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Commentary: Wildfires are driving up California electric bills. Lawmakers need to act

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Commentary: Wildfires are driving up California electric bills. Lawmakers need to act


Uncomfortable truth time: The biggest reason California’s electric rates are rising so fast is that utility companies are spending billions of dollars each year to reduce the risk of catastrophic wildfires.

Does that mean Southern California Edison, Pacific Gas & Electric and San Diego Gas & Electric should spend less money trimming trees, burying power lines and funding night-flying Chinook helitankers?

That question is central to a raging debate in Sacramento over how to tame out-of-control utility bills. From 2019 through 2023, Edison, PG&E and SDG&E were collectively authorized to add $27 billion in wildfire-related costs to customer rates, according to the California Public Utilities Commission — 18% of their overall system costs.

Those wildfire-related costs caused bills to rise between 7% and 12% for the average residential customer — $24 per month for homes served by PG&E, $18 for Edison customers and $13 for SDG&E customers.

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“The cost of doing nothing is enormous,” Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris (D-Irvine), who chairs the Utilities and Energy Committee, said this month at an oversight hearing on utility wildfire spending.

Before the Eaton and Palisades fires devastated Los Angeles County, there was momentum among lawmakers to reduce bills by steering utilities away from burying electric lines — a surefire but expensive way to avoid ignitions during dry, windy conditions. Burying local distribution lines — which is much less expensive than burying larger-scale, higher-voltage transmission lines — can still cost $3 million to $5 million per mile.

After the recent infernos, though, the political pendulum may swing back toward undergrounding, no matter the costs — even though there are less-expensive, highly effective fire-avoidance tools, such as “fast-trip” technology that shuts off power lines almost instantaneously when its detects the potential for an ignition event.

“Not having any risk from ignition requires an insane amount of spending,” said Matthew Freedman, an attorney for the Utility Reform Network, a ratepayer watchdog group, in an interview.

Recovering from fire can require an insane amount of spending, too. Forecasting service AccuWeather estimated the total economic losses from the Eaton and Palisades fires alone at more than $250 billion.

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Some losses can’t be measured in dollars and cents. Twenty-nine people died in the L.A. County fires.

Altadena’s Loma Alta Park, seen on March 12, burned in the Eaton fire.

(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)

Does that mean Edison, PG&E and SDG&E should be allowed to spend as much as possible to reduce fire risks — passing along those costs to ratepayers, often with an additional 10% profit margin for their investors?

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No, definitely not.

But it does mean lawmakers and regulators face a terribly difficult balancing act as they scramble for solutions to the state’s affordability crisis, even as they look to protect Californians from worsening wildfires.

“This is a fiendishly difficult topic to try to come up with solutions,” Assemblymember Steve Bennett (D-Ventura), who chairs a subcommittee on climate change, said at this month’s oversight hearing.

The fiendishness stems partly from the fact that global warming — fueled by coal, oil and gas combustion — has raised the likelihood of destructive blazes, and partly from the fact that people built so many sprawling cities and towns in parts of California that were prone to wildfire even before climate change.

The situation has reached crisis levels since 2017, with California suffering its nine largest fires and also its four most destructive fires on record. Several of those conflagrations — including the 2018 Camp fire, which killed 85 people and largely destroyed the town of Paradise — were sparked by electrical infrastructure.

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Budget-conscious lawmakers have responded by letting Edison, PG&E and SDG&E do most of the heavy lifting of reducing wildfire risk — in effect sticking those utilities’ ratepayers, rather than all taxpayers, with the bill.

Since 2019, the companies have spent roughly $3 billion per year on wildfire prevention. The money goes toward tasks such as inspecting equipment, trimming trees near electrical towers and installing “covered conductors” on power lines that make them less likely to spark if they hit a tree branch during a wind storm.

Edison, PG&E and SDG&E customers benefit from that work. But in many instances, so do millions of Californians who aren’t paying for it, including Los Angeles residents served by the L.A. Department of Water and Power.

One astonishing example: Since 2021, Edison customers have paid more than $100 million to help fund a fleet of state-of-the-art firefighting helicopters for the L.A., Orange and Ventura County fire departments. The helitankers are capable of working through the night and dumping massive amounts of water and retardant.

