Connect with us

News

Helen Toner on the OpenAI coup: ‘It was about trust and accountability’

Published

on

Helen Toner on the OpenAI coup: ‘It was about trust and accountability’

A few days before Thanksgiving last year, Helen Toner and three of her peers on the board of OpenAI — the world’s best-known artificial intelligence company — fired its chief executive Sam Altman in a surprise coup.

The reason they gave was Altman’s lack of candour in his dealings with the board, but details were minimal. In the days that followed, Toner, a director at Georgetown University’s AI think-tank, the Center for Security and Emerging Technology, swirled at the centre of a crisis that threatened to tear the $86bn company apart. She became a symbolic figure of opposition to Altman, a legendary and canny Silicon Valley operator.

The coup lasted five days, amid intense pressure from the start-up’s powerful investors, supporters and employees to reinstate Altman. One of Toner’s co-directors defected back to Altman, the management team rushed to his defence and, by the end of the long weekend, Altman was back in place as CEO. Toner was forced to resign.

The showdown was more than a clash of personalities: it sparked a global debate about the nature of corporate power, and whether today’s tech leaders can be trusted to oversee what is one of our most powerful inventions.

Seated at the back of a Sichuanese restaurant near London’s St James’s Park, Toner seems unperturbed by the chaos she helped to instigate. In a plain black T-shirt, with her short, wavy hair pulled back sensibly, revealing little emerald studs, the 32-year-old is an unlikely nemesis for Altman. Since her exit from the OpenAI stage, the Melbourne-born engineer has remained mostly tight-lipped about the ousting and how it went awry. To many, she remains an enigma.

Advertisement

“It’s very hard to look at what happened and conclude that self-governing is going to work at these companies,” she says, sipping jasmine tea. “Or that we can rely on self-governance structures to stand up to the pressures of the different kinds of power and incentives that are at play here.

“For the board, there was this trajectory of going from ‘everything’s very low stakes, you want to be pretty hands-off’ to ‘actually, we’re playing this critical governance function in an incredibly high-stakes — not just for the company, but for the world — situation,’” she says.

We turn to the relatively low-stakes task of choosing our meal, which prompts us to discover our mutual vegetarianism. Toner gave up meat for animal welfare reasons a few years ago, so ordering lunch becomes unexpectedly easy. We decide on the veggie sharing menu, to sample as many dishes as we can, united by our love of spicy foods.

Toner was invited to join OpenAI’s board in 2021 by her former boss Holden Karnofsky. They had worked together at the California-based non-profit GiveWell, which used the principles of effective altruism — a controversial social and philanthropic movement influential in tech circles — to conduct research and make grants. At GiveWell, Toner pursued an early interest in AI policy issues, particularly its military use and the influence of geopolitics on AI development. 

Karnofsky was stepping off the company’s board and was looking for an apt replacement. Toner knew OpenAI had a convoluted and unusual governance structure, involving a non-profit shell with capped-profit subsidiaries. (The FT has a licensing agreement with OpenAI.) Its largest backer, Microsoft, did not own any conventional equity shareholding in the company. Instead, it is entitled to receive a share of profits from a specific subsidiary of OpenAI, up to a certain limit. In its charter, the company claims that its “primary fiduciary duty is to humanity” and that the non-profit’s board, which governs all OpenAI activities, should act to further its mission, rather than to maximise profit for investors.

Advertisement

Toner asked around — would this board have any real power to hold the company to account? — and was convinced by people close to it that it would. To her, it felt like a potentially valuable way to contribute to the development of safe and beneficial AI. “The funny part is, I think the [OpenAI] board was filtering heavily for someone who would be . . . agreeable and practical and a bridge builder, and not going to rock the boat too much,” she says.

“I was never on this board for fun or for glory. Definitely the level of spotlight that I personally was put under was not something I was expecting,” she tells me. “I think having a kid was very helpful. It’s just very, very grounding.”


