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Why Stacey Abrams Isn’t Embracing Her Democratic Stardom (So Far)

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Why Stacey Abrams Isn’t Embracing Her Democratic Stardom (So Far)

CUTHBERT, Ga. — As Stacey Abrams started her second marketing campaign for Georgia governor with a speech this week about Medicaid growth in entrance of a shuttered rural hospital, the gang of about 50 peppered her with questions on points like paving new roads.

However Sandra Willis, the mayor professional tem of this city of roughly 3,500 individuals, had a broader level to make. “When you get elected, you gained’t neglect us, will you?” she requested.

The query mirrored Ms. Abrams’s standing as a nationwide Democratic celeb, who was extensively credited with serving to to ship Georgia for her social gathering within the 2020 elections and has made her identify synonymous with the battle for voting rights.

However she has proven little want to place poll entry on the heart of her bid. Her first days on the marketing campaign path have been spent largely in small, rural cities like Cuthbert, the place she is extra excited about discussing Medicaid growth and assist to small companies than the flagship problem that helped catapult her to nationwide fame.

Ms. Abrams’s technique quantities to a significant guess that her marketing campaign can survive a bleak election 12 months for Democrats by capitalizing on Georgia’s fast-changing demographics and successful over on-the-fence voters who need their governor to largely keep above the fray of nationwide political battles.

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“I’m a Georgian first,” she stated in an interview. “And my job is to spend particularly these first few months anchoring the dialog about Georgia.”

In Cuthbert, the place Ms. Abrams was pressed on Monday by Ms. Willis on her dedication to Georgia’s small communities, she reminded onlookers that this was not her first go to to city — and she or he promised it could not be her final. The city sits in Randolph County, considered one of a handful of rural, predominantly Black counties that had been essential to Democrats’ victories in Georgia within the final cycle. Upward of 96 % of Black voters who solid ballots right here within the 2020 presidential election voted within the 2021 Senate runoff elections.

Randolph has additionally been held up for instance of the state’s neglect of its low-income, rural residents: The county’s solely hospital shut down in October 2020.

“I’m right here to assist,” Ms. Abrams stated in her Monday speech in entrance of the closed hospital. Itemizing the names of seven counties surrounding Randolph, she promised to be a “governor for all of Georgia, particularly southwest Georgia.”

Ms. Abrams’s give attention to state and hyperlocal points displays an understanding that to win Georgia, any Democrat should seize votes in all corners of the state. That additionally means figuring out the problems closest to voters in each nook.

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“The whole lot both occurs in Atlanta, or outdoors of Atlanta within the suburbs,” stated Bobby Jenkins, the mayor of Cuthbert and a Democrat. “However because the election in November confirmed, you’ve received quite a lot of Democrats, lots of people in these rural areas, and you can not overlook them. There aren’t many on this county. However while you band all of those counties collectively in southwest Georgia, then you possibly can create some impression.”

Ms. Abrams has additionally used visits just like the one to Cuthbert and a later meet-and-greet within the central Georgia city of Warner Robins to criticize Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican who beat her in the identical race in 2018, over what she known as his weakening of the state’s public well being infrastructure throughout the pandemic and his underinvestment in rural communities.

“If we should not have a governor who sees and focuses on how Georgia can mitigate these harms, how Georgia can bolster alternative, then the nationwide surroundings is much less related, as a result of the deepest ache comes from nearer to house,” Ms. Abrams stated within the interview.

Nonetheless, that nationwide surroundings stays unfriendly to Democrats. Lower than eight months earlier than the November midterm elections, the social gathering is staring down a document variety of Home retirements, a failure to cross the majority of President Biden’s agenda and a pessimistic citizens that’s driving his low approval scores.