They’re available for use no matter how a fire started — even outside of Edison’s service territory.

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“Even when fires escape initial attack and continue to burn out of control, the [Edison-funded fleet] has had its victories, including during the L.A. fires,” Orange County Fire Chief Brian Fennessy told lawmakers at the recent oversight hearing. The aircraft, he said, “helped save Brentwood live on television.”

A Coulson CH-47 Chinook helitanker funded by Southern California Edison drops fire retardant over a field in Irwindale.

A Coulson CH-47 Chinook helitanker funded by Southern California Edison drops fire retardant over a field during a 2023 demonstration in Irwindale.

(Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)

Edison isn’t funding the helitankers solely out of the goodness of its heart: The more the utility can do to limit the damage from fires sparked by its equipment, the less damage to its bottom line. Edison executives have been reminded of that reality as the utility confronts dozens of lawsuits over the Eaton fire, which many victims believe was ignited by one of its transmission lines. State and local officials are still investigating the cause.

Regardless, Edison shouldn’t have to keep paying for the helitankers indefinitely — not when the utility’s millions of customers are bearing the costs, and when all Southern Californians are reaping the benefits.

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And consider this: Even as Edison, PG&E and SDG&E spend $3 billion per year on fire prevention, state taxpayers as a whole typically spend just a few hundred million dollars per year, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. The burden of preventing fires is falling disproportionately on Edison, PG&E and SDG&E ratepayers.

That’s just not fair. Even if you don’t live in an area that’s at high risk of fire, you’re still probably breathing wind-borne smoke that’s terrible for your lungs and heart. You’re still dealing with the consequences of heat-trapping carbon pollution unleashed by burning forests, such as deadlier heat waves and more intense droughts.

And even if state officials want some Californians to pay more for fire prevention, electric rates are a terrible way to divvy up the costs. High utility bills disproportionately burden low-income and middle-class families, eating up a bigger chunk of their monthly budgets. Rising rates have hurt those households most of all.

The results are clear in the data: Nearly one in five Edison, PG&E and SDG&E customers are behind on their bills, according to the Public Utilities Commission. That’s more than 2.2 million customers, owing $769 on average.

The most straightforward solution would be for lawmakers to stop letting utilities do so much wildfire prevention and start paying for more of those projects out of the state budget. That way, the burden would fall on all Golden State taxpayers, not just Edison, PG&E and SDG&E customers — a much more equitable strategy, especially given California’s progressive income tax system, which requires higher earners to pay more.

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Mohit Chhabra, a senior analyst for the Natural Resources Defense Council, supports that approach. In a recent report, he encouraged state officials to find funding sources other than electric rates for important programs — not only wildfire prevention, but also energy efficiency incentives and low-income utility bill discounts.

“Of course, it’s easier said than done,” Chhabra acknowledged in an interview.

Indeed, despite an initial $322-billion budget proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom for next year, the governor and lawmakers face a giant juggling act of competing priorities. And unfortunately, climate rarely seems to rank high on the list, despite its importance to voters — and the existential threat posed by rising temperatures.

That dynamic was on display at the recent oversight hearing, as several lawmakers seemed hesitant to commit to spending more on wildfire prevention. At one point, Assemblymember Diane Papan (D-San Mateo) asked a PG&E executive, “Is there a way we can give some relief for ratepayers without turning to the taxpayers?”

Assemblymember Steve Bennett (D-Ventura) speaks during a February news conference at the State Capitol in Sacramento.

Assemblymember Steve Bennett (D-Ventura) speaks during a February news conference at the State Capitol in Sacramento.

(Jungho Kim / For The Times)

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Bennett, too, said he was “not convinced that we’ve made a good case to change things away from the ratepayer doing it.” He expressed encouragement that PG&E has said its rates should stabilize this year, and suggested that perhaps the skyrocketing electric rates of the last few years won’t continue.

“I hope we don’t have a knee-jerk — which is oftentimes what happens in the democratic process — a knee-jerk reaction to one problem, and then create another problem because we’re trying to fight that last thing,” he said.

