The Supreme Court on Thursday seemed poised to allow former president Donald Trump to remain on the Colorado ballot, expressing deep concerns about permitting a single state to disqualify the leading Republican candidate from seeking national office.
Colorado
Supreme Court poised to allow Trump to remain on Colorado ballot
The court was considering the unprecedented and consequential question of whether a state court can enforce a rarely invoked, post-Civil War provision of the Constitution to disqualify Trump from returning to the White House.
During more than two hours of argument, the justices asked questions that suggested that t he often deeply divided court could reach a unanimous or near-unanimous decision to reject the challenge to Trump’s eligibility brought by six Colorado voters. Not since the court’s 2000 ruling in Bush v. Gore has the Supreme Court been thrust into such a pivotal role in a presidential election.
Liberal Justice Elena Kagan repeatedly questioned whether one state should be allowed to decide whether a presidential candidate is disqualified. “Why should a single state have the ability to make this determination not only for their own citizens but for the rest of the nation?” she asked, adding, “That seems quite extraordinary, doesn’t it?”
Conservative Justice Amy Coney Barrett agreed, adding that “it just doesn’t seem like a state call.”
Trump is quickly closing in on the GOP nomination, and several justices suggested that a state court ruling initiated by voters in one state to bar him from federal office would throw the presidential race into extreme disarray.
Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. predicted that a number of other states would quickly try to disqualify the leading Democratic candidate if the justices allowed the Colorado decision to stand. He called the prospect of a handful of states deciding the presidential election a “pretty daunting consequence.”
Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh worried about disenfranchising voters if the court removed the leading Republican presidential candidate from the ballot. “What about the idea that we should think about democracy, think about the right of the people to elect candidates of their choice, of letting the people decide?” he asked.
In response, attorney Jason Murray, representing the Colorado voters, said, “The reason we’re here is that President Trump tried to disenfranchise 80 million Americans who voted against him, and the Constitution doesn’t require that he be given another chance.”
The high court could announce a decision at any time. Its opinion is expected to resolve the issue in other states with similar challenges to Trump’s eligibility.
Colorado’s top court put its December ruling on hold while the litigation continues. Trump’s name will appear on the state’s already printed March 5 primary ballot.
At issue is Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, which prohibits anyone who previously pledged to support the Constitution as “an officer of the United States” from returning to office if they betrayed their oath by engaging in insurrection.
The challenge to Trump’s candidacy was brought by six Colorado voters — four Republicans and two independents. After a five-day trial, a lower court judge in November concluded that Trump engaged in insurrection when he summoned his supporters to Washington and encouraged an angry crowd to disrupt Congress’s certification of President Biden’s 2020 victory. But the judge also found that Section 3 did not apply to the presidency.
A divided Colorado Supreme Court disagreed and barred Trump from the ballot, prompting his appeal to the Supreme Court. Maine’s secretary of state reached the same conclusion, but her decision is also on hold.
Much of the discussion Thursday centered on differing interpretations of the text and history of the 14th Amendment provision, also known as the disqualification clause, which was initially intended to stop former Confederates from returning to power after the Civil War.
Conservative Justice Clarence Thomas and liberal Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson — two justices who have not often agreed on the most divisive issues before the court — both expressed deep skepticism of the Colorado voters’ view of the scope of the 14th Amendment, agreeing with Roberts’s assessment that the post-Civil War amendment was aimed at limiting the power of the states.
And yet, Roberts said, the Colorado voters seeking to remove Trump from the ballot appear to be trying to use the same amendment to say states have the power to prevent candidates from running for nationwide office.
“That seems to be a position that is at war with the whole thrust of the 14th Amendment and very ahistorical,” Roberts said.
The text of Section 3 does not specify who is supposed to enforce the clause or when it should be invoked.
Trump’s attorney, Jonathan Mitchell, told the justices that Congress, not state courts or officials, enforce the provision and that Trump’s passionate political speech on Jan. 6 did not amount to insurrection. Section 3 does not apply to Trump, they emphasized, because the president is not an “officer of the United States,” which is the term the section uses to discuss potential insurrectionists.
