drop out from the race. I am withdrawing my endorsement.”
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Maine
A hard lesson for Democrats in Maine. Plus, we have some news about Ed Markey. – The Boston Globe
Markey comes out and says it: One more and he’s done
By Abdallah Fayyad
Massachusetts Senator Ed Markey, who will turn 80 this week, is running for his third full term in the US Senate. His Democratic primary challenger, Rep. Seth Moulton, has tried to make age and generational change the issue in this campaign. But Markey is hoping that this year will be a repeat of 2020, when he handily beat another younger (and now former) member of Congress, Joe Kennedy III.
While Markey has been able to overcome concerns about his age in the past, the reality is that time waits for no one. So on Tuesday, Markey told the Globe Editorial Board that should he win again, his next term in the Senate will be his last.
In that interview, Markey initially dodged questions about his age, arguing that he is energized and perfectly capable of doing the job. But one question on many voters’ minds is whether people in positions of power know when to call it quits. After all, Joe Biden dropped out late in the 2024 presidential race after a disastrous debate performance against Donald Trump fueled speculation about cognitive decline. Dianne Feinstein, the late California senator, died while serving in office amid controversies surrounding her cognitive health and memory issues. And right now, Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell is in the hospital after having been recently found unconscious, and there’s little to no public information about his current condition.
Addressing these concerns about aging elected officials, Markey eventually gave the right answer to the board — one that other politicians facing similar questions about their age or health should take note of. “I would hold myself to the same standard that every elected member should,” he told the editorial board. “If I cannot do the job, I would step down. I believe the commonwealth is more than one person. I would put the needs of the people of Massachusetts first.”
For now, though, he’s running because he believes he’s still capable of doing the job. And that’s the case he has to make to voters between now and Election Day. One last time.
Right, Left, and Center: A hard lesson for Democrats in Maine
Entries by Joan Vennochi, Noah Rothman, and Abdallah Fayyad
Yes, another shoe has dropped on Graham Platner’s insurgent campaign for US Senate in Maine, and this was the biggest one yet: allegations of rape by a former girlfriend.
He denies the allegation, but just about all his one-time Democratic supporters – including senators Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, and Ed Markey – have called on him to quit the race. If he does so by Monday, the Democrats can pick a replacement candidate to challenge the incumbent Republican, Senator Susan Collins.
Here’s how our three writers view the situation.
– Jim Dao, Globe Opinion editor
Democrats have some soul-searching to do
By Joan Vennochi
It’s over for Graham Platner, the Democratic Senate nominee from Maine. After a woman with whom he once had a romantic relationship accused him of rape, politically speaking, he sleeps with the fishes.
And so does much of the hope that Democrats had of defeating longtime Republican Senator Susan Collins. Because today’s politics feel especially volatile, I am not saying all hope is lost. It’s not impossible – if someone other than Platner is the nominee.
It’s clear now that Platner was an exciting candidate with serious character flaws, and conduct which now includes an allegation that he sexually assaulted a woman while intoxicated.
A May 10 column entitled “The Platner Trap,” by David French of The New York Times was right on target. French said, “I’m seeing Democrats engage in the same process of absurd accommodation and justification that Republicans use to excuse their deep love of Trump.” David Frum was also right when he wrote a month ago that Democrats “have to choose between character and power.”
The counter-argument – What about Trump? – is not the right rallying cry for Democrats. Riding the horse picked by the people rather than the party is a fine idea, unless the horse has a totenkopf tattoo. There was enough information from Platner’s past to suggest he could be hobbled by it, and he was.
Imperfection is human. People deserve second chances. But how a man treats the women in his life is ultimately more important than how much he supports abortion rights and I’m sorry I did not write that instead of this in a recent column.
The big political names that backed Platner, especially powerful women like Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, have a lot of soul-searching to do. If they allow ideology to blind them to deep character flaws, they are no better than the MAGA ideologues whom they deplore.
From that perspective, it’s interesting to consider an influential and progressive politician who did not endorse Platner – Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. Asked to respond to Platner-related controversies on June 9, the day of Maine’s Senate primary, Ocasio-Cortez told CNN: “Obviously, there’s a lot in that behavior that’s really challenging – it’s hard to stomach. But at the end of the day, I think it’s a choice.” She added, “If the choice is between that and a senator who’s voted to take healthcare away from millions of Americans, that’s the situation that we have to weigh.”

She did not explicitly say what her choice was, but instead staked out a middle ground that I recognize – neither support nor outright rejection.
At that point, the Platner controversies included a tattoo with Nazi implications that he had covered up; Reddit posts flagged as racist and sexist that had been deleted; and reports from The New York Times about sexual texts he sent to women who were not his wife, followed up by a report about his behavior from three of Platner’s previous romantic partners.