If you ask me, that’s wishful thinking.

Maybe the last few years were as bad as it’s going to get, with residential rates increasing between 48% and 67% for PG&E, SDG&E and Edison customers from 2019 through 2023. But it’s hard to imagine this problem resolving itself. Not with global warming speeding up. Not with more than 150,000 miles of overhead wires crisscrossing a state home to tens of millions of fire-prone acres — and countless communities spread across those acres.

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No, lawmakers and Newsom will have to own this one. Hard decisions lie ahead.

The problem, as Stanford University energy and climate scholar Michael Wara sees it, is that California “wants to spend as little money on wildfires as possible” — when in truth taxpayers are on the hook no matter what.

When I talked with Wara, he had just finished touring the Eaton fire burn zone in Altadena — a gut-wrenching experience. He listed a few of the ways Californians will be paying for the devastation for many years, including rebuilding costs, higher insurance premiums, healthcare for smoke inhalation, taxes that fund Cal Fire and more.

Some lawmakers may not want to burden taxpayers with more spending. But taxpayers are already burdened by the high cost of wildfires. Edison, PG&E and SDG&E ratepayers bear the additional cost of wildfire prevention.

“It’s the same people spending the money,” Wara said. “Taxpayers, ratepayers, insurance premium payers.”

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The unavoidable reality is that wildfires are expensive, especially in an era of climate crisis. California will need to keep spending huge sums to lower the risk of ignitions, and to prepare for the fires that inevitably do ignite.

The politically difficult questions are who pays, how much they pay and what exactly they’re paying for. Is burying more power lines the answer? Or are there lower-cost solutions? What if those solutions involve blackouts?

It’s time for lawmakers to grapple with those questions. I’ll have a few suggestions in next Thursday’s column.

This is the latest edition of Boiling Point, a newsletter about climate change and the environment in the American West. Sign up here to get it in your inbox. And listen to our Boiling Point podcast here.

For more climate and environment news, follow @Sammy_Roth on X and @sammyroth.bsky.social on Bluesky.

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29 youths busted with fake IDs at California restaurant

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29 youths busted with fake IDs at California restaurant


Twenty-nine people were busted with fake IDs inside a sushi restaurant on California’s Central Coast on April 23, according to the San Luis Obispo Police Department.

Undercover agents with the California Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control busted the underage drinkers at HaHa Sushi and Ramen on the 1000 block of Olive Street. Inside the restaurant, agents saw “a large group of youthful-appearing individuals” ordering and drinking alcohol, the San Luis Obispo Police Department said.

“In accordance with state law, agents contacted and identified the members of the group, discovering no one was 21 years old and every person was in possession of a fake identification card,” police said.

HaHa Sushi And Ramen in San Luis Obispo. (Google Street View)

During the investigation, 29 people were cited and released for possession of a fake ID. Six of these suspects were arrested for being minors in possession of alcohol. All of the suspects were cited and released from custody at the restaurant.

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“Preventing the sale of alcoholic beverages to minors helps increase public safety by reducing DUI arrests and collisions,” the San Luis Obispo Police Department said. “Statistics have shown that young people under the age of 21 have a much higher risk of being involved in a collision than older drivers. About 25% of fatal crashes involve underage drinking, according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration.”



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California junior college athletes speak out on trans controversy that’s now in the Trump admin’s crosshairs

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California junior college athletes speak out on trans controversy that’s now in the Trump admin’s crosshairs


Santa Rosa Junior College was just supposed to be a stepping stone for Madison Shaw. Instead, she stepped right into a transgender athlete scandal that is now being investigated by the federal government.

With her graduation coming up, she has to move forward without being able to chase her dream of playing NCAA volleyball, which was the whole reason she went to Santa Rosa in the first place.

“It was the only plan I had,” Shaw told Fox News Digital of transferring to an NCAA program.

“I was planning on going to Chico [State University] and transferring, and getting set up through the recruiting process in that. And I wasn’t even able to upload any film or have a coach come out for my sophomore year. Because that year I was forced to be off the team.”