Mitchell pointed to three other sections of the Constitution — the appointments clause, the commissions clause and the impeachment clause — that distinguish between the president and “officers” appointed by the president.
On the other side, leading historians and the Colorado voters working with Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington have cast doubt on the idea that the framers of Section 3 would have created a loophole for oath-breaking, insurrectionist former presidents.
Murray, the voters’ lead attorney, urged the justices not to create a “special exemption” from the disqualification clause for Trump.
The former president’s eligibility is not the only question before the court that could affect Trump’s political future. He is expected to asked the Supreme Court to reverse a ruling this week from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit that said he is not protected by presidential immunity from being prosecuted for trying to block Biden’s 2020 victory.
The justices separately have said they will review the validity of a law that was used to charge hundreds of people in connection with the Jan. 6 riot and is also a key element of Trump’s four-count federal election obstruction case in Washington.
In a sign of the significance of the case before the Supreme Court on Thursday, the courtroom was filled with many guests of the justices, high-profile visitors and dozens of journalists. Among those in attendance was Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), who helped lead the impeachment proceedings against Trump after the attack on the U.S. Capitol.
Trump listened to the argument from Mar-a-Lago in Florida and called it “a beautiful thing to watch, in many respects.”
“I thought the presentation today was a very good one,” Trump said at a news conference after the arguments concluded. “I think it was well received. I hope it was well received.”
This is a developing story. It will be updated.
Rachel Weiner, Amy B Wang and Isaac Arnsdorf contributed to this report.
Colorado
Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News
The western stretch of the Arkansas River, which flows from its headwaters in the Rocky Mountains across the plains of southeastern Colorado, is in trouble. That trouble is compounded by uncertainty about what, exactly, is polluting and drying the river, and how such problems can be fixed.
Overshadowed by the ongoing political brawl over the Colorado River, the Arkansas River Valley rarely appears in national news. But since Dec. 30, when President Donald Trump vetoed a bipartisan bill that would have secured favorable terms for funding to complete a $1.39 billion, 130-mile water pipeline, the region has become the stage for yet more drama about water in the Western U.S.
The Arkansas Valley Conduit is part of a decades-long effort to replace the dwindling, contaminated water in this stretch of the Arkansas Valley with clean water from Colorado’s Western Slope and the Pueblo Reservoir. If completed, it will supply water to roughly 50,000 valley residents, many of whom can no longer count on municipal supplies for safe drinking water.
Pundits portrayed Trump’s veto as retaliation against Colorado politicians: Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert, who helped force the November vote for the release of the Epstein files, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, who has resisted pressure to pardon Tina Peters, a county clerk in western Colorado convicted of tampering with voting machines during the 2020 election. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper, both Democrats, condemned the administration for “putting personal and political grievances ahead of Americans.” The Salida-based Ark Valley Voice declared a “Reign of Retribution Punishing Deep Red Southeastern Colorado.” The New York Times, emphasizing the same irony, observed that “A Trump Veto Leaves Republicans in Colorado Parched and Bewildered.”
For those managing the project, the veto is a setback but not a showstopper. The first dozen miles of the conduit have already been completed, and enough capital is on hand for at least three more years of construction. “Some (coverage) has been saying it’s the end of the project, which is totally false,” said Chris Woodka, senior policy and issues manager of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District. “It’s still being built; the veto was not for any reason that had anything to do with the project, and we’re working in every way we can to make this affordable.”
For valley residents, the issue is personal. This rural region is more culturally aligned with western Kansas than with Front Range cities. Like people throughout the Great Plains, the local residents are grappling with eroding social services and the rising cost of living. The scarcity of safe water magnifies uncertainty. “If you don’t have clean water,” said Jack Goble, general manager of the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District and a sixth-generation rancher, “you really don’t have anything.”