But Democrats see causes for hope in Georgia. The state continues to develop youthful and extra racially numerous, in a boon to the community of organizations that helped prove the voters who flipped Georgia blue in 2020. Lots of these teams stay well-staffed and well-funded. And whereas Ms. Abrams is working unopposed within the Democratic main, Mr. Kemp faces 4 challengers, together with a Trump-backed candidate, former Senator David Perdue.

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All of for this reason, whereas Ms. Abrams’s public picture has expanded, she has not deviated a lot from the marketing campaign technique she employed in 2018. Throughout her first run for governor, she visited all 159 of Georgia’s counties and aimed for surges in turnout in deep-blue metro Atlanta counties at the same time as she sought to prove new voters in rural areas that Democrats had traditionally ceded to Republicans. A number of of her 2022 marketing campaign workers members shaped her 2018 mind belief.

Voting rights activists within the state — lots of whom say their relationship with Ms. Abrams and her marketing campaign stays heat — hesitate to query Ms. Abrams’s diminished give attention to poll entry, particularly since it’s so early within the marketing campaign and her technique may but shift.

“She has a sure star, nationwide highlight high quality that you simply not often see with Southern candidates,” stated LaTosha Brown, a co-founder of the group Black Voters Matter in Georgia. She expressed confidence that Ms. Abrams’s candidacy would “proceed to maintain the voting rights problem from dying.”

Ms. Abrams’s organizing for voting rights has its roots in her years because the minority chief within the Georgia Statehouse. She based the voter enfranchisement group New Georgia Mission in 2013 to prove extra younger and rare voters — a method she pitched to nationwide Democrats forward of the 2020 election amid efforts to steer white average voters.

Then, a 12 months in the past, after Georgia’s Republican-led legislature handed a sweeping invoice of voting restrictions, poll entry once more turned a central problem for nationwide Democrats. Amid the social gathering’s uproar concerning the invoice and others prefer it, Ms. Abrams targeted on the coverage implications of the laws over the political. Throughout testimony to Republican senators in Washington shortly after the regulation’s passage, she laid out a laundry checklist of criticisms of the measure, denouncing its limits on drop packing containers and a discount in election precincts that would deter working individuals from voting.

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For his or her half, Republicans are desirous to painting Ms. Abrams as an influential nationwide determine — however a harmful, radical one, whom they are going to attempt to beat in any respect prices.

Her critics on the correct have additionally aimed to color her as a sore loser, citing her yearslong insistence that Mr. Kemp’s 2018 victory over her owed to voter suppression ways that he employed because the Georgia secretary of state. Some have even in contrast her to former President Donald J. Trump in her unwillingness to just accept unfavorable election outcomes.

“Stacey Abrams spent the final 4 years chasing style-magazine covers, championing the nationwide Democrats’ harmful far-left agenda, and waging shadow campaigns for president and vice chairman,” stated Tate Mitchell, a spokesman for Mr. Kemp. “For her, this marketing campaign for governor is about attaining extra money and energy — not placing hardworking Georgians first.”

However she has been cautious to counter that narrative, making clear in her latest marketing campaign speeches that she didn’t win in 2018.

“4 years in the past, after I utilized for this job of governor, I had my software declined,” she instructed supporters in Atlanta on Monday. “That’s OK. I’ve had 4 years to work on issues. I’ve had 4 years to dwell as much as what I instructed of us I might do after I was working for workplace.”

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Throughout her speech in Atlanta, Ms. Abrams talked about voting rights solely briefly, alluding to the state’s new voting regulation as she warned of a Republican backlash to Democrats’ inroads in Georgia in latest election cycles.

Within the interview, she stated that in 2018, she had underestimated the extent of limits on entry to the poll.

“I used to be conscious of the final structure,” Ms. Abrams stated. “I used to be not conscious of simply how deeply embedded it had grow to be within the conduct of our elections. And that isn’t one thing that may shock me once more.”

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Trump says he will ‘most likely’ give TikTok extension to avoid ban

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Trump says he will ‘most likely’ give TikTok extension to avoid ban

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President-elect Donald Trump said he would “most likely” extend the deadline for ByteDance, the Chinese owner of TikTok, to divest the video app which faces a nationwide ban that is set to come into effect on Sunday.