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Shaw had to step away from her volleyball team in the fall because she didn’t want to share a locker room with a biological male, and felt her Title IX rights to privacy, safety and equal opportunity were being violated. She had to throw away her plans for her sophomore season, and any chance of making it to an NCAA program.

Because Santa Rosa, as a junior college and not affiliated with the NCAA, and did not have to comply with the NCAA’s updated policy to prevent biological males from competing in women’s sports, Madison and her teammates ended up on the same roster as a trans athlete.

The California Community College Athletic Association (CCCAA) allows transgender athletes to participate based on their gender identity. Biological males can compete on women’s teams after one calendar year of testosterone suppression treatment.

Santa Rosa and the CCCAA as a whole have been under Title IX investigations by the U.S. Department of Education, and the federal Title IX task force, since January, after Madison and two teammates sent an S.O.S.

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SANTA ROSA WOMEN’S VOLLEYBALL PLAYERS OPEN UP ON TRANS TEAMMATE’S ALLEGED SPIKES TO THE HEAD

Madison, and her freshman teammates Brielle Galli and Gracie Shaw, Madison’s sister, filed a Title IX complaint last September that brought attention to what was going on with their team.

Once the complaint became public, and garnered national media attention, multiple tense on-campus incidents allegedly occurred.

The three women allege Santa Rosa President Dr. Angélica Garcia led a pro-trans rally before a volleyball game, handed out packets to attendees.

“The president of our school had a rally to support our male athlete and had packets that were being hand handed out that said that our school is a gender inclusive closet,” Gracie Shaw alleged, with Madison Shaw and Galli corroborating the allegations.

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INSIDE GAVIN NEWSOM’S TRANSGENDER VOLLEYBALL CRISIS

Santa Rosa Junior College students Gracie Shaw, Brielle Galli and Madison Shaw (Fox News)

Teammates who had once been friends began distancing themselves, and in some cases, they said, actively excluded them.

“We were completely ostracized,” Gracie Shaw said. “We were left in the dark.”

They said teammates created separate group chats without them and held meetings they were not invited to, effectively cutting off communication.

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The players said they received backlash on social media and, at times, felt uncomfortable on campus. In one instance, they recalled being recorded and photographed by other students after being recognized in connection with the complaint.

The incident occurred when two other students set up a table with a sign that read “We are Christians, ask us anything.”

The women claim that the two men at the table were being told by other students that they were “hateful people.”

And soon, the anti-Christian crowd realized who the three women were, and two other students allegedly began to record Gracie Shaw and Galli, non-consensually.

The women say the only time the college and its administrators expressed concern for their well-being was in an investigative interview after news of their Title IX complaint had gone public.

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“Those interviews really rubbed me the wrong way,” Galli said.

“They kept pushing the same questions on us trying to get a different answer and trying to make us say something that wasn’t true. They kept stating that or they wanted us to state that it was our choice when really we were left with no choice with the way that we were made to feel uncomfortable and unsafe…

“They kept in bringing up the fact that there are so many resources available to us, so many counseling options and just so many resources that are just the school will provide for us. And that was a little ridiculous to me because throughout the whole season when we were participating, we had made it clear to our coach that we didn’t feel safe coming to the games.”

Santa Rosa Junior College provided a statement to Fox News Digital responding to the three women’s statements.

“Santa Rosa Junior College is committed to fostering an inclusive and supportive environment for all students and employees. The District complies with California Community College Athletic Association regulations, which govern student eligibility and participation in our athletic programs,” the statement said.

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“We respect the legal privacy rights of all students and cannot discuss individual circumstances. What we can affirm is that SRJC takes all reports seriously and responds through established procedures.”

But there were some moments when the women felt they were being supported, not by administrators, but male athletes at a competing school.

When Santa Rosa Junior College faced Sierra College in Rocklin, California, weeks after the complaint was filed, a “save women’s sports” protest broke out outside of the gym.

One of the protesters, local women’s sports activist Beth Bourne, handed out protest signs to students who attended the game and said it was the first time she’d seen college students protest the issue in person.

Sierra’s men’s athletes even joined in on the protesting. 