Toner’s choice of restaurant, Ma La Sichuan, a buzzing spot decked out in traditional red and gold, is a throwback to her nine-month stint in Beijing in 2018, when she studied Chinese, schooled herself in Sichuanese food and worked as a research affiliate on AI and defence.

During her time there, she worked with machine-learning researchers and attended conferences on AI and the Chinese military, often one of just a handful of foreigners. “China is often used as a bit of a cudgel in DC . . . to do things in AI because [of] China. And often it’s not necessarily that closely connected with what China is actually doing, or how well they’re actually succeeding at their plans,” she says.

Menu

Ma La Sichuan
37 Monck St, London SW1P 2BL

Advertisement

Vegetarian sharing menu x2 £56
— Aromatic duck
— Ma po tofu
— Aubergine hot pot
— Dry-fried fine beans
— Mixed vegetable fried rice
Lychee juice £3
Jasmine tea £2
Total (inc service) £68.60

Since we’ve opted for the sharing menu, trays of steaming dishes begin to arrive in procession, preceded by wafting aromas of chilli and garlic. There are vegetarian aromatic “duck” pancakes with slim cylinders of cucumber, leeks and a hoisin sauce (an unexpected Peking dish at a Sichuanese place, Toner points out, but crisp, salty-sweet and delicious nonetheless).

This is followed by a parade of regional favourites such as ma po tofu and fish-fragrant aubergine hotpot, with a dry dish of fine green beans topped with little piles of roasted garlic and chilli slivers that melt pungently on the tongue. The aubergine has hints of miso that I savour.

Ma is part of the Chinese word for anaesthesia or paralysis, and that’s because the Sichuan peppercorn numbs your tongue and your lips,” she explains. “I’m kinda addicted to that flavour.”

The conversation turns back to OpenAI, and Toner’s relationship with the company over the two years she sat on its board. When she first joined, there were nine members, including LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman, Shivon Zilis, an executive at Elon Musk’s neurotechnology company Neuralink, and Republican congressman Will Hurd. It was a collegiate atmosphere, she says, though in 2023 those three members all stepped down, leaving three non-execs on the board, including Toner, tech entrepreneur Tasha McCauley and Adam D’Angelo, the chief executive of website Quora, alongside Altman and the company’s co-founders Greg Brockman and Ilya Sutskever.  

Advertisement

“I came on as the company was going through a clear shift,” Toner says. “Certainly when I joined, it was much more comparable to being on the board of a VC-funded start-up, where you’re just there to help out [and] do what the CEO thinks is right. You don’t want to be meddling or you don’t want to be getting in the way of anything.”

The transition at the company, she says, was precipitated by the launch of ChatGPT — which Toner and the rest of the board found out about on Twitter — but also of the company’s most advanced AI model, GPT-4. OpenAI went from being a research lab, where scientists were working on nascent and blue-sky research projects not designed to be used by the masses, to a far more commercial entity with powerful underlying technology that had far-reaching impacts.  

I ask Toner what she thinks of Altman, the person and leader. “We’ve always had a friendly relationship, he’s a friendly guy,” she says. Toner still has legal duties of confidentiality to the company, and is limited in what she can reveal. But speaking on the Ted AI podcast in May, she was vocal in claiming that Altman had misled the board “on multiple occasions” about its existing safety processes. According to her, he had withheld information, wilfully misrepresented things that were happening at the company, and in some cases outright lied to the board. 

She pointed to the fact that Altman hadn’t informed the board about the launch of ChatGPT, or that he owned the OpenAI Startup Fund, a venture capital fund he had raised from external limited partners and made investment decisions on — even though, says Toner, he claimed “to be an independent board member with no financial interest in the company”. Altman stepped down from the fund in April this year.

In the weeks leading up to the November firing, Altman and Toner had also clashed over a paper she had co-authored on public perceptions of various AI developments, which included some criticism of the ChatGPT launch. Altman felt that it reflected badly on the company. “If I had wanted to critique OpenAI, there would have been many more effective ways to do that,” Toner says. “It’s honestly not clear to me if it actually got to him or if he was looking for an excuse to try and get me off the board.”