In an interview with NBC News, Trump said he was considering issuing a 90-day extension to the deadline. His comments come one day after TikTok warned that its 170mn users would face an imminent blackout after the Supreme Court on Friday upheld the divest-or-ban law that Congress passed last year to address China-related national security concerns.

“The 90-day extension is something that will be most likely done, because it’s appropriate,” Trump said. “We have to look at it carefully. It’s a very big situation . . . If I decide to do that, I’ll probably announce it on Monday.”

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On Friday, Trump said he had spoken to President Xi Jinping and discussed TikTok with the Chinese leader. Chinese state media said the two leaders had spoken but did not specify if TikTok was part of the conversation.

The Biden administration on Friday said it would leave decisions about enforcement of the law, which comes into effect at midnight on Saturday eastern time, to the incoming Trump administration.

That means the companies that provide the video platform — including Apple, Google and Oracle — have to decide whether to risk violating the law between the midnight deadline and Trump’s inauguration on Monday.

Apple and Oracle declined to comment, while Google did not immediately respond.

TikTok said statements from the Biden administration “failed to provide the necessary clarity and assurance to the service providers that are integral to maintaining TikTok’s availability to over 170 million Americans”.

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It also warned that the video app would “go dark” on January 19 unless the Biden administration “immediately provides a definitive statement to satisfy the most critical service providers assuring non-enforcement”.

In an overwhelming bipartisan vote last March, Congress passed a law that required ByteDance to divest TikTok to avoid a nationwide ban on the app.

Lawmakers and US security officials believe that Chinese ownership of the app poses a national security risk because it could be used for espionage and disinformation by the Chinese Communist party. TikTok has denied that the Chinese government has any influence over the app.

In his first term, Trump issued an executive order to block TikTok from operating in the US, but it was stymied by the courts at the last minute. In early 2024, he came out in opposition to the congressional divest-or-ban measure on the grounds that it would help Facebook, which banned him from its social media platform for two years.

Trump has appointed several China hawks who oppose Chinese ownership of TikTok to his administration, including Mike Waltz, a former green beret and Florida congressman, who will serve as national security adviser.

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Earlier this week, Waltz said the incoming administration would put “measures in place to keep TikTok from going dark”, saying the legislation allowed for an extension as long as a “viable deal” was on the table.

Following the TikTok statement on Friday, Rush Doshi, a former senior Biden administration China official, wrote on X that the company only had itself to blame.

“TikTok had 268 days to sell itself so it wasn’t operated by China. That would have solved everything. But they didn’t even try. China wouldn’t let them,” Doshi said.

“Now, with time short, they want Biden to ignore a bipartisan law SCOTUS (Supreme Court of the US) upheld 9-0. If they shut down, it’s on them.”

Additional reporting by Hannah Murphy and Michael Acton

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Biden Proclaims That The Equal Rights Amendment Is The Law Of The Land—But What Does That Mean?

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Biden Proclaims That The Equal Rights Amendment Is The Law Of The Land—But What Does That Mean?

President Joe Biden announced on Friday that, as far as he’s concerned, the Equal Rights Amendment is the “law of the land,” a somewhat symbolic move that is poised to allow more women across the country to sue their states for gender discrimination—including challenges to abortion bans.

The ERA, originally drafted over a century ago and passed by Congress in 1972, has faced a long and hard-fought journey toward ratification and implementation as the 28th Amendment to the Constitution. If formally recognized, the ERA would constitutionalize gender equality.

“The Equal Rights Amendment is the law of the land—now!” Biden said in a speech to the United States Conference of Mayors. “It’s the 28th amendment to the Constitution—now.”

While Biden’s declaration is expected to spur legal and political repercussions nationwide, the president’s announcement isn’t so simple.

