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Report: Internal emails at Alaska Permanent Fund show financial manager raising ethical concerns about fund’s vice chair

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Report: Internal emails at Alaska Permanent Fund show financial manager raising ethical concerns about fund’s vice chair


A top financial manager with the $80 billion Alaska Permanent Fund Corp. in emails raised concerns about efforts by the fund’s vice chair to set up meetings between Permanent Fund staff and business associates or companies with ties to a company she owns.

The emails were first obtained and published on the website Alaska Landmine. Landmine owner Jeff Landfield declined to say who provided the emails to him.

Marcus Frampton, the fund’s chief executive officer, asserts in the emails that Ellie Rubenstein, vice chair of the fund’s board of trustees, has conflicts that involve business associates with ties to Manna Tree Partners, her private equity firm.

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The emails were sent to Frampton’s colleagues at the fund, including the fund’s chief executive, Deven Mitchell, who replies to one email to thank Frampton for keeping him and other colleagues “in the loop.”

Frampton declined to comment for this story. Rubenstein, the co-founder and managing partner at Manna Tree, said in a statement that she follows the corporation’s ethical rules.

Frampton in the email asserts the conflicts include Rubenstein’s father, billionaire David Rubenstein, co-founder of the Carlyle Group, one of the world’s largest private equity firms. Carlyle is an external private equity manager for the Permanent Fund that handles close to $500 million in commitments for the fund. David Rubenstein is also a limited partner in Manna Tree. Ellie Rubenstein’s mother is Alice Rogoff, who purchased the Anchorage Daily News in 2014, changed its name to Alaska Dispatch News and owned the company until it filed for bankruptcy protection in 2017.

Frampton suggests in the emails that Ellie Rubenstein has worked to set up meetings between the staff and investors with whom she has financial ties, in ways that could benefit those associates or their businesses.

She apparently wants to reshape the fund’s “private credit” asset class, Frampton said in an email.

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She has also called for the firing of a Permanent Fund investment analyst her father was apparently displeased with, after the analyst met with her father, Frampton writes.

Allen Waldrop, the head of private equity investments for the fund, also sent an email providing context to say that Ellie Rubenstein coordinated directly with the investment analyst to arrange the meeting during a trip.

“This was not something we discussed in advance nor did we plan when we arranged the trip,” Waldrop said in the email.

Rubenstein said in a prepared statement this week that she follows the corporation’s rules involving ethics and disclosures. In one of the emails disclosed in the release, she told a Permanent Fund manager in “full disclosure” about her business ties to a limited partner in Manna Tree.

“Introducing and connecting Permanent Fund Staff to investment firms so that they can explore opportunities is an appropriate and valuable role and is common practice among state pension boards, endowments, and sovereign wealth funds,” Rubenstein said in the statement to the Daily News.

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“In this role, I have always followed the Permanent Fund board’s ethics rules and disclosure requirements, and I was unaware of these concerns about my service on the board,” she said.

“That someone leaked internal messages containing confidential information to the media is disturbing; it is a breach of policy and trust, and it distracts from the important work the Permanent Fund trustees and staff are doing for the state of Alaska,” she said.

The state corporation’s Board of Trustees will hold a virtual special meeting Wednesday to discuss the breach. The public can tune in. But the board may enter executive session in private because discussions about potential vulnerabilities could cause financial harm, according to an online public notice.

The Daily News requested the emails as well as text messages referred to in the emails, through a public records request. The agency is processing the request according to the law, said Paulyn Swanson, spokeswoman with the fund. “At this time, we anticipate fulfilling this request within the standard 10 business day time frame and will let you know if an extension is required,” she wrote in an email Monday.

‘Conflicts of interest’

Ellie Rubenstein has encouraged staff to engage with business associates or companies with ties to Manna Tree, Frampton asserts in his emails. But while staff members attended meetings in some cases, they took no action in response, he wrote.

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In a Jan. 16 email, Frampton wrote that a “serious” and “uncomfortable” topic involves Rubenstein’s “conflicts of interest.”

Frampton shared the writing with Mitchell as well as Sebastian Vadakumcherry, the fund’s chief risk and compliance officer.

Rubenstein has made “dozens upon dozens of investment manager referrals” in her year and a half on the Permanent Fund board, Frampton wrote.

“Many of these have been in the private credit space and my team has declined to pursue all of them,” Frampton said in the email.

The Alaska Permanent Fund’s private credit asset class was valued last year at $2.1 billion.

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Private credit often involves the issuing of loans to private companies. The loans can support private equity companies as they acquire businesses, according to the fund’s 2023 annual report.

Frampton said in the email that he gathers that Rubenstein wants to see larger investments in private credit and a change in staff who manage it.

A ‘fairly emphatic pitch’

In his Jan. 16 email, Frampton highlighted some of the specific actions by Ellie Rubenstein that he said constitute conflicts of interest.

One example involved TCW, an alternative investment management firm that is a subsidiary of the Carlyle Group, according to Frampton’s email.

Several of TCW’s senior principals are limited partners in Manna Tree, he said.

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Frampton said that Ellie Rubenstein texted him last year with a “fairly emphatic pitch” that the Permanent Fund “pursue an investment in private credit with TCW,” he wrote.

Frampton’s team reviewed the potential investment and declined to pursue it, he said in the email.

‘All good on APFC?’

In another example cited by Frampton, he said Ellie Rubenstein encouraged Alaska Permanent Fund staff to review Churchill Asset Management, a private credit firm.

The firm is run by Ken Kencel, who “personally is a client of Manna Tree,” and is a former Carlyle executive, Frampton said in his email.

Frampton’s email referenced an earlier email thread he’d received from Ellie Rubenstein in October, in which she wanted to set up a meeting between Kencel and Frampton.

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In the email to Kencel and Frampton, Rubenstein said “full disclosure” and explained that Kencel is a limited partner with a Manna Tree fund.

The thread also included an email from Ellie Rubenstein to Kencel. In the thread, she asked Kencel, “all good on APFC?”

Frampton asserted in his email that Rubenstein was essentially asking Kencel “how his efforts on soliciting money from APFC is going.”

Chris Ullman, a spokesperson for Ellie Rubenstein, said in an email, “Ellie was seeking to confirm that Mr. Kencel’s emails had been returned by the staff. This is a staff responsiveness and accountability issue, as she has noted publicly before.”

A ‘difficult interaction’

In an email on Feb. 5 to colleagues, Frampton indicates he met with Harvey Schwartz, the chief executive of Carlyle, during a trip in a meeting “indirectly arranged” by Ellie Rubenstein.

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Frampton said he told Schwartz the Permanent Fund has an “expansive and robust” relationship with Carlyle.

But Schwartz disagreed with that, and said he hopes to do more business with the Permanent Fund, Frampton said in the email.

In that email, Frampton also said he met with Ellie Rubenstein, who told him the investment analyst who did not impress her father should be fired. Ellie Rubenstein also said Tim Andreyka should not be the fund’s real estate asset investor. Frampton said he did his best to engage her in a “neutral fashion,” according to the email.

Mitchell, the fund’s chief executive, replied to say he believed that Frampton had handled “this difficult interaction as professionally as possible.”

Frampton in his Jan. 16 email wrote that Rubenstein may have conflicts that are clouding her views toward the Permanent Fund staff and operations.

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“A reasonable person might wonder if her current position is some sort of retaliation for rebuffing” investment referrals such as those involving companies like TCW or Churchill, Frampton wrote.

Board, staff reviewing ‘all relevant information’

The Alaska Executive Branch Ethics Act says public officers should conduct business in a way that avoids conflicts of interest. A public officer can’t attempt to use “an official position for personal gain, and may not intentionally secure or grant unwarranted benefits or treatment for any person,” it says.

Gov. Mike Dunleavy appointed Rubenstein to the fund’s six-member Board of Trustees in June 2022. He has appointed or reappointed all its members.

The governor can remove a public board member “only for cause,” according to state law.

The governor said in a press conference last week that the issue involving Ellie Rubenstein is a matter for the Permanent Fund board to address internally.

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Permanent Fund chair Ethan Schutt was informed about staff’s concerns with Rubenstein in late January, “due to the seriousness of the concerns raised,” said Swanson, the spokeswoman with the fund. Leadership at the fund “continued its evaluation and monitoring of the situation,” she said in a statement.

“Currently, staff and the Board of Trustees are working together to further review all relevant information in order to identify appropriate next steps,” Swanson said.

Schutt sees the staff’s concerns as legitimate, he said in an interview Thursday. He said those concerns were communicated internally through the proper channels.

He said it’s also a concern to him that the documents were somehow released to the public in an “uncontrolled” manner.

Schutt said he does not have an opinion on whether Rubenstein overstepped her bounds or is taking steps to benefit the interests of Manna Tree or her business associates.

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Before he could attempt to draw any conclusions on those questions, he would need more information about what happened, he said.

“We would have to decide as a body to have somebody undertake this exercise and we have not done that,” Schutt said.

As for the fund’s asset allocation to various asset classes, those are determined by a vote of the board, he said.

In Frampton’s Feb. 5 email, he said he’d been told by Trustee Rubenstein that he “should know that Schutt will not be reappointed by the governor when his term is up this June.”

Schutt said in the interview that he had no idea if that was the case. He said the decision rests with the governor.

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Some lawmakers in Juneau last week said in interviews that it’s inappropriate for a trustee to try to have a worker fired.

State Sen. Bill Wielechowski, D-Anchorage, said he thinks there should be hearings into the issue.

Sen. Jesse Kiehl, D-Juneau, indicated that Permanent Fund staff must be pretty concerned about Ellie Rubenstein if they’re documenting her actions.

Rep. Calvin Schrage, an Anchorage independent and the House minority leader, said he was concerned that the Permanent Fund is being politicized.

The Daily News’ Alex DeMarban reported from Anchorage, and reporters Sean Maguire and Iris Samuels contributed from Juneau.

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Editorial: Decision time in Juneau: Discipline or make it rain?

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Editorial: Decision time in Juneau: Discipline or make it rain?


The trans-Alaska pipeline and pump station north of Fairbanks. (AP Photo / File)

Alaska has seen this movie before: oil prices spike, politicians celebrate and Juneau starts figuring out how fast it can spend the money.

The U.S. attack on Iran has pushed global oil prices higher, rattling energy markets and sending crude prices upward as supply fears ripple through the global economy. Energy markets surged as tanker disruptions and facility shutdowns across the Middle East threatened supply — a reminder that geopolitical shocks can move oil prices overnight.

For Alaska, that means something very specific: more money. But before Gov. Dunleavy and the Alaska Legislature start eyeing a fresh pile of cash like kids staring at a cookie jar, let’s get something straight. This is not prosperity. This is a temporary windfall driven by war.

And if the past is any guide, Juneau has a good chance to screw it up.

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[Related news coverage: Spike in oil prices will boost Alaska revenue, but not enough to cover projected deficit]

Oil prices jumped sharply after the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran on Feb. 28, and analysts say prices could climb even higher if the conflict drags on. Some forecasts suggest oil could exceed $100 per barrel, which could mean roughly $1.5 billion more in revenue for Alaska in the coming year, according to reporting by the Juneau Empire.

That kind of money would erase much of the state’s budget deficit and could even fund a dividend north of $3,000.

Cue the political stampede.

In an election year especially, there will be lawmakers eager to promise giant Permanent Fund dividends fueled by this sudden surge in oil revenue. Expect campaign ads. Expect grandstanding. Expect speeches about “returning the wealth to the people.” And even before the attack on Iran, Gov. Dunleavy was already pushing an unsustainable full dividend for each Alaskan.

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It’s a stupid idea — not because Alaskans don’t deserve dividends but because temporary revenue should never be used to make permanent promises. War-driven oil money is the worst possible revenue on which to build promises.

Alaska should know better by now

Alaska’s finances remain wildly exposed to oil price swings. A single dollar change in oil prices can move the state budget by roughly $25 million to $35 million, according to Alaska Public Media.

That volatility is exactly why treating a war-driven price spike as stable revenue is fiscal stupidity.

Even lawmakers watching the markets closely say the state should not assume the spike will last. As legislative leaders told Alaska Public Media, Alaska cannot build its spending plans around overly optimistic oil prices. Yet history tells us that when oil money shows up unexpectedly, discipline in Juneau disappears faster than reindeer sausage at the Tanana Valley State Fair.

The last time a global conflict sent prices soaring was after Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022. Oil shot above $100 a barrel for months. What did Alaska do? The Legislature and governor approved a massive dividend and energy payments totaling more than $2 billion. The state spent the money almost as fast as it arrived — don’t we wish we had those billions today?

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Like any temporary high, it felt good at the time, and politically, it was wildly popular. It also did absolutely nothing to solve Alaska’s long-term fiscal problems.

The temptation is coming

The state’s spring revenue forecast arrives in about two weeks. If oil prices remain elevated, the numbers will suddenly look far healthier than they did a month ago.

That’s when it gets tempting. Lawmakers will start talking about “surplus revenue.” Candidates for public office will promise bigger dividends. The governor’s allies will argue the state can suddenly afford everything. Don’t fall for it.

As longtime Alaska fiscal analyst Larry Persily recently wrote in the Alaska Beacon, rising oil prices quickly create a long list of spending ideas in Juneau. But the real question isn’t how much money might arrive — it’s how long it will last. And nobody knows the answer to that. War-driven oil spikes can disappear just as quickly as they arrive.

If Alaska receives a revenue windfall from this conflict, the state should treat it for what it is: a one-time shot in the arm.

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That means save it, invest it and strengthen the state’s fiscal stability.

Deposits into reserves like the Constitutional Budget Reserve — or even better, the Permanent Fund — would help rebuild the savings Alaska burned through during the last decade of deficits. Strategic investments in infrastructure, education and economic development would strengthen the state long after oil prices fall again.

What Alaska should not do is hand the entire windfall to voters as a massive dividend. That’s not fiscal policy. That’s a sugar rush.

A simple message for Juneau

There is nothing wrong with Alaskans benefiting when oil prices rise. Oil built this state, and its revenues still help pay for essential services. But relying on war-driven price spikes to fund giant dividends is reckless.

This moment will test the discipline of Alaska’s leaders. The attack on Iran may deliver Alaska a sudden burst of revenue. But the state’s long-term problems — structural deficits, unstable revenue and growing needs — will still be there long after oil prices settle down.

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So here’s the message the governor and the Legislature need to hear: If this windfall arrives, don’t blow it the way you did last time.

Save it. Invest it. And for once, resist the urge to torch the cash in the middle of an election year.





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Here’s how some Alaska lawmakers are trying to get rid of daylight saving time

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Here’s how some Alaska lawmakers are trying to get rid of daylight saving time


Morning sun reaches the peaks near Turnagain Arm as fog hovers above the water on March 20, 2024. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Alaskans, like millions of Americans in other parts of the country, will move their clocks one hour ahead on Sunday for daylight saving time.

Many see the twice-a-year clock shift as an irksome practice that should be eliminated. Research has shown that the clock changes disrupt circadian rhythm, leading to negative health effects.

So what, if anything, are Alaska lawmakers doing to change the situation?

The Senate voted in May to advance a bill that would permanently eliminate daylight saving time in Alaska — but only if the federal government agreed to move Alaska to Pacific Standard Time, the same time zone used by Washington state, Oregon, California, Nevada and parts of Idaho.

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Sen. Kelly Merrick, an Eagle River Republican who sponsored the bill, said her proposal aims to address concerns that arise from past proposals to eliminate daylight saving time while keeping Alaska in its current time zone. Effectively, that would mean Alaska is offset from Seattle by two hours for part of the year, creating challenges for Alaskans who are dependent on Lower 48 time zones — including bankers, broadcasters and tourism operators.

The House has yet to take up Merrick’s bill. There are also two dueling House bills introduced last year — neither of which has advanced — to either permanently remain in daylight saving time or permanently remain in standard time.

Federal law allows states to exempt themselves from observing daylight saving time, which generally begins in March and ends in November. However, states are not allowed to move permanently to daylight saving time without congressional authorization.

The U.S. Senate voted in 2022 in favor of moving to permanently adopt daylight saving time. The legislation has not been voted on in the U.S. House.

Hawaii and Arizona are the two states to exempt themselves from observing daylight saving time so far.

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Alaska has long considered various proposals for eliminating the twice-a-year clock changes, with more than a dozen bills proposed in three decades. None have passed both bodies.

But there is relatively recent precedent for changing the way Alaskans set their clocks.

Until the 1980s, Alaska had four time zones. Before the change, the Southeast Panhandle, including Juneau, operated in Pacific Standard Time — the same as the West Coast of the Lower 48. Clocks in most of the state were set two hours earlier — the same time zone as Hawaii. Kotzebue, Nome and much of the Aleutian Chain were on Bering Standard Time, an hour behind Hawaii.

Moving most of the state to a single time zone was meant to create simplicity for both residents and visitors alike.

What would it mean for Alaska to permanently move to Pacific Standard Time? On the shortest days of the year, the sun would rise in Anchorage around 11 a.m. and set around 5 p.m. On the longest days of the year, the sun would rise in Anchorage shortly after 5 a.m. and set well past midnight.

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For proponents of after-work outdoor recreation, the idea may seem appealing. For longer stretches of the year, Alaskans will be able to enjoy sunlight after leaving the office or school. The price to pay? More mornings waking in the dark.





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Alaska 2025 summer tourism was ‘soft’ amid economic jitters and reduced marketing money

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Alaska 2025 summer tourism was ‘soft’ amid economic jitters and reduced marketing money


Tourists cross Fifth Avenue in downtown Anchorage during the rainfall on Monday, June 9, 2025. (Bill Roth / ADN)

Visitor numbers to Alaska were nearly flat last summer following a dip in cruise ship traffic, an unusual plateau for an industry that typically sees solid growth.

The state saw just 4,000 more tourists last summer, compared to the previous year, according to a new report commissioned by the Alaska Travel Industry Association.

That’s a bump of 0.1% percent, in a total of 2.7 million visitors.

“A flat season is OK, I guess,” Jillian Simpson, president of the Alaska Travel Industry Association, said in an interview this week.

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“It’s not great,” she said. “Certainly it feels like there’s an opportunity for tourism to be growing in Alaska. But it wasn’t a decline. And so that feels like a win.”

Early season last June, some operators reported slightly slower bookings in some sectors, such as international visitors, amid geopolitical and economic concerns caused by President Donald Trump’s global trade wars and rhetoric.

The leveling off in visitor numbers is unusual for the industry, she said.

“We’ve been on a steady trend of growth for several years,” she said, not counting the COVID-related downturn in 2020 when cruise ships to Alaska were canceled.

Also potentially affecting the summer tourism numbers: The group had less marketing funding to reach potential visitors, she said.

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That money dropped after the group had used a COVID-related $5 million federal grant the previous year.

Alaska saw about 1.8 million travelers arrive by cruise ship last year, a decrease of 0.4% from the year earlier, the report said.

About 900,000 travelers arrived by air, an increase of 0.8%.

Less than 100,000 people arrived by highway or ferry.

Anchorage snapshot

While most cruise guests visit Southeast communities, about a quarter of them travel to Seward and Whittier, delivering visitors to Anchorage.

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That cross-gulf cruise traffic fell 5% from the year before, the report said.

That likely had to do with how cruise lines allocated their ships last year, Simpson said.

The cross-gulf numbers are expected to rise this summer, in part because a new dock in Seward will be available to handle larger ships, she said.

Anchorage bed tax revenues, a tourism indicator, were down last summer, compared to a year earlier, the report said.

The annual income fell to $45 million, falling more than $4 million from the year before, an 8% drop.

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Hotel demand for Anchorage last summer was a bit softer compared to the year before, said Jack Bonney with Visit Anchorage, the city’s tourism bureau.

But that trend has recently reversed, with growth in January up from the year before.

Hotel supply was tight last year, with some renovations underway and some hotels in recent years coming off the tourism market.

But the situation for hotel supply has started to shift, too, with growth in that area, he said.

For example, a 141-room Courtyard by Marriott Hotel has planned to open its doors in spring in Midtown, at 4960 A St.

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Cross-gulf cruise ship capacity is also expected to grow this summer by 10% to 15%, he said.

That should also help boost visitor numbers, Bonney said.

Advance hotel bookings for so far this year are showing positive signs, he said.

“It appears that, at least for advanced bookings, at the same time last year, we’re ahead of the game,” he said.





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