“HOW EASY IT IS,” wrote William Mills in his 1988 book The Arkansas, “to take a river for granted.”
The Arkansas Valley of Colorado is the ancestral homelands of the Plains Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples. A geographical corridor across the Southern Plains, it was a route for incursions and ethnic cleansing by non-Native fur trappers, traders, military expeditions, hide hunters, railroad developers and settlers. Those settlers include my ancestors; I grew up in southwest Kansas, where generations of my family farmed and ranched along the dry Cimarron River. The Arkansas Valley, with its dwindling water and flatlands, feels like home.
By 1900, settlers had diverted the Arkansas into a maze of ditches. Irrigation and migrant labor supported sugar beet factories, vegetable cultivation and Rocky Ford’s famous melons. Such practices remade the riverbed, increased salinity, and reduced flow. As with the Colorado River, water rights were assigned partly on wishful thinking. Today, the Arkansas Valley is one of the region’s most over-appropriated basins, and the river’s annual flow has dramatically declined. A short distance past the Kansas line, the river is entirely dry.
The Arkansas is being drained in new ways. Climate change and a record-breaking snow drought are intensifying the scarcity. Over the last half-century, growing Front Range cities have purchased water rights from farmers in the valley. Exchange agreements allow cities to swap these rights for ones farther upstream, leaving the downstream flow diminished and dirtier. Between 1978 and 2022, nearly 44% of the irrigated farmland in the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District was taken out of production.
Critics call it “buy-and-dry.” They say the removal of water has disastrous consequences for an agricultural region. “If you take all of that water out of an economy that completely depends on it,” Goble said, “it just breaks a community.” Faced with the prospect of litigation from local water districts, cities like Aurora claim to be developing more sustainable arrangements.
“If you don’t have clean water, you really don’t have anything.”
THE ARKANSAS’ WATER is changing, too. The river is diverted into dozens of canals and fields. What doesn’t evaporate or get absorbed returns as runoff or sinks through the alluvial gravels that connect to the riverbed. Each time a drop of water returns, it carries more dissolved minerals. As the river’s volume lessens, the concentration increases in what is left. By the time the river reaches the Kansas border, the water regularly contains 4,000 milligrams or more per liter — making it about eight times saltier than a typical sports drink and unsuitable for growing many crops.
Minerals are not the only problem. The river basin and alluvial gravels are also contaminated with radium and uranium. Last year, a study by the Colorado Geological Survey found that the levels of radioactivity in more than 60% of the private wells sampled in the valley exceeded federal standards.
The radionuclides are called “naturally occurring.” But natural uranium usually stays locked in rock. In the valley, irrigated agriculture sets it into motion. Uranium is mobilized by complex interactions between oxygen, sediments, water, microbes and nitrate. Nitrate is a common fertilizer. One study found that valley farmers had over-applied it for decades. This pulls out radionuclides, turns them loose, and flushes them into the river’s shallow aquifer. Levels rise as the river moves east through agricultural lands.
Contamination is not news in the valley. People have worked on cooperative solutions for decades. To meet safe water standards while the conduit is under construction, the towns of La Junta and Las Animas installed filtration systems. But cleaning the water creates hyper-contaminated wastewater, which is currently diluted and poured back into the river. “The only true solution,” said Bill Long, president of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District board, “is a new source.”

THE CONDUIT WOULD PROVIDE safe water to a region too often disregarded. But the project also raises questions about what can truly be bypassed and what cannot, and about the fate of the river itself.
Near Cañon City, upstream from the conduit, the Lincoln Park/Cotter Superfund site contains a former uranium mill, millions of tons of radioactive waste, coal mineworks and tailing ponds. The site sits less than two miles from the Arkansas River. It is known to be contaminated with the same compounds — radionuclides, selenium, sulfates — that affect communities downstream.