Immediately following Biden’s announcement on Friday, the National Archives, which publishes constitutional amendments, stated it had no plans to formally add the ERA to the Constitution. When Congress passed the ERA over 50 years ago, the initial preamble required that 38 states move to ratify within seven years (that deadline was extended to 1982). By that year, the amendment was three states short of implementation.

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View of Pro-Choice supporters, including several people with ‘Honored Guest’ sashes, as they take part in a March for Women’s Equality, Washington DC, April 9, 1989. Among the visible signs as ones supporting NARAL (National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws) and Physicians For Choice. (Photo by Barbara Alper/Getty Images)

Barbara Alper/Getty Images

Thanks to anti-abortion, anti-feminist activists like Phyllis Schlafly, the ERA was squashed. It wasn’t until 2020 that Virginia became the crucial 38th state to ratify the ERA. Yet, because the deadline had long passed and thanks to Donald Trump’s Justice Department saying at the time that ratification took too long, the ERA has remained outside of the founding text—even as about eight in ten US adults, including majorities of men and women and Republicans and Democrats alike, say they at least somewhat favor adding the ERA to the Constitution, according to Pew.

United States Archivist Colleen Shogan, a Biden appointee and the first woman archivist, has repeatedly stated that the ERA’s eligibility has expired and could not be added to the Constitution now unless Congress acts. Last month, Shogan and the deputy archivist released a statement saying they could not certify the ERA “due to established legal, judicial, and procedural decisions.” On Friday, the Archives reiterated its position. “The underlying legal and procedural issues have not changed,” they said in a statement. Biden is also not going to order the archivist to certify and publish the ERA, the White House told reporters.

Biden’s Friday announcement about the ERA comes as the president has filled his last moments in office with sweeping executive measures, including designating national monuments in California, removing Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism, blocking a Japanese company’s takeover of United States Steel, extending protected status to nearly 1 million immigrants, and commuting the sentences of almost everyone on federal death row, as detailed by The Washington Post this week.

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Under Trump’s Big Tent, Republicans Are Starting to Clash

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Under Trump’s Big Tent, Republicans Are Starting to Clash

Democrats have long been viewed as the big-tent party — a proudly noisy collection of differing views and competing interests, often prompting headlines describing them as “in disarray.”

Now, Donald J. Trump’s commanding victory may be ushering in a big-tent era for Republicans.

Even before he takes the oath of office on Monday, cracks in his freshly expanded coalition have emerged. With their divides, the incoming president and his party are being forced to confront a reality that has often tripped up Democrats: A bigger tent means more room for fighting underneath it.

In recent weeks, some congressional Republicans have dismissed Mr. Trump’s threats of military force against Greenland. Republicans from farm states have squirmed at his plans to impose new tariffs on all goods entering the United States. Opponents of abortion have grumbled about his selection of an abortion rights supporter for his cabinet. Mr. Trump’s embrace of tech billionaires has troubled conservatives who blame their companies for censoring Republican views and corrupting children.

And last week, a fight over the direction of immigration policy prompted Stephen K. Bannon, an architect of Mr. Trump’s political movement, to attack Elon Musk, the world’s richest man and a key Trump adviser, as a “truly evil person.”

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“The big battles are all on our side of the football — meaningful, tough,” Mr. Bannon told The New York Times.

This wide range of internal fights over policy and power may be run-of-the-mill in politics, but they are somewhat extraordinary for the Trump-era Republican Party. Since Mr. Trump, a former Democrat unbound by strict ideology, effectively hijacked the party in 2016, the internal clashes have largely been between two clear factions: the traditional Republicans and the Republicans who embraced Mr. Trump.

But eight years later, most of the old guard has been thoroughly conquered or converted. Mr. Trump is entering a Washington where nearly all Republicans consider themselves part of his movement. They just don’t all agree on what, exactly, that means.

Inauguration Day will offer a vivid display of the new crosscurrents in the party. When he takes the oath of office, Mr. Trump will be joined not only by Vice President JD Vance, who spent years railing against big tech, but by at least four technology executives who are part of a crop of industry moguls who warmed to Mr. Trump in recent months, pouring money into his inauguration committee.

For most of his political career, Mr. Trump has been laser-focused on pleasing the voters who elected him. In his first term, Mr. Trump largely worried about holding on to his core group of supporters: white, working-class voters.

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But with a bigger, more diverse coalition, that task has grown more complicated and far less clear. Mr. Trump’s victory in November was marked by notable gains in traditionally liberal cities and suburbs and among the Black, Latino, female and younger voters who have long been central to the Democratic Party’s base.

While those voters largely supported Mr. Trump’s goals of lowering prices and curbing illegal immigration, it’s unclear whether they also support the full scope of conservative policies — like ending automatic citizenship at birth and banning abortion nationwide — that some of his hard-right supporters are eager to implement.

“This is the most racially diverse incoming governing coalition for a G.O.P. since at least 1956, and that has the potential to change things,” said Ralph Reed, a Republican strategist and founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, who said he had attended every Republican inauguration over the past four decades. “But they’re good challenges to have.”

Newt Gingrich, who was speaker of the House from 1995 to 1999, pointed to two policy debates that will help show whether the party is ready to cater to its new voters.

One is whether Republicans support a pathway to citizenship for Dreamers, a cohort of immigrants who were brought to the country as children. Stripping them of their legal status comes with the political risk of alienating moderate voters, Mr. Gingrich said.

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A second test, he said, would be whether Republicans can muscle through a tax bill before July 4 in order to stimulate the economy and help the party keep control of the House through the 2026 midterms.

“There will be mistakes and confusion and tension, but there will also be enormous changes,” he said.

Mr. Trump doesn’t have much wiggle room in Congress, where even slight ideological differences could have an outsize impact on his ability to enact his agenda. The party’s slim, three-vote margin in the House means that any Republican lawmaker has the power to slow down legislation, if not scuttle it entirely. In the Senate, Republicans have 53 votes, leaving little room for dissent on a majority vote.

During his first term, Trump’s grip on his voters — backed up by frequent political threats — stifled most opposition within the party. Whether his political hold remains as strong in his second — and final — term remains to be seen.

Republican strategists say there are plenty of issues where there is broad agreement across the party, including expanding the tax cuts passed during the first Trump administration and curbing illegal immigration.

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Even within those issues, the challenge may be in the details. Already, Mr. Bannon and Mr. Musk have tangled over H-1B visas, a skilled-worker immigration program that has long been a key source of labor for Silicon Valley. Mr. Trump suspended H-1B visas during his first term, but last month seemed to indicate support for keeping the program.

The debt ceiling has created distance between Mr. Trump and deficit hawks in his party, including members of the House Freedom Caucus who last month refused to free him of the spending constraint.

Republicans also disagree over setting a new corporate tax rate and how much of the new tax cuts should be paid for by slashing spending.

A group of Republicans from swing districts in New Jersey, New York and California have vowed to block the tax bill unless a cap on a state and local tax deduction, known as SALT, is raised significantly. Many other Republicans oppose the measure, which would largely benefit wealthier families in blue states.

Foreign policy is another area with considerable intraparty divides, particularly over ending the war in Ukraine and over the role Russia should play in the region. Whether Republicans follow Mr. Trump’s lead and take a softer position toward Russia’s president, Vladimir V. Putin, may offer hints of the party’s direction on America’s traditional alliances abroad.

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Still, Brad Todd, a Republican strategist, said no one understood the temperature of the Republican Party quite like Mr. Trump, who spends hours calling different lawmakers, donors and activists to get their views.

“Trump is not ideological,” Mr. Todd said. “He’s a pragmatic, practical person. He is a populist in that he wants to do popular things.”

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