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California college students protest the participation of a transgender volleyball player at a women’s game. (Beth Bourne)

“There were men that were college students… that were holding those signs in support of us. Even though they probably didn’t know who we were. They knew that this was something that, that they could, even if it’s a small thing, just like just holding a sign up, they knew that it would make an impact,” Galli said.

It was a rare bright moment in an otherwise grueling school year. But now the summer is coming.

The women can at least move forward knowing their activism caught the attention of the federal government, as the Title IX investigations into the college and the entire CCCAA press on.

And as the three women look to regroup and determine the next step in their education, they each expressed gratitude for President Donald Trump’s administration for having their backs.

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But they’re still dealing with the irreversible effects on their futures, and are now navigating life after missing a chance at their NCAA dreams.

Madison Shaw said she is currently working three jobs as she tries to save up for tuition.

“Coming from a very athletic family, we all played sports,” she said. “For them to see this opportunity taken away was very hard on them, knowing that I wasn’t going to get the same opportunities they had when they played sports. And even just financially, this was a way for me to move on past the JC, so it was hard for them to watch.”

Galli found herself in the same situation.

“I saw it as my opportunity to pursue [NCAA sports],” Galli said of her decision to play at Santa Rosa. “I wanted to reach out and try to get recruited, and like Madison said, we didn’t really get the opportunity to play so we didn’t have any film that we could send to the coaches.”

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Gracie Shaw did not step away from the team right away, and continued practicing, but wouldn’t play in games as a form of protest. But eventually she just couldn’t take it anymore. she stepped away from the team as the situation progressed, and more national attention befell the team.

“I always wanted to get recruited and play at the next level, that was the plan,” Gracie Shaw said.

Madison Shaw continues to work her jobs and explore opportunities outside of playing sports, while Galli and Gracie Shaw are currently set to do another year of junior college.

Follow Fox News Digital’s sports coverage on X, and subscribe to the Fox News Sports Huddle newsletter.

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Tom Steyer, California governor candidate, 2026 primary election questionnaire

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Tom Steyer, California governor candidate, 2026 primary election questionnaire


Ahead of the June primary election, the Southern California News Group compiled a list of questions to pose to the candidates who wish to represent you. You can find the full questionnaire below. Questionnaires may have been edited for spelling, grammar, length and, in some instances, to remove hate speech and offensive language.

Name: Tom Steyer

Current job title: Climate Advocate

Age: 68

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Political party affiliation: Democratic

Incumbent: No

Other political positions held: Co-Chair, Governor’s Task Force on Business and Jobs Recovery (2020)

City where you reside: San Francisco

Campaign website or social media: tomsteyer.com

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What is your top economic development priority for the state? How will you work with cities to achieve this? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

My top economic priority is building an economy that works for everyone, not just the billionaires and biggest corporations. As governor, I’ll call a special election to get this done and make sure our economy grows from the bottom up, not the top down.

This starts with fixing the inequities in our tax system created by what I call the “Trump Tax Loophole.” Closing this loophole will force corporations and the billionaires who control them to pay their fair share — even Donald Trump himself. Right now, cities are starved of revenue because large commercial property owners are paying artificially low, outdated tax rates and that holds back local investment in schools, housing and infrastructure. I’ll partner with cities by giving them the resources they need by closing this loophole and returning billions of dollars to local communities.

Affordability continues to be top of mind for Californians. What is one specific area where the state could bring about immediate relief for residents? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

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The fastest way we can deliver real relief is by lowering the cost of housing for both renters and homeowners who are being squeezed every month. That means putting money back into people’s pockets now — expanding the Renter’s Tax Credit while also providing targeted relief to help homeowners stay in their homes and manage rising costs. I will fully enforce California’s Tenant Protection Act to ensure renters are protected statewide, including the cap on excessive rent increases, just-cause eviction standards and relocation assistance for displaced tenants.

At the same time, we need to make sure people can access the support they need, from housing counseling to homelessness prevention, so fewer Californians fall through the cracks. This will provide immediate relief while we build more housing and fix the underlying affordability crisis for the long term. But short-term fixes alone won’t solve this crisis. That’s why we’re committed to building 1 million new homes over the next four years — funded by closing corporate tax loopholes and making sure big corporations finally pay what they owe. Expanding housing supply remains the most durable solution to the affordability crisis and will serve as a cornerstone of this agenda.