Advertisement

Today, she says those are all merely illustrative examples to point to long-term patterns of untrustworthy behaviour that Altman exhibited, with the board but also with his own colleagues. “What changed it was conversations with senior executives that we had in the fall of 2023,” she says. “That is where we started thinking and talking more actively about [doing] something about Sam specifically.”

Public criticisms of the board’s decision have ranged from personal attacks on Toner and her co-directors — with many describing her as a “decel”, someone who is anti-technological progress — to disapproval of how the board handled the fallout. Some noted that the board’s timing had been poor, given the concurrent share sale at OpenAI, potentially jeopardising employees’ payouts.

Last March, an independent review conducted by an external law firm into the events concluded that Altman’s behaviour “did not mandate removal”. The entrepreneur rejoined the board the same month. At the time he said he was “pleased this whole thing is over”, adding: “Over these last few months it’s been disheartening to see some people with an agenda trying to tease leaks in the press to try and hurt the company and hurt the mission. They have not worked.”

In Toner’s view, the review’s outcome sounded like the new board had posed the question of whether it had to fire Altman. “Which I think gets interpreted as: ‘Did he do something illegal?’ And that is not how I think the board should necessarily be evaluating his conduct,” she says.

“They’ve not disputed anywhere any of the actual claims that we’ve made about what went wrong or why we fired him . . . which was about trust and accountability and oversight.”

Advertisement

In a statement to the FT, chair of OpenAI’s board Bret Taylor said that “over 95% of employees, including senior leadership, asked for Sam’s reinstatement”. Toner can’t explain — and didn’t anticipate — defections by senior staff, including by board member Sutskever, who went from criticising to supporting Altman within days. “I learnt a lot about how different people react to pressure in different situations.”


We’re making our way through the feast with efficiency, in agreement that the tingly and fragrant ma po tofu is the star of the show. I ask Toner how life has changed for her since November, and she insists that it hasn’t. She has kept her full-time job at CSET, where she advises senior government officials on AI policy and national security, makes her own rye bread at home with her husband, a German scientist, and deals daily with the exertions of toddler-parenting.

At the time, when the OpenAI crisis turned into a long weekend of sleepless negotiations and damage control, she admits it gave her a new appreciation for her community in DC. Since many of her colleagues were in the national security space, they had dealt with “real actual crises, where people were dying or wars were going on, so that put that into perspective”, she says. “A few sleepless nights is not that bad.”

Her biggest learning was around the future of AI governance. To her, the events at OpenAI raised the stakes of getting outside oversight right for the small group of companies racing to build powerful AI systems. “It could mean government regulation but could also just mean . . . industry-wide standards, public pressure, public expectations,” she says.

This isn’t just the case for OpenAI, she emphasises, but for companies including Anthropic, Google and Meta. Establishing legal requirements around transparency is crucial to prevent building a tool that is dangerous to humanity, she believes.

Advertisement

“[The companies] are also in a tough situation, where they’re all trying to compete with each other. And so you talk to people inside these companies, and they almost beg you to intervene from the outside,” she says. “It’s not just about trusting the beneficence and judgment of specific individuals. We shouldn’t let things be set up such that a small number of people get to be the ones that get to decide what happens, no matter how good those people are.”


Toner came to AI policy through an unusual path. As a university student in Melbourne, she was introduced to effective altruism (EA). She’d been seduced by the community’s ideas of helping to improve the world in a way that required thinking with both head and heart, she says.

The EA community — and its problematic workings — were dragged into the limelight in 2022 by its most public promoter and donor, Sam Bankman-Fried, disgraced founder of cryptocurrency trading firm FTX. Toner says she knew him “a little, not well”, and had met him “once or twice”.