One of those previous romantic partners was Jenny Racicot, who told the Times about a 2021 incident in which Platner arrived at her house drunk after she asked him not to come over. While she said she found his behavior “reckless” and “unsettling,” she didn’t share further details until this week in Politico, when she accused Platner of rape.
He called the allegations false, but said he would “reflect” on what he would do next.
While he reflects, Democrats should also reflect on how embracing him before knowing more about him affects the battle for control of the Senate.
Platner’s legacy will haunt his party
By Noah Rothman
In a way, Democrats were well-served by their reflexive, stubborn refusal to entertain the implications of an early June story in The New York Times alleging that Graham Platner had engaged in “unsettling” behavior with women.
The “unsettling” behavior it uncovered included allegations of physical abuse. One of Platner’s named accusers, Lindsey Fifield, claimed that the Maine Senate candidate put his hands on her more than once, “sometimes hard enough to leave marks,” and even “shoved her into a bedroom and held the door closed from the other side so she couldn’t get out.”
But the Times also devoted several paragraphs to Fifield’s work as a conservative political operative, and that was all Platner’s supporters needed to rationalize their summary dismissal of her allegations.
Senator Sheldon Whitehouse said he was “unimpressed” by the charges, all of which struck him as “a lot of nothing.”
Congressman Ro Khanna said the charges didn’t amount to “evidence of violence,” and he deferred to the judgment of Maine’s Democratic primary voters, to whom the charges probably “didn’t come as a surprise.” After all, “he came back broken in a dark place” from his combat tours in Iraq – as if sexual assault were common among veterans.
“President Trump set a new standard,” Senator Mark Warner declared with mock resignation. “Whether that low standard is what we ought to proceed with is going to be, again, in the hands of the voters.”
Platner’s second accuser, Jenny Racicot, might not have told her Graham Platner story if Democrats had not taken the Times’s bait. She described in vague terms her ordeal to the Times’s reporters, but Racicot told Politico she “felt compelled to go public” because “the reaction to the Times story struck her as egregiously partisan. “My part of the story was just a read-over,” Racicot said. “And the story was Lyndsey, and the accusations of her being politically motivated.”
And Racicot’s story is harrowing. She alleges what she described as “rape” – a graphic episode in which Platner drunkenly forced himself on Racicot and had sex with her against her will. Suddenly, even Platner’s defenders – including even the morally compromised Hassan Piker – were willing to entertain the possibility that Platner’s accusers were telling the truth.
Their about-face was less a reaction to the details of Racicot’s assault than they were to her politics. “One of the reasons I didn’t come forward sooner was, the huge moral conflict that I had between supporting his politics, but not supporting him as a person,” Racicot confessed.
Democrats may get lucky. They have a week to figure out how to cajole Platner out of the race and replace his name on the ballot before the state’s deadline expires. But even if the party can salvage its fortunes in Maine, the party’s dalliance with Platner will leave a legacy that will haunt the party.
They don’t believe all women. They believe women with the right politics.
Democrats had Platner, but Republicans still have Trump
By Abdallah Fayyad
It’s the end of the road for Graham Platner’s campaign. The insurgent Democratic candidate for Senate in Maine has been in scandal after scandal. And though he had so far been able to overcome negative stories about him in the past — in part because of his anti-establishment cred that propelled him to win the Democratic primary against the incumbent Democratic governor, Janet Mills — the latest allegation is a bridge too far: A woman has now accused Platner of rape.
In a story in Politico, Jenny Racicot, a 41-year-old woman in Maine who had dated the Senate candidate years ago, says that in 2021, Platner came into her house and forced himself on her despite her objections. “I had been telling him these words, like: ‘No, don’t,’” she told Politico. “And, the look on his face and realizing what was happening, I just realized that, like, I am in a situation where there’s no consent here.” Platner’s campaign denied the allegation.
Since the story dropped, Platner’s supporters in Washington, including Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, have rescinded their endorsements of him and called on him to drop out of the race. And that’s exactly what Platner should do. This is a disturbing and credible allegation, and even if his supporters believe that his policy positions are better suited for Maine and the country than Republican Senator Susan Collins’s, there is no excuse for this kind of behavior. He has until July 13 to withdraw his name from the ballot, and the Democratic Party can nominate a new candidate by July 27.
The question now is whether Platner has completely sabotaged Democrats’ potential to finally unseat Collins. If he stays on the ballot, he’s all but guaranteed to lose. And if he drops out, Democrats will need to find a candidate that can quickly build a grassroots campaign that voters can still get excited about.
