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China’s start-ups take on big global beauty brands

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China’s start-ups take on big global beauty brands

When Chinese student Yeva Zhang first started to dabble in make-up, she only had eyes for “Japanese and South Korean brands” but now the 18-year-old student has stocked her “vanity case with Chinese ones”.

Tempted to buy by social media advertisements and livestreamers, she says she can “hardly tell the difference” between cheaper local brands and some of the biggest names in global beauty.

Local companies are nipping at the heels of global names such as L’Oréal, Estée Lauder and Shiseido in China, the world’s second-biggest beauty market by sales. Their savvy use of social media and concentration on less affluent cities overlooked by foreign firms has helped them gain ground.

Domestic labels’ share of 40 top beauty brands’ online sales in China rose to 47.9 per cent in the first 10 months of 2023 from 43.6 per cent a year earlier, according to data from Euromonitor. It forecasts that China’s colour cosmetics market, which includes products such as foundations, lipsticks and nail polishes, will hit Rmb111.3bn ($15.6bn) in 2028, up from Rmb71.6bn in 2022. 

“It is the best of times for Chinese brands, as consumers’ level of openness for them has never been higher,” said Miro Li, founder of Shenzhen-based marketing consultancy Double V Consulting.  

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TikTok’s Chinese app “Douyin has successfully approached a wider range of consumers, particularly younger people in lower-tier cities, who are out of reach of traditional ecommerce sites such as Tmall”, said Stefan Huang, head of strategy at Shanghai-based Joy Group, which is backed by General Atlantic and owns two local cosmetics brands — Judydoll and Joocyee.

“A number of foreign companies didn’t catch up with the trend, but Chinese brands did,” he said. L’Oréal, for example, only started ramping up its marketing on Douyin in 2023. 

Sales on social media are set to become even more important, with Goldman Sachs calculating that a combined 37.5 per cent of China’s total ecommerce cosmetics transactions will take place on Douyin and its rival Kuaishou in 2025, up from 25 per cent in 2021. 

“Many foreign brands, including [those in] cosmetics, took a hit during the zero-Covid years as many decision makers based outside of China became increasingly disconnected to a fast-changing China,” said Mark Tanner, managing director of Shanghai-based branding agency China Skinny.

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The other advantage local companies have on foreign brands is domestic marketing teams and close access to factories, said Huang.

“If I spot a lipstick shade that is losing momentum or a new trend that is about to take off, I can get to the factory within two hours and adjust the production within a month,” said Huang. “It normally takes a foreign brand four to six months to respond [to consumer preferences change].”

There is still room for foreign brands to grow. Shiseido, which made 26.4 per cent of its sales in China in the first half of 2023, said in a written reply that it would increase its investments in both “promotional activities” and “brand value building” in China. Estée Lauder and L’Oréal did not respond to a request for comment. 

L’Oréal’s sales in North Asia, which is dominated by China, totalled €11.3bn in 2022, about a third of its sales that year, and up 6.6 per cent year-on-year despite harsh zero Covid lockdowns denting sales in the last quarter. Their premium luxury division in China in particular has been steadily gaining market share. Though sales in their most recent quarter in North Asia declined 4.8 per cent compared with the previous year due to changes to China’s rules about offshore daigou shopping, in the mainland they grew 7.7 per cent over the period.

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“We’ve gained very strong market share for luxury in China. The anecdote is that right now we have a market share for L’Oréal luxury in mainland China, which is above 30 per cent which is equal to the sum of its two next contenders — which is not bad,” L’Oréal chief executive Nicolas Hieronimus told the Financial Times in an interview last year.

Even as Chinese cosmetic companies gain ground, they risk becoming trapped in a “vicious cycle” of being a cheap substitute for foreign brands, said Li from Double V Consulting.

Florasis, a Hangzhou-based cosmetics start-up and the country’s largest local beauty brand with a 6.8 per cent market share, has made some inroads into the premium market. It has been helped in part by influencers such as Li Jiaqi, known as the “lipstick king”. But it suffered a backlash last year after livestreamer Li criticised a viewer for not earning enough to buy Florasis’s eyebrow pencil worth Rmb79. He later apologised.

The company says its prices are justified by its more than Rmb10bn investment into R&D infrastructure and high-cost packaging. “There’s no copycat of us in the market because it’s too expensive to make [our products],” said Gabby Chen, president of global expansion at Florasis.

Florasis hopes to replicate its formula of vast social media presence and traditional Chinese motifs in overseas markets including the US, Japan and south-east Asia. Joy Group has also set up operations in countries including Japan, Malaysia and Canada. 

“They have been raised in China’s hyper-competitive marketplace” so they may have an advantage in a “slower moving marketplace abroad”, said Tanner from China Skinny. “We saw this with [fast fashion brand] Shein, which didn’t do anything special by Chinese standards . . . There is no reason Chinese beauty brands couldn’t do this too.” 