“I’ve been much less involved in recent years, mostly because of this groupthink, hero-worship kind of stuff. [Bankman-Fried] is a symptom of it,” she says. “The last thing I wrote [about it] was about getting disillusioned with EA, both how I experienced that and how I’d seen others experience it.”

At this point, we’re sated from the meal but can’t resist picking at the leftovers for another twinge of that numbing peppercorn flavour. A full stomach feels like the right time to ask the dystopian question about the coming wave of AI systems. “One thing [effective altruists] got really right is taking seriously the possibility we might see very advanced AI systems in our lifetimes and that might be a big deal for what happens in the world,” she says. “In 2013, 2014, when I was starting to hear these kinds of ideas, it seemed very countercultural, and now . . . certainly feels more mainstream.”

Advertisement

Despite this, she has faith in humanity’s ability to adapt. “I feel overall somewhat hopeful that we will have space to breathe and prepare,” she says.

Throughout our conversation, Toner has been restrained in recounting her attempts to take on one of tech’s most powerful CEOs. Much of the personal criticism and spotlight she was forced to accept may have been avoided if she’d acted differently, prepared better for the fallout, or taken more counsel, perhaps. I feel compelled to ask if she ever questions herself, her actions or her methods last November.

“I mean, all the time,” she says, smiling broadly. “If you’re not questioning yourself, how are you making good decisions?”

Madhumita Murgia is the FT’s AI editor

Find out about our latest stories first — follow FT Weekend on Instagram and X, and subscribe to our podcast Life & Art wherever you listen

Advertisement

News

Rubio’s Absence From Iran Talks Highlights Stay-at-Home Role

Published

on

Rubio’s Absence From Iran Talks Highlights Stay-at-Home Role

When President Barack Obama negotiated a nuclear deal with Iran more than a decade ago, his point man was Secretary of State John Kerry. Over 20 months of talks, Mr. Kerry met with his Iranian counterpart on at least 18 different days, often several times per day.

High-level nuclear diplomacy was a natural role for the top U.S. diplomat. Secretaries of state traditionally take the lead on the country’s biggest diplomatic tasks, from arms control treaties to Israeli-Palestinian agreements.

But as President Trump prepares to send a delegation to the latest round of U.S.-Iran talks in Pakistan this weekend, his secretary of state, Marco Rubio, will remain where he often does: at home.

Mr. Rubio did not attend the last U.S. meeting with Iran earlier this month. Nor did he join several meetings held over the past year in Geneva and Doha. Mr. Rubio has also been absent from U.S. delegations abroad working to settle the war in Ukraine and Israel’s war in Gaza. Despite a long period of crisis and war in the region, he has not visited the Middle East since a brief stop in Israel last October.

In recent months, Mr. Rubio — consumed with his second role, as Mr. Trump’s national security adviser — has not traveled much at all.

Advertisement

During the Biden administration, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken made 11 foreign trips from January 2024 to late April 2024, stopping in roughly three dozen cities, according to the State Department. So far this year, Mr. Rubio has visited six foreign cities, including a stop in Milan for the 2026 Winter Olympics.

Mr. Trump has outsourced much of his diplomacy to others, including his friend Steve Witkoff, a wealthy associate from the world of Manhattan real estate, and his son-in-law, Jared Kushner. Mr. Witkoff and Mr. Kushner have spearheaded diplomacy with Israel, Ukraine and Russia, as well as Iran, whose delegation they will meet for the second time this month in Islamabad, Pakistan’s capital.

Mr. Rubio’s distance from the trenches of diplomacy reflects his dual role on Mr. Trump’s national security team. For the past year, he has served as the White House national security adviser even while leading the State Department — the first person to do so since Henry A. Kissinger in the mid-1970s.

The secretary of state runs the State Department, overseeing U.S. diplomats and embassies worldwide, as well as Washington-based policymakers. Working from the White House, the national security adviser coordinates departments and agencies, including the State Department, to develop policy advice for the president.