Local residents have worked for decades to raise awareness and hold a revolving cast of agencies, regulators and owners accountable for the pollution. “It has taken us a lifetime,” said Jeri Fry, co-chair of Colorado Citizens Against Toxic Waste. “As the years have gone by, we have been the ones holding the memory.”
“The only true solution is a new source.”
Without memory, they say, contamination is normalized as background, treated as an isolated issue, or denied. “We’ve been stonewalled on many of our legitimate concerns,” said Carol Dunn, vice-chairperson of the Lincoln Park/Cotter Community Advisory Group. She believes state regulators avoid testing for fear of uncovering inconvenient facts.
The most inconvenient would suggest connections between contamination in the valley and industrial pollution upstream, which affects not only Cañon City but the communities of Leadville, Pueblo and Fountain Creek. For Fry, all of the known and unknown pressures on the river point to the same fundamental problem. “We are not treating our water as though it is a sacred thing,” she said. “And it is. It’s got to be.”

We welcome reader letters. Email High Country News at editor@hcn.org or submit a letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy.
This article appeared in the May 2026 print edition of the magazine with the headline “The absence of clean water.”
This story is part of High Country News’ Conservation Beyond Boundaries project, which is supported by the BAND Foundation and the Mighty Arrow Family Foundation.
Colorado
2026 Rockies’ good, bad and tradeable at the season’s quarter mark
By almost every measure, the 2026 Rockies are better than the ’25 Rockies. And, by almost every measure, the Rockies have a long way to go to become a contending big-league baseball team.
After getting bludgeoned by Kyle Schwarber and shut down by ace lefty Cristopher Sanchez in a 6-0 loss at Philadelphia on Sunday, the Rockies are 16-25 with one-quarter of the season in the books.
Schwarber hit solo home runs in the first and second innings off right-hander Tomoyuki Sugano, who gave up five runs on seven hits over five innings. Sanchez dominated Colorado for seven innings, giving up six hits, striking out seven, and walking none. He reduced his ERA to 2.11.
It was a step back for Colorado, but a week ago, Paul DePodesta, president of baseball operations, said, “We’re certainly encouraged by a lot of what’s going on, but at the same time, far from satisfied.”
Here’s a look at the state of the Rockies at the quarter pole:
• On pace: The Rockies’ .390 winning percentage has them pointed toward a 63-99 record. That would be a 20-game improvement over their 119-loss season in 2025 and enable them to avoid the infamy of being the first team since the 1961-64 Washington Senators to post four consecutive 100-loss seasons.
• White Sox meter: Chicago’s Southsiders lost a major league record 121 games in 2024. At the quarter pole last year, they were a miserable 12-29, but they eventually finished with a 60-102 record. That was a 19-game improvement.
• Road conditions: Colorado was laughably bad on the road last season, going 18-63, averaging just 2.81 runs per game, and getting outscored by 213 runs. The ’26 Rockies no longer look like automatic roadkill. They are 8-14 away from Coors Field but 6-4 over their last 10 games. They are averaging 3.95 runs per game on the road.
• Rotation in motion: The ’25 Rockies finished with a starters ERA of 6.65, the worst in the majors since ERA became an official statistic in 1913. This season’s starters own a 5.27 ERA, still the worst in the majors, but an improvement. Toss out the innings thrown by “openers” and the starters’ ERA is 5.11.
• Ace in the making? Right-hander Chase Dollander, who has the pure best stuff on the staff, is exponentially better this season than last — 3.35 ERA vs. 6.98 ERA as a rookie. On Friday, he held the Phillies to two runs and three hits in 5 2/3 innings, but walked five in the Rockies’ wild, 9-7, 11-inning victory. Dollander’s command was not sharp, but he didn’t implode as he might have last season.
“Every outing is different, for everybody,” Rockies manager Warren Schaeffer told MLB.com. “Today, for Chase, he had to battle command issues, but his stuff is so good that he was able to stay in it. He competed, and he kept grinding without his best command.”
