Alaska
Editorial: Why has the Alaska Senate refused to raise the age of consent?
In a state with some of the highest rates of sexual abuse in the nation, why are Alaska’s lawmakers so slow to act on a bill aimed at protecting minors?
House Bill 101 unanimously passed the House last session but has since languished in the Senate Judiciary Committee, where it’s been shielded from any action. The reason for that? Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Matt Claman, an Anchorage Democrat who is running for governor, wants to use the bill as an anchor for an omnibus crime package that’s yet to be unveiled. The bill’s sponsor, Anchorage Rep. Andrew Gray, also a Democrat, wants to keep HB 101 a standalone item, arguing it has a better chance of becoming law on its own rather than being watered down in an omnibus package with who-knows-what legislation yet to be attached — and he’s right.
The crux of the bill itself is simple: Raise the age of consent from 16 to 18. It’s a no-brainer of a bill, and it should be passed on its own rather than be cobbled into an omnibus behemoth.
Omnibus bills have a track record of becoming legislative junk drawers — catch-all packages that often include legislators’ pet projects, broadly sweeping proposals or last-minute amendments that can sink legislation. What starts as a clear bill can quickly derail into a diluted version of itself, which benefits no one at the end of the day. It’s exactly for those reasons that some lawmakers — in this case Sen. Claman — build omnibus bills in the first place, and it’s bad governance.
That offense is especially acute here. House Bill 101 didn’t just pass the House — it passed unanimously. That’s a rare feat in this age of partisan gridlock. Ensconcing it in a multi-layered package is pure politics, an attempt to create a prop on which to hang a gubernatorial campaign.
Rep. Gray has been correctly explicit about the danger. The more pieces you weld onto a bill, the more chances you create for opposition to form. A measure that could pass 20-0 in the Senate on its own today suddenly becomes vulnerable when tied to unrelated policies slated for tomorrow. And it’s not just that an omnibus package is harder to pass — the building of these mega-bills is expressly undemocratic. Voters and lawmakers should be able to clearly support initiatives that rise or fall on their own merits. When multiple laws are packaged together, lawmakers are forced to accept or deny the whole package rather than each individual proposal. This subverts a full debate and leads to broadly unpopular laws being passed against voters’ wishes.
There also is a time factor at play. With the legislative session rolling fast toward a scheduled May 20 close, pushing forth a yet-to-be-seen omnibus package is like hitting the emergency brake as the train pulls into the station. In a Legislature where time is short and priorities compete for attention, an omnibus rollout is a risk lawmakers should hesitate to embrace.
Alaska consistently ranks at or near the top in the nation for sexual assault and abuse. More than half of reported sex offenses in Alaska involve crimes against children. The current law leaves a gap that predators can and do exploit. At 16, a teenager in Alaska can legally consent to sex with someone of any age. That means when a 16- or 17-year-old is targeted by a much older adult, the burden often falls on the teen to prove in court that the encounter was not consensual — a high bar that can complicate prosecutions and discourage reporting.
House Bill 101 aims to fix that by shifting the legal framework in a way that better protects minors and gives law enforcement clearer tools. It puts the responsibility where it belongs — on the adult, not the child. Teens ages 13 to 15 could still legally engage with someone up to four years older, and 16- and 17-year-olds with someone up to six years older. The goal is not to police teenage relationships but to draw a clearer, more defensible line when adults prey on minors.
Lawmakers can and should vet this and all bills thoroughly, including fiscal impacts and how the law would be enforced. But those debates belong in the open, on the record, with amendments if needed and votes taken accordingly. They are not a justification for keeping the bill parked in committee or folding it into a broader package that hasn’t even been introduced.
Alaskans deserve to know where their senators stand on this issue. Families, educators and advocates want clarity on whether lawmakers are willing to strengthen protections for minors. And despite Sen. Claman’s grandstanding, victims — past and future — deserve a system that doesn’t make accountability harder than it needs to be.
There is a simple path forward. Move House Bill 101 out of committee as a standalone bill, bring it to the floor and take the vote.
Alaska
State of Alaska Secures Win in Fight for Transparency Around Oil Development
(Bethel, AK) –Wednesday, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals issued a favorable opinion for the State of Alaska in ConocoPhillips Alaska v. Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission (AOGCC), agreeing that State laws requiring disclosure of oil well data are not preempted by federal law.
“Alaska relies heavily on our resources and resource development,” said Acting Alaska Attorney General Cori Mills. “We are also stewards of those resources for the citizens of Alaska. Alaska’s law both allows resource development now, and encourages further development and exploration in the future. We’re pleased that the Ninth Circuit recognized that federal law has not overridden Alaska’s balanced approach.”
The Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission regulates oil and gas operations throughout Alaska, including within the National Petroleum Reserve–Alaska (NPR–A). Under Alaska law, companies need permits from the AOGCC to drill and must submit well data. The AOGCC is required to keep well data confidential for 24 months.
ConocoPhillips drilled several wells on lease holdings within the NPR–A and submitted data to the AOGCC. When the 24-month period expired, the AOGCC notified ConocoPhillips of the upcoming well data disclosure. ConocoPhillips sued in federal court to stop the disclosure process claiming that the Naval Petroleum Reserves Production Act, the federal law allowing private exploration in the NPR–A, preempted Alaska’s 24-month disclosure law. The federal district court found Alaska law preempted, and the AOGCC sought appellate review by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.
On appeal, the Ninth Circuit agreed with the AOGCC. The federal Production Act does not preempt state law. The Ninth Circuit therefore reversed the district court’s holding to the contrary.