Legislative Republicans this year called for a one-year suspension of the state’s gas tax. Meanwhile, another legislative proposal would consider charging drivers based on how much they use the roads as opposed to the fuel consumed. As governor, would you support any of these proposals? How else would you hope to alleviate prices at the pump for California drivers? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

I support a windfall profits tax on the oil companies that are making billions in extra profits at the expense of California families, and paying it out directly to the citizens of California. The companies that caused this crisis should pay for it. We need to provide immediate relief to Californians, but do it in a way so we can maintain our roads. Any solution that can’t lower costs and maintain our critical infrastructure is not a serious solution.

How do you propose to manage the state’s budget to ensure long-term fiscal stability? What areas would you consider for spending cuts, and, similarly, where would you like to see increased investment and why? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

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I will never balance the budget at the expense of working people — especially not when some of the wealthiest corporations and people on earth aren’t paying their fair share in taxes to the state of California. Long-term fiscal stability starts with fairness: closing the Trump tax loophole created by Proposition 13, which costs California cities, schools and communities $15 to 20 billion a year, is the single biggest step we can take. That revenue would allow us to invest in education, health care, affordable housing and local services without raising taxes on working families. At the same time, I’d ensure every dollar the state spends is accountable and effective, focusing on programs that deliver real results. This approach balances fiscal discipline with bold investments in the people and communities that make California strong.

One of the main concerns cited by opponents of a proposed billionaire tax is that it would push the state’s wealthiest residents to move elsewhere. Should this tax proposal qualify for the ballot and be approved by voters, what would you do as governor to ensure California remains a place where entrepreneurs and innovators want to live, so that the Golden State can continue to benefit as one of the world’s largest economies? And if it doesn’t pass, how would you propose the state pay for health care amid the Trump administration’s funding cuts? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

California is the best place in the world to start and grow a business. We imagine and build the future here like no place on earth. To keep it that way, locally, we need to expand Film Tax Credits to keep arts and entertainment in Los Angeles and keep an industry in California that employs tens of thousands of people. Broadly, the single most important thing we can do to ensure that entrepreneurs and innovators want to stay in California is to bring down costs — and I have plans to bring down the cost of housing, energy, health care and more.

Regardless of what happens with the specific billionaire tax on the ballot, I’m proposing we close the corporate property tax loophole in Proposition 13, which would bring in $15 to 20 billion every year for California schools, health care and local services. It’s a long-term solution that ensures everyone pays their fair share and that communities get the resources they need year after year.

Speaking of health care, should the state provide free or subsidized health care, such as Medi-Cal, to undocumented immigrants? Should there be any conditions placed on their eligibility? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

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Health care must be a right for every Californian, and that includes undocumented immigrants who are here participating in our society, working in our society, paying taxes and bringing up their families. Ultimately, I’m fighting for a single-payer system, which is the only way to make coverage universal, affordable and equitable. But the answer is not to turn people away from hospitals when they need medical care — access to care shouldn’t depend on income, status or luck. It’s to make corporations and billionaires pay their fair share, and to structurally change the system so we can afford to deliver health care as a right to everybody in California.

Would you continue to implement CARE Court, which is meant to help get people with severe mental illnesses off the streets? What changes, if any, would you make to the program? (Please answer in 200 words or less.)

CARE Courts may play a role in connecting people with severe mental illness to treatment, but they are not a substitute for housing or comprehensive support. My focus as governor would be on preventing people from becoming homeless in the first place and getting those who are on the street off it as fast as possible and into stable, supportive housing. We must treat this emergency with the urgency and depth of policy it deserves. We need to make sure people are paired with real housing, mental health services and case management, because treatment without a home doesn’t work. The priority has to be a full continuum of care — emergency interim housing, permanent supportive housing and mental health services — so people can rebuild their lives safely and sustainably.