I wouldn’t count out the possibility that Democrats can come back from this. There are potential candidates that are being recruited or have already expressed interest in replacing Platner. Some are also promising. Former state Senate president Troy Jackson and Maine Secretary of State Shenna Bellows both recently ran in the Democratic primaries for governor. And though they ultimately lost, they could quickly reignite their campaigns.
The reality is that Collins faces an unfriendly political environment. These midterms will be a referendum on President Trump and his policies, which have proven to be deeply unpopular. While the Democratic Party has its fair share of problems with voters across the country, Democratic voters are energized and want to see a check on Trump’s power.
If Democrats are able to pick the right candidate to replace Platner — ideally someone who has similar policy positions so that Democratic primary voters don’t feel entirely robbed of their choice — then they could still unseat Collins. But before any of that happens, Platner needs to drop out.
In case you missed it: Boston calls out Philly (and not just for stealing Jaylen Brown)
By Rami Abou-Sabe
Elsewhere in New England, this weekend was spent commemorating America’s 250th. As usual, the team at Globe Ideas took a unique approach, recontextualizing the anniversary through the lens of lesser-known stories and historical figures. In “America at 250: An unexpected history‚” seven writers explore the stories behind the Declaration of Independence, our Founding Fathers, and Boston’s role in all of it.

Abdallah Fayyad takes a look at James Wilson, “the Founding Father you’ve probably never heard of,” who hated the Senate and didn’t believe in the Electoral College. Harvard professor Danielle Allen shines a light on a British Duke whose role in the Revolution often goes unrecognized. And historian Ted Widmer pulls together a hilarious argument that Boston, not Philadelphia, should actually get credit for the Declaration of Independence.
By the way… if you’re not already following us on TikTok, be sure to check out Ted’s video, which, unsurprisingly, is really riling up our neighbors down in Philly.
In the mood for a podcast instead? On “Say More,” host Anna Kusmer talks to Yale historian Beverly Gage about liberals’ patriotism problem. “Whether or not people on the left like patriotism, it exists, and it’s a powerful, powerful force,” Gage tells Kusmer. What do you think? Do liberals have a patriotism problem? The transcript of the “Say More” episode has spurred a ton of debate in the comments. Take a look for yourself and join the conversation.
This is an excerpt from Globe Opinion’s weekly politics newsletter Right, Left, and Center. Sign up here to get it delivered to your inbox every Wednesday.
Abdallah Fayyad can be reached at abdallah.fayyad@globe.com. Follow him @abdallah_fayyad. Joan Vennochi is a Globe columnist. She can be reached at joan.vennochi@globe.com. Follow her @joan_vennochi. Noah Rothman is a senior writer at National Review and a regular contributor to Globe Opinion.
Maine
Maine’s 10 most expensive home sales from June
A nearly $7 million home on the coast of Kennebunk topped out as the most expensive home to sell in Maine last month.
We assembled a list of the top 10 most expensive residential properties in Maine that changed hands in June. The information comes from state transfer tax documents that are available to the public online.
While Maine’s most expensive residential property sales last month all surpassed $3 million and averaged nearly $5 million, they are not as pricey as some of the commercial real estate transactions from the same time frame.
The Press Hotel in downtown Portland, for example, sold for just under $58 million, making it the state’s most expansive property sale from last month.
— Scott Edmunds, Trustee of The Oyster Shell Real, bought 7 Shoreline Way in Kennebunk from Evergreen/Kennebunk Realty LLC for $6.9 million on June 30.
— Rebecca and Eric Deschambault bought 49 Rising Tide Lane in Freeport from Daniel and Lauren Mills for $6.7 million on June 1.
— Sea Rose Holdings LLC bought 488 Main St. in Ogunquit from John Brennan for $6.3 million on June 30.
— Set Family Investments LLC bought 9 Starboard Lane in York from The Richard Jackson Sr. 2023 Trust for $5.2 million on June 8.
— Suzanne and Christopher Hendriksen bought 904 Kings Highway in Kennebunkport from The Anchorage LLC for $4.5 million on June 15.
— The 149 Lighthouse Road Trust bought 149 Lighthouse Road in Bridgton from The William P. Boardman Irrevocable Trust for $4.2 million on June 30.
— Kevin Devaney and Melissa Croatti bought 7 Nubble Point in York from Jennifer and Andrew Amorosi for $3.5 million on June 18.
— Melanie and David Cox bought 909 Princes Point Road in Yarmouth from Thomas Harden for $3.4 million on June 18.
— The BH Family Trust bought 75 Scenic View Drive in Naples from the Denis R. Landrey and Cathleen Landry Revocable Trust for $3.4 million on June 26.
— April and Joshua Lafrance and Gail Marie Sasseville bought 93 Governors Point Road in Harpswell from Donna B. Barmore for $3.1 million on June 17.
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