Trade material: Except for Dollander, Colorado’s four other starters are all veterans in the final year of their contracts. That makes them possible trade candidates at the Aug. 3 deadline, if not before.
However, after a strong start to the season, the starters are beginning to fade. Lefty Kyle Freeland (1-4, 6.00 ERA) has a vesting option worth $17 million for 2027, but he needs to pitch 170 innings to activate that option, and it’s doubtful he will. There is a $9 million team option for right-hander Michael Lorenzen, but considering that he is 2-4 with a 6.92 ERA and a 3.56 batting average against, it’s doubtful the Rockies would pick up his option. But are either Lorenzen or Freeland tradeable?
That leaves lefty Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90 ERA) and Sugano (3-3, 4.07 ERA) as the most attractive trade pieces. And throw in reliever Antonio Senzatela (2-0, 1.11 ERA), too, because he’s also in the final year of his contract.
Somehow, someway, the Rockies are going to have to restock their pitching cupboard for next season and beyond. It’s a predicament that DePodesta and company will have to solve.
Men of mystery: The hope was that this would be corner outfielder Jordan Beck’s breakout season, and that centerfielder Brenton Doyle and shortstop Ezequiel Tovar would bounce back. It’s early, but it’s not happening.
After going 1 for 3 on Sunday, Beck is hitting .169 with a .490 OPS. Doyle (.196, .529, 33.6% strikeout rate) is showing signs of rebounding, as is Tovar (.197, .277, 28.6%), who had two singles on Sunday. Still, the trio is underperforming. Beck and Doyle are often supplanted in the lineup by Mickey Moniak and newcomers Troy Johnston and Jake McCarthy.

After a 1-for-4 performance on Sunday, Moniak is hitting .303 with a 1.004 OPS and leads the Rockies with 11 home runs. Moniak has had hot streaks before with the Angels, but then faded. However, the Rockies believe he can sustain his success.
He’s arbitration-eligible for one more season, leading to plenty of internet trade speculation. But if the Rockies don’t believe their outfield prospects are ready to carry the load, signing Moniak to a reasonable contract extension makes sense. He’s making $4 million this season.
First addition: Utility infielders Edouard Julien and Willi Castro, and outfielders Johnston and McCarthy have all contributed to Colorado’s improvement. But it’s rookie first baseman TJ Rumfield who looks like part of the Rockies’ foundation for the future.
He’s slashing .272/.337/.429 with five home runs and is tied with Moniak for the team lead with 21 RBIs. Among all qualified rookies, he is tied for first in games played (40), second in hits (40), fifth in RBIs (21), and eighth in batting average. He’s also a terrific fielder.
Rumfield is everything the Rockies hoped Michael Toglia would be.
Pitching probables
Monday: Off day
Tuesday: Rockies RHP Michael Lorenzen (2-4, 6.92 ERA) at Pirates RHP Paul Skenes (5-2, 2.36 ERA), 4:40 p.m.
Wednesday: Rockies LHP Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90) at Pirates RHP Mitch Keller (4-1, 2.87 ERA), 4:40 p.m.
Thursday: RHP Chase Dollander (3-2, 3.35) at Pirates RHP Carmen Mlodzinski (2-3, 4.50 ERA), 10:35 a.m.
TV: Rockies.TV
Radio: KOA 850 AM/94.1 FM
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Colorado
Colorado man sentenced to over 40 years in prison for murder of ex-girlfriend
A Boulder County man was sentenced to 48 years in prison for murdering his ex-girlfriend and dumping her body in 2024.
The Boulder County Sheriff’s Office said Christine Barron Olivas’s body was discovered in a remote area of unincorporated Boulder County on Sept. 14, 2024. She was last seen leaving the neighborhood with her boyfriend, Carlos Dosal, the week prior.
The coroner’s office determined the cause of her death was strangulation.
In Feb. 2026, Dosal pleaded guilty to second-degree murder as a crime of domestic violence in her death. On Saturday, the judge sentenced him to 48 years in the Colorado Department of Corrections.
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