As part of combating homelessness, elected officials often talk about the need to prevent people from losing their homes in the first place. What policies or programs should the state adopt to make housing more affordable for renters and homeowners? What do you propose the state do to incentivize housing development and expedite such projects? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

I have released a comprehensive housing plan that addresses many of these questions. We have to tackle housing affordability on both fronts — keeping people in their homes today and building the homes we desperately need for tomorrow. That means expanding the Renter’s Tax Credit, protecting homeowners from rising costs and making sure renters know their rights and can access homelessness prevention services.

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To quickly get unsheltered Californians off the streets, I will conduct a comprehensive spending review and partner with local governments to urgently expand interim bridge housing paired with robust stabilization services, ensuring we match the right type of housing and level of care to the specific needs of every individual.

At the same time, public dollars should bring investments to the table, not scare them away. Housing finance in California is too fragmented, burdensome and restrictive, and adds time, costs and complications that disincentivize the private investments that are vital for affordable housing. We need to cut the red tape that slows development, use publicly controlled land and give cities and developers real incentives to build affordable and mixed-income housing while confronting NIMBYism that too often blocks progress. This is about moving quickly to get people off the streets, into stable homes and finally creating the housing supply California families need.

What is a policy or project from the Newsom administration that you’d like to expand or continue? Is there something you’d change about the approach? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

Gov. Gavin Newsom has made real progress in positioning California as a global leader in clean energy and climate action, and that’s something I would absolutely build on. We should accelerate investments in clean tech — scaling renewable energy, electric vehicles and energy storage — because that’s how we create good-paying jobs and lead in the industries of the future. I’d focus on expanding these efforts so that every community shares in the benefits, from lower energy costs to cleaner air and new economic opportunities.

Conversely, name a policy or program from the Newsom administration that you’d want to eliminate or make major revisions to and explain the changes. (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

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Gov. Gavin Newsom has done a good job standing up to Donald Trump and defending California’s values, and he’s made real progress on some of the toughest issues we face. But what he hasn’t been able to do yet is make billionaires like me and the largest corporations pay their fair share in taxes. As governor, I will. That starts with closing loopholes, especially in our commercial property tax system, so we can generate stable, ongoing funding for schools, health care and local services. It’s about strengthening the foundation we already have and making sure California’s prosperity is shared more broadly.

Artificial intelligence has become a ubiquitous part of our lives. Yet public concerns remain that there aren’t enough regulations governing when or how AI should be used, and that the technology would replace jobs and leave too many Californians unemployed. How specifically would you balance such concerns with the desire to foster innovation and have California remain a leader in this space? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

I am the first and only candidate in this race to have released a comprehensive AI policy plan because this issue is too important to ignore or get wrong. AI is a threat to our safety, mental health and kids, but if we get it right, we can support our schools, businesses and communities. That’s why my plan ensures companies are held accountable with stronger regulations, requires data centers to pay their own way and creates a “Golden State Sovereign Wealth Fund” by taxing AI-driven profits. That fund will be reinvested directly in Californians — supporting education, job training and new opportunities — so workers benefit from this boom, not just the companies at the top. We cannot let AI be a technology that helps a handful of tech billionaires become tech trillionaires while putting millions of Californians out of work.

Last summer, President Donald Trump not only deployed federal immigration agents to California to carry out his mass deportation policy; he also federalized the National Guard and sent them to Los Angeles. How would you respond as governor should the president deploy more federal agents or troops to California again? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

ICE, as it exists today, should be abolished and demolished — it’s a criminal organization that has operated without accountability and has caused real harm to families and communities across this state. When an institution is broken from top to bottom, you don’t patch it — you replace it with something that reflects our values and the rule of law. As governor, I’ll use every legal tool to stop federal overreach, protect our residents, stop masked ICE agents from terrorizing California citizens and make sure California stands for dignity, justice and accountability.

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What’s a hidden talent you have? (Please answer in 250 words or less.)

Looking into the future.

OK, not literally. But I was a professional investor, and the job of an investor is to try to think about the future, anticipate it and figure out how to respond to it, knowing that you can never actually “know” what’s going to happen. And when we look at the problems that the California government has been having, that the institutional thinking has been having, we really haven’t seen a consistent focus on what’s going to happen — just a focus on what has happened, or what is happening now.



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