The twin roles reflect Mr. Rubio’s influence with Mr. Trump, and offer him a way to maintain it. For Mr. Rubio, less time abroad means more time at the side of an impulsive president prone to making critical national security decisions at any moment.

Advertisement

As Mr. Witkoff, Mr. Kushner and Vice President JD Vance met with Iranian officials in Pakistan earlier this month, Mr. Rubio was at Mr. Trump’s side at an Ultimate Fighting Championship event, noted Emma Ashford, an analyst of U.S. diplomacy at the nonpartisan Stimson Center in Washington. “Rubio clearly prefers to stay close to Trump,” Ms. Ashford said.

Mr. Rubio accepted the national security adviser job on an acting basis last May after Mr. Trump reassigned the job’s previous occupant, Michael Waltz. But officials say that Mr. Rubio is expected to keep it indefinitely.

That arrangement is not inherently bad, Ms. Ashford added. And she noted that previous presidents had entrusted major diplomatic tasks to people other than the secretary of state. President Joseph R. Biden Jr. delegated his C.I.A. director, William J. Burns, to handle diplomacy with Russia and cease-fire negotiations between Israel and Hamas, for instance.

But she echoed the complaints by many current and former diplomats that Mr. Rubio seems less like someone performing both jobs than a national security adviser who sometimes shows up at the State Department. “I do think it’s to the detriment of the whole department of State and to America’s ability to conduct diplomacy in general that we effectively have the secretary of state position sitting vacant,” she said.

Tommy Pigott, a State Department spokesman, contested such claims. “Anyone trying to paint Secretary Rubio’s close coordination with the White House and other agencies as a negative could not be more wrong,” he said. “We now have an N.S.C. and State Department that are totally in sync, a goal that has eluded past administrations for decades.”

Advertisement

Mr. Rubio divides his time between the State Department and the White House, often spending time at both in the same day. In an interview with Politico last June, Mr. Rubio said he visited the State Department “almost every day.”

While there, he often meets with visiting dignitaries before returning to the White House. Last week, Mr. Rubio presided over a meeting at the State Department between Lebanese and Israeli officials that set the stage for a cease-fire in Lebanon.

His twin jobs “really do overlap in many cases,” he said. “In many cases you end up being in the same meetings or in the same places; there’s just one less person in there, if you think about it,” Mr. Rubio added. “A lot of people would come to Washington, for example, for meetings, and they’d want to meet with the national security adviser and then meet with me as secretary of state. Now they can do both in one meeting.”

Asked about his travel schedule during a news conference last December, Mr. Rubio said he had less reason to travel abroad because “we have a lot of leaders constantly coming here” to visit Mr. Trump at the White House. Mr. Rubio also joins Mr. Trump’s foreign trips in his capacity as national security adviser.

Many national security veterans call the arrangement unwise, saying that both jobs are extremely demanding and incompatible with one another.

Advertisement

It was not easy even for Mr. Kissinger, who had firmly established himself over more than four years as national security adviser before convincing President Richard M. Nixon to let him take on an additional role as secretary of state in 1973. (In a reversal of Mr. Rubio’s approach, Mr. Kissinger was in constant motion, including a round of Middle East shuttle diplomacy that kept him on the road for 33 straight days.)

“In general, it’s a mistake to combine those roles,” said Matthew Waxman, who held senior roles at the National Security Council, State Department and the Pentagon during the George W. Bush administration.

“That said, it’s not necessarily a bad thing that a dual-hatted Rubio is so offscreen right now,” Mr. Waxman added. “Especially while so much attention is focused on high-wire diplomacy with Iran, someone needs to manage foreign policy around the rest of the world.”

Continue Reading

News

Appeals court rules that Trump’s asylum ban at the border is illegal

Published

on

Appeals court rules that Trump’s asylum ban at the border is illegal

President Trump speaks during an event on health care affordability in the Oval Office at the White House on Thursday in Washington.