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Additional reporting by Adrienne Klasa in Paris

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown.  All times on the map are Central time. The New York Times

A light, 4.9-magnitude earthquake struck in Louisiana on Thursday, according to the United States Geological Survey.

The temblor happened at 5:30 a.m. Central time about 6 miles west of Edgefield, La., data from the agency shows.

U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 4.4.

As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.

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Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Central time. Shake data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 8:40 a.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 10:46 a.m. Eastern.

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

The allegation sounded like the stuff of spy movies: A Pakistani businessman trying to hire hit men, even handing them $5,000 in cash, to kill a U.S. politician on behalf of Iran ‘s powerful paramilitary Revolutionary Guard.

It was true, and potential targets of the 2024 scheme included now-President Donald Trump, then-President Joe Biden and former presidential candidate and ex-U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the man told jurors at his attempted terrorism trial in New York on Wednesday. But he insisted his actions were driven by fear for loved ones in Iran, and he figured he’d be apprehended before anything came of the scheme.

“My family was under threat, and I had to do this,” the defendant, Asif Merchant, testified through an Urdu interpreter. “I was not wanting to do this so willingly.”

Merchant said he had anticipated getting arrested before anyone was killed, intended to cooperate with the U.S. government and had hoped that would help him get a green card.

U.S. authorities were, indeed, on to him – the supposed hit men he paid were actually undercover FBI agents – and he was arrested on July 12, 2024, a day before an unrelated attempt on Trump’s life in Butler, Pennsylvania.  During a search, investigators said they found a handwritten note that contained the codewords for the various aspects of the plot, CBS News previously reported

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Merchant did sit for voluntary FBI interviews, but he ultimately ended up with a trial, not a cooperation deal.

“You traveled to the United States for the purpose of hiring Mafia members to kill a politician, correct?” Assistant U.S. Attorney Nina Gupta asked during her turn questioning Merchant Wednesday in a Brooklyn federal court.

“That’s right,” Merchant replied, his demeanor as matter-of-fact as his testimony was unusual.

The trial is unfolding amid the less than week-old Iran war, which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a strike that Trump summed up as “I got him before he got me.” Jurors are instructed to ignore news pertaining to the case.

The Iranian government has denied plotting to kill Trump or other U.S. officials.

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Merchant, 47, had a roughly 20-year banking career in Pakistan before getting involved in an array of businesses: clothing, car sales, banana exports, insulation imports. He openly has two families, one in Pakistan and the other in Iran – where, he said, he was introduced around the end of 2022 to a Revolutionary Guard intelligence operative. They initially spoke about getting involved in a hawala, an informal money transfer system, Merchant said.

Merchant testified that his periodic visits to the U.S. for his garment business piqued the interest of his Revolutionary Guard contact, who trained him on countersurveillance techniques.

The U.S. deems the Revolutionary Guard a “foreign terrorist organization.” Formally called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the force has been prominent in Iran under Khamenei.

Merchant said the handler told him to seek U.S. residents interested in working for Iran. Then came another assignment: Look for a criminal to arrange protests, steal things, do some money laundering, “and maybe have somebody murdered,” Merchant recalled.

“He did not tell me exactly who it is, but he told me – he named three people: Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Nikki Haley,” he added.

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In 2024, multiple sources familiar with the investigation told CBS News Merchant planned to assassinate current and former government officials across the political spectrum.

Merchant allegedly sketched out the plot on a napkin inside his New York hotel room, prosecutors said, and told the individual “that there would be ‘security all around’ the person” they were planning to kill.

“No other option”

After U.S. immigration agents pulled Merchant aside at the Houston airport in April 2024, searched his possessions and asked about his travels to Iran, he concluded that he was under surveillance. But still he researched Trump rally locations, sketched out a plot for a shooting at a political rally, lined up the supposed hit men and scrambled together $5,000 from a cousin to pay them a “token of appreciation.”

This image provided by the Justice Department, contained in the complaint supporting the arrest warrant, shows Asif Merchant. 

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He even reported back to his Revolutionary Guard contact, sending observations – fake, Merchant said – tucked into a book that he shipped to Iran through a series of intermediaries.

Merchant said he “had no other option” than to play along because the handler had indicated that he knew who Merchant’s Iranian relatives were and where they lived.

In a court filing this week, prosecutors noted that Merchant didn’t seek out law enforcement to help with his purported predicament before he was arrested. He testified that he couldn’t turn to authorities because his handler had people watching him.

Prosecutors also said that in his FBI interviews, Merchant “neglected to mention any facts that could have supported” an argument that he acted under duress.

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Merchant told jurors Wednesday that he didn’t think agents would believe his story, because their questions suggested “they think that I’m some type of super-spy.”

“And are you a super-spy?” defense lawyer Avraham Moskowitz asked.

“No,” Merchant said. “Absolutely not.”

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