“The Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission is pleased with the court’s decision upholding Alaska law,” said AOGCC Commissioner Jessie Chmielowski in a declaration filed in the litigation court. “Alaska’s balanced approach to well data confidentiality leads to increased exploration activity, not less. Alaska law allows for a two-year confidentiality period on exploration well data to leverage a company’s investment in drilling. Thereafter, making the data public has incentivized exploration on the North Slope. Placing well data in the public record allows competing companies to evaluate different exploration concepts or interpretations based on seismic data that, without well data, are just educated guesses.”
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Alaska
Opinion: A governor’s race for Alaska’s next generation
Alaska needs change. That’s why I’m running for governor: to bring new energy and a new generation of leadership to the governor’s office.
For 13 years in a row, more Alaskans have left our great state than have moved here. Prices are rising, schools are closing and Alaskans are getting left behind.
This year, those planning to leave Alaska include Ben and Catherine Walker, both recipients of Alaska’s Teacher of the Year Award. They can’t justify staying in the place they grew up in and love because of our failure to invest in the fundamentals, such as our schools.
The problem is personal. I’m 37. Many of those leaving Alaska are my age — debating whether there’s a future for us here or not. It’s a challenge we must solve.
I love challenges.
Back in 2012, I dropped out of college to challenge an entrenched Republican incumbent legislator who was running unopposed to represent my home region of Southeast Alaska. I launched a scrappy, grassroots campaign and focused on the kitchen table issues that matter to every Alaskan: good schools, getting our fair share of oil revenues, lowering costs, protecting our fisheries. I won — by 32 votes.
When I was sworn in, I was baby-faced and bushy-tailed, just 23 years old. It was the beginning of a decade-long tenure in the Legislature. A lot happened in those 10 years.
Among the most important: We formed the House Bipartisan Coalition in 2016. While I have a “D” next to my name, I believe strongly in working across party lines. That’s what the Bipartisan Coalition was, and is, all about: Democrats, moderate Republicans and independents, all working together to do what’s best for Alaska.
I want to bring that same bipartisan, vigorous problem-solving spirit to the governor’s office, where it has been nonexistent the last eight years.
As governor, I want to work hand in hand with the Legislature to deliver some desperately needed wins for Alaska that will make our lives better and get our state back on track:
• Reinvest in our public schools. Our school districts are in battlefield triage mode, but instead of amputating limbs, our school boards are forced to choose which sports to cut, which electives to discontinue and which neighborhood school to close. Enough already. Get school funding back up to par.
• Forward fund our schools. Our school districts shouldn’t have to guess how much education funding will end up being appropriated in end-of-session legislative haggling.
This circus forces school districts to prospectively fire teachers, then rehire them a month or two later, when they find out the final education funding number. It’s awful for all involved. We should fix it by forward funding.
• Close the Hilcorp corporate income tax loophole. Hilcorp should pay their fair share in taxes just as ConocoPhillips, and nearly every other major corporation in Alaska, already does.
• Lower the cost of energy. Chugach Electric Association, Golden Valley Electric Association, Homer Electric Association and Matanuska Electric Association operate about 1,700 megawatts in power generation capacity. Peak Railbelt winter demand is half that: about 850 megawatts. Guess who pays for the nearly gigawatt in underused and unused power plants? You, on your power bill. The governor should force the co-ops to work together, reduce redundancies and diversify energy sources, including renewables, in order to reduce the sky-high cost of energy for Alaskans.
• Lower the cost of childcare. Alaska has inadvertently created a system of childcare permitting and licensing that effectively amounts to death by a thousand pieces of paperwork. It’s creating scarcity and cost. We need to fix it.
• Lower the cost of housing. Cut red tape to make it easier and cheaper to build more homes of all kinds — from tiny homes and ADUs to manufactured and modular housing, to apartments and condos, to traditional single-family homes. More housing of all kinds, faster.
• Rein in bottom-trawl bycatch. I will nominate Alaskans to the North Pacific Fishery Management Council who will make sure that Alaska and Alaskans — not Seattle and Lower 48 industry interests — foremost benefit from our fisheries.
• Responsibly develop our resources. Support projects that have regional buy-in and support, such as Pikka on the North Slope, which just produced first oil this month, while saying “no” when the risks are too great and those in the region are opposed, as is the case with Pebble.
• Grow our tourism economy. And let’s crack the code on winter tourism while we’re at it. If Iceland can do it, we darn well can, too. Fairbanks is having burgeoning winter tourism success. Let’s follow their great lead.
• Make Alaska an awesome place to live. Let’s build dozens more public-use cabins. Let’s build an alpine hut-to-hut system like they have in New Zealand and the Alps. Let’s build the Alaska Long Trail. Let’s make Anchorage a world-class winter city.
Does this sound like the kind of Alaska you want to live in? Then I have great news: We are the governor campaign for you. And if what you just read gives you indigestion, you’ll be relieved to know you have 17 other options.
I have more great news: I can win.
After beating an entrenched Republican incumbent, I spent a decade representing a swingy district that voted for Donald Trump.
In those 10 years, I recorded some of the highest margins of crossover support from Trump voters of any Democrat in Alaska. I ran 12% ahead of Hillary Clinton in 2016 and 15% ahead of Joe Biden in 2020.
Here’s the simple truth: Whoever becomes our next governor will need to win with the support of significant numbers of independents and moderate Republicans, in addition to Democrats. I’ve done that. And I’ll do it again. Will you join me?
Former state Rep. Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins of Sitka is a candidate for governor of Alaska.
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Alaska
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