Mark Schiefelbein/AP


hide caption

toggle caption

Advertisement

Mark Schiefelbein/AP

WASHINGTON — An appeals court on Friday blocked President Trump’s executive order suspending asylum access at the southern border of the U.S., a key pillar of the Republican president’s plan to crack down on migration.

A three-judge panel from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit found that immigration laws give people the right to apply for asylum at the border, and the president can’t circumvent that.

The court opinion stems from action taken by Trump on Inauguration Day 2025, when he declared that the situation at the southern border constituted an invasion of America and that he was “suspending the physical entry” of migrants and their ability to seek asylum until he decides it is over.

Advertisement

The panel concluded that the Immigration and Nationality Act doesn’t authorize the president to remove the plaintiffs under “procedures of his own making,” allow him to suspend plaintiffs’ right to apply for asylum or curtail procedures for adjudicating their anti-torture claims.

“The power by proclamation to temporarily suspend the entry of specified foreign individuals into the United States does not contain implicit authority to override the INA’s mandatory process to summarily remove foreign individuals,” wrote Judge J. Michelle Childs, who was nominated to the bench by Democratic President Joe Biden.

“We conclude that the INA’s text, structure, and history make clear that in supplying power to suspend entry by Presidential proclamation, Congress did not intend to grant the Executive the expansive removal authority it asserts,” the opinion said.

White House says asylum ban was within Trump’s powers

The administration can ask the full appeals court to reconsider the ruling or go to the Supreme Court.

The order doesn’t formally take effect until after the court considers any request to reconsider.

Advertisement

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, speaking on Fox News, said she had not seen the ruling but called it “unsurprising,” blaming politically-motivated judges.

“They are not acting as true litigators of the law. They are looking at these cases from a political lens,” she said.

Leavitt said Trump was taking actions that are “completely within his powers as commander in chief.”

White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson said the Department of Justice would seek further review of the decision. “We are sure we will be vindicated,” she wrote in an emailed statement.

The Department of Homeland Security said it strongly disagreed with the ruling.

Advertisement

“President Trump’s top priority remains the screening and vetting of all aliens seeking to come, live, or work in the United States,” DHS said in a statement.

Advocates welcome the ruling

Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, senior fellow at the American Immigration Council, said that previous legal action had already paused the asylum ban, and the ruling won’t change much on the ground.

The ruling, however, represents another legal defeat for a centerpiece policy of the president.

“This confirms that President Trump cannot on his own bar people from seeking asylum, that it is Congress that has mandated that asylum seekers have a right to apply for asylum and the President cannot simply invoke his authority to sustain,” said Reichlin-Melnick.

Advocates say the right to request asylum is enshrined in the country’s immigration law and say denying migrants that right puts people fleeing war or persecution in grave danger.

Advertisement

Lee Gelernt, attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union, who argued the case, said in a statement that the appellate ruling is “essential for those fleeing danger who have been denied even a hearing to present asylum claims under the Trump administration’s unlawful and inhumane executive order.”

Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center, one of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit, welcomed the court decision as a victory for their clients.

“Today’s DC Circuit ruling affirms that capricious actions by the President cannot supplant the rule of law in the United States,” said Nicolas Palazzo, director of advocacy and legal Services at Las Americas.

Judge Justin Walker, a Trump nominee, wrote a partial dissent. He said the law gives immigrants protections against removal to countries where they would be persecuted, but the administration can issue broad denials of asylum applications.

Walker, however, agreed with the majority that the president cannot deport migrants to countries where they will be persecuted or strip them of mandatory procedures that protect against their removal.

Advertisement

Judge Cornelia Pillard, who was nominated by Democratic President Obama, also heard the case.

In the executive order, Trump argued that the Immigration and Nationality Act gives presidents the authority to suspend entry of any group that they find “detrimental to the interests of the United States.”

The executive order also suspended the ability of migrants to ask for asylum.

Trump’s order was another blow to asylum access in the U.S., which was severely curtailed under the Biden administration, although under Biden some pathways for protections for a limited number of asylum seekers at the southern border continued.

Migrant advocate in Mexico expresses cautious hope

For Josue Martinez, a psychologist who works at a small migrant shelter in southern Mexico, the ruling marked a potential “light at the end of the tunnel” for many migrants who once hoped to seek asylum in the U.S. but ended up stuck in vulnerable conditions in Mexico.

Advertisement

“I hope there’s something more concrete, because we’ve heard this kind of news before: A district judge files an appeal, there’s a temporary hold, but it’s only temporary and then it’s over,” he said.

Meanwhile, migrants from Haiti, Cuba, Venezuela and other countries have struggled to make ends meet as they try to seek refuge in Mexico’s asylum system that’s all but collapsed under the weight of new strains and slashed international funds.

This week hundreds of migrants, mostly stranded migrants from Haiti, left the southern Mexican city of Tapachula on foot to seek better living conditions elsewhere in Mexico.

Continue Reading

News

A New Worry for Republicans: Latino Catholics Offended by Trump

Published

on

A New Worry for Republicans: Latino Catholics Offended by Trump

When Stuart Sepulvida arrives at St. Francis de Sales Roman Catholic Parish in Tucson, Ariz., for Mass, which he attends most mornings, he passes a display honoring local soldiers and encouraging parishioners to pray for their safety. Hundreds of small cards record their names: Robles, Arenas, Grajeda. A portrait of Pope Leo XIV hangs across the lobby.

Mr. Sepulvida, 81, is a Vietnam veteran whose patriotism and Catholicism are deeply intertwined. He voted for President Trump three times but has never felt more betrayed by an American president than when Mr. Trump denounced Pope Leo as “weak on crime” and “terrible for foreign policy.”

“It was very disturbing to me to hear both of them clashing like they did,” Mr. Sepulvida said, standing outside the church one morning this week. Now, he is reconsidering whether he will vote Republican this year.

The Republican Party is struggling to hold onto the support from Hispanic voters who helped propel Mr. Trump back into the White House in 2024. Yet as many party leaders have acknowledged the urgent need to stop the backsliding among Latinos, the president has enraged many of even his strongest supporters by clashing with the pope.

On Easter Sunday, Pope Leo, the first U.S.-born pontiff, spoke of the need to “abandon every desire for conflict, domination and power, and implore the Lord to grant his peace to a world ravaged by wars.” Within days, Mr. Trump, who has led the United States into a war with Iran, said the pope was “catering to the radical left” and posted an AI-generated image portraying himself as a Jesus figure. Mr. Trump later deleted the image, saying he thought it depicted him as a doctor.

Advertisement

“It just isn’t what a president should do,” Mr. Sepulvida said. “The pope speaks for his people. He is beyond politics.”

Mr. Trump won 55 percent of Catholic voters in the 2024 election, compared to 43 percent who voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris, according to Pew Research Center. The most sizable gains came from Hispanic Catholics. While Joseph R. Biden Jr. won their votes by a 35-point margin in 2020, the Democratic advantage shrunk to 17 points in 2024. Now, just 18 percent of Hispanic Catholics said they support most or all of President Trump’s agenda, according to a poll from Pew released earlier this year.

If the president’s quarrel with the pope sours more Latinos on the Republican Party, it could affect midterm races across the country, including in South Florida and South Texas, where Republicans have notched important victories in predominantly Hispanic districts in recent years.

In Arizona’s Sixth Congressional District, which stretches from north of Tucson to the Mexican border, voters were still grappling with the fallout this week.

The district is roughly evenly divided among Republicans, Democrats and independent voters. Nearly a third of the district is Hispanic, and there is a significant population of members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, as well as a large Catholic community with deep history in the region. It also has one of largest numbers of military veterans of all congressional districts in the country.

Advertisement

“The president is looking for a lot of attention from everything,” said Maria Ramos, 60, who regularly attends weekday Mass at St. Francis. A registered independent, she usually votes for Democrats but often declines to cast a ballot if she views a candidate as too liberal. “He believes he can put God in his place. He’s meddling in countries that he’s not in control of — he wants to control the world.”

“It is not just a very serious lack of respect — it is a mortal sin,” she said, shaking her head. One word comes to her mind again and again, she said: disgust.

Like so many others in southern Arizona, Ms. Ramos has several relatives who serve in the military — a path they saw to both serve the country and as an entry into the stable middle class. Many of them, she said, voted for Mr. Trump for president.

The Tucson district is now widely seen as one of the most competitive in the country. Republican Juan Ciscomani narrowly won the district in 2022, in part by emphasizing his biography as a Mexican immigrant and a devoted father of six children. He is also an evangelical Christian, a group that has driven much of the growth among Hispanic Republican voters in recent years.

Mr. Ciscomani declined a request for an interview, but when a local radio host asked Mr. Ciscomani what he thought of Mr. Trump’s comments “as a man of faith,” the congressman declined to criticize the president but said, “You can trust that you won’t see any meme like that coming out of my account.”

Advertisement

JoAnna Mendoza, the Democrat challenging Mr. Ciscomani this fall, has made her 20-year career in the U.S. Navy and Marines a key aspect of her story on the campaign trail. While she rarely speaks about her religious background and no longer considers herself a practicing Catholic, she said she briefly considered becoming a nun as a teenager. She criticized Mr. Ciscomani for not condemning the president’s remarks.

“You can’t make faith a central part of your campaign and then allow this to stand,” she said in an interview.

Across Tucson, Latino Catholics, regardless of their past voting preferences, were similarly quick to condemn the president’s remarks.

When Cecilia Taisipic, 71, heard about it, she said, she winced with shame about her vote for him in 2024.

“I thought he would make the country better, but apparently it’s the opposite,” she said as she left Mass at St. Francis earlier this week. She is so fed up with politics, she said, that she is unlikely to vote at all this year. “When it comes to my faith, I don’t like anybody to challenge it. Now I don’t want to hear anything on the news. I just want to pray.”

Advertisement

Matilde Robinson Bours, 63, teaches a weekly Spanish Bible study class at St. Thomas the Apostle Parish, and like nearly all of the women in her class, she immigrated from Mexico decades ago. She has voted for Republicans in nearly every election since she became a citizen. Though she has never liked President Trump, she said, his comments about the pope enraged her more than anything else he has said or done in the past.

“This surpassed everything, every social and political norm — this is personal to all Catholics,” she said. “The arrogance and ego is disgusting. To think that he is God? The pope has every right and responsibility to talk about peace.”

Still, Ms. Robinson Bours said, nothing will stop her from supporting Republicans again this year. She has been delighted that her adult children have stopped supporting Democrats in recent elections.

“Almost everyone I know thinks the way I do,” she said.

Patricia Martinez, 86, who has attended the same Bible study as Ms. Robinson Bours for years, shook her head in disagreement. She said she cannot imagine voting for a Republican who supports Mr. Trump.

Advertisement

“This is different — this shows he is out of his mind,” said Ms. Martinez. “We have to have basic respect and teach that to people in this country.”

Patrick Robles, a 24-year-old native of Tucson, spent years alienated from the Roman Catholic Church, but returned to his faith more recently. “The craziness of the world sort of caused me to seek some sort of answers,” he said. Now, he attends Mass at the St. Augustine Cathedral in downtown Tucson, a few blocks from the office where he works as an aide to Representative Adelita Grijalva, a Democrat.

Mr. Robles said he saw Mr. Trump’s battle with the pope as both a personal affront and a political opportunity.

“The president is basically trying to draw a line between Catholics and what we perceive to be patriotism,” he said. “I believe we can be both.”

Last week, he texted one of his uncles who has supported Mr. Trump in every election asking him what he thought.

Advertisement

“I’m afraid we need divine intervention,” the uncle replied.

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending