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Case of missing Washington 5-year-old highlights secrecy around CPS cases

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Case of missing Washington 5-year-old highlights secrecy around CPS cases


In her tidy dwelling on a cul-de-sac in Elma, Washington, Jamie Jo Hiles surrounds herself with photographs of Oakley Carlson, her dark-haired, brown-eyed former foster daughter.

It’s been two-and-a-half years since Oakley left Hiles’ dwelling and was reunited together with her organic dad and mom. And it’s been 15 months since Oakley was final seen alive.

The case of the lacking 5-year-old from Grays Harbor County has garnered worldwide media consideration and drawn scrutiny to her dad and mom who just lately pleaded responsible and had been sentenced for youngster endangerment involving their different kids.

However the case has additionally raised questions on Washington’s youngster protecting providers system and whether or not it functioned in addition to it ought to have on this case.

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Oakley first got here to dwell with Hiles and her husband Erik in August 2017, when she was about 9 months outdated. For the Hiles, Oakley’s arrival of their lives was a dream come true. The couple had been making an attempt unsuccessfully to get pregnant when sooner or later Hiles, who teaches within the native colleges, received a textual content from a former pupil asking if she’d be keen to foster Oakley. The couple didn’t hesitate, particularly as a result of they had been beneath the impression they could in the end have the ability to undertake her.

“It wasn’t one thing we sought out, however it labored out,” Hiles mentioned.

Washington’s Division of Youngsters Youth and Households (DCYF) has a objective of limiting the time a toddler is in foster care and discovering a everlasting dwelling as shortly as is safely potential. However in Oakley’s case, months was a yr, was two years. Within the care of the Hiles, Oakley grew from an easy-going toddler into an brisk toddler.

Images and movies from this era depict holidays and memorable occasions: Halloween costumes, visits to the park and seashore, goofy mess around the home, snuggles on the sofa and messy toddler meals.

Lacking five-year-old Oakley Carlson, left, subsequent to a picture of her former foster dad and mom Erik and Jamie Jo Hiles of Elma, Washington. The couple has considerations about how Washington’s Division of Youngsters Youth and Households dealt with Oakley’s youngster welfare case and the choice to return the lady to her organic dad and mom.

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Courtesy / Jamie Jo Hiles

However in November 2019, almost 26 months after Oakley had come to dwell with them, the Hiles had been all of the sudden notified that she was being reunited together with her dad and mom. Weeks later, on the day after Thanksgiving, that reunification occurred. The Hiles had been devastated.

“We cried, after which we went upstairs and we shut the door to our bed room for months, in all probability six months. So, it was actually like a loss of life,” Hiles mentioned.

It’s not clear precisely what occurred subsequent. DCYF received’t touch upon Oakley’s case citing state and federal privateness legal guidelines. The company additionally denied a public data request by the Northwest Information Community for data. However usually, a toddler welfare case is closed inside six months of a kid being returned to their organic dad and mom — presuming the dad and mom are complying with the circumstances set by the courts. That six-month mark would have been reached round Could 2020.

The final confirmed sighting of Oakley was 9 months later, in February 2021. However Oakley wasn’t reported lacking till months later — in December 2021, after a hearth broken the household’s dwelling forcing them to briefly relocate. That’s when a neighborhood college principal grew to become involved after speaking with one in all Oakley’s siblings.

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On December 6, Oakley’s fifth birthday, police had been despatched out to do a welfare test. Det. Sgt. Paul Logan of the Grays Harbor County Sheriff’s Workplace mentioned Oakley’s dad and mom had been uncooperative when requested about their daughter’s whereabouts.

“The responses to the pretty easy questions that had been requested had been met with hostility and solutions that did not make any sense,” Logan mentioned.

Oakley was declared lacking and the sheriff’s workplace sought a search warrant for the household’s sprawling rural property close to Oakville, Washington.

That search final December lasted a number of days and turned up proof, however not Oakley or her physique. Nonetheless, her dad and mom — Andrew Carlson, a former Aberdeen police officer, and Jordan Bowers — had been briefly held in jail on suspicion of manslaughter. Whereas formal prices had been by no means filed, the couple was later prosecuted for crimes associated to their remedy of their different kids.

This spring, each dad and mom had been sentenced after pleading responsible to youngster endangerment with a managed substance for exposing their youngsters to methamphetamine.

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Logan, the sheriff’s investigator, mentioned the investigation into Oakley’s disappearance continues with the assistance of the FBI. At this level, he mentioned, the belief is she’s lifeless. Logan mentioned investigators proceed to work to assemble the proof they should current a case to prosecutors.

“On this case, everybody’s involved and everyone seems to be wanting on the state of affairs like that is improper,” Logan mentioned. “However on the identical time, there’s no regulation on the books for one thing simply being improper.”

Logan mentioned he has no data on how DCYF dealt with Oakley’s youngster welfare case. Nevertheless, Hiles is satisfied the company failed Oakley. She mentioned the reunification in late 2019 felt rushed. She additionally questioned whether or not DCYF — within the midst of the COVID pandemic — adequately monitored the household after reunification and whether or not the company adopted up when she reported extra considerations to caseworkers and Baby Protecting Providers about Oakley.

“DCYF and the state of Washington, they need to be sweating bullets as a result of I do know that after that data is public, I do know that individuals are going to seek out out that they’ve utterly dropped the ball,” Hiles mentioned.

Whereas DCYF received’t touch upon particular instances, one of many company’s strategic priorities is to scale back the variety of kids and youth in out-of-home care by half. When safely potential, the company prioritizes reuniting kids with their organic dad and mom. If that’s not achievable, then DCYF will search the termination of parental rights and establish one other everlasting placement, similar to with the next-of-kin or an adoptive household. The ultimate resolution on a placement rests with a choose who depends upon the knowledge offered by youngster welfare caseworkers.

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In an interview on TVW’s “Inside Olympia” program final June, DCYF Secretary Ross Hunter famous that his company was attaining its objective of decreasing the variety of youth in out-of-home placements.

“Massive win,” Hunter mentioned. “Even throughout this pandemic, we’ve been in a position to proceed driving down the variety of youngsters in care and doing it safely. I’m enthusiastic about that.”

Complaints about DCYF are investigated by the Washington State Workplace of the Household and Youngsters’s Ombuds. In an interview, Director Patrick Dowd mentioned he is conscious of the Oakley Carlson case, however could not affirm if his workplace is investigating the way it was dealt with. Dowd defined that youngster welfare instances create a stress between the general public’s need for data and the household’s privateness.

“On one hand, you do need public confidence and belief in our state youngster welfare system,” Dowd mentioned. “However we additionally need to have the ability to shield the households and the kids that they serve.”

The Oakley Carlson case has led to neighborhood calls, and even a petition, for extra oversight of households following reunification. State Rep. Tana Senn, a Democrat who chairs the Youngsters Youth and Households Committee within the Washington Home and serves on a DCYF oversight board, mentioned she’s adopted the case intently and talked with neighborhood members. However Senn is not satisfied state regulation must be modified in response to what occurred to Oakley. As an alternative, she expects if and when Oakley is formally declared lifeless there will probably be a proper youngster fatality evaluation.

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“I’ve little doubt that there will probably be an investigation to take a look at the case and see if errors had been made, if processes want to vary, if this was only a actually unlucky state of affairs,” Senn mentioned.

Senn added that it’s her understanding Oakley was reunited together with her dad and mom after they efficiently accomplished a drug remedy program. The Northwest Information Community couldn’t independently confirm that report. Senn additionally famous the state finances this yr funded extra assets for Grays Harbor County to assist households with younger kids, particularly these coping with substance use issues.

In the meantime, Hiles has written to Gov. Jay Inslee asking him to order a evaluation into the state’s dealing with of Oakley’s case. Inslee’s workplace declined to remark, citing state and federal privateness legal guidelines and the continuing police investigation. Pressed on the matter, and particularly, the query of accountability, a spokesperson for Inslee, Mike Faulk, responded through electronic mail: “High-quality morning to solid aspersions.”

The Oakley Carlson case is just not the primary to boost questions concerning the state’s household reunification protocols. In 2010, following a case during which a foster household cared for a woman for 4 years earlier than she was returned to her beginning dad and mom, then-Gov. Chris Gregoire “ordered a full exterior evaluation of the kid welfare system because it pertains to this case,” in accordance with reporting by KING 5 Information.

Hiles mentioned she’s involved DCYF has turn into so centered on the reunification of households that the company has overlooked its core mission. She added that she hopes one thing good can come out of Oakley’s case.

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“I feel that she will actually avoid wasting youngsters’ lives,” Hiles mentioned. “Hopefully DCYF can reform and actually concentrate on what they’re meant to do and that is, you already know, defending kids.”

Hiles additionally needs whoever’s chargeable for Oakley’s disappearance to be held accountable.

To at the present time, framed photographs of Oakley adorn Hiles’ dwelling. They function reminders of the little lady with an enormous smile who she and her husband grew to like, and the 2 glad years she lived with them.



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Trump team complained they were not told of suspicious-person reports before shooting

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Trump team complained they were not told of suspicious-person reports before shooting


Members of former president Donald Trump’s Secret Service detail and his top advisers have privately questioned why they were not informed that local police were tracking a suspicious person before that person opened fire on Trump at his July 13 rally in western Pennsylvania, according to people with direct knowledge of the concerns.

Approximately 20 to 25 minutes before Thomas Matthew Crooks shot at the former president, local countersnipers noticed him behaving strangely and sent his photograph to a command center staffed by state troopers and Secret Service agents, the head of Pennsylvania State Police told a congressional committee Tuesday.

Members of the Secret Service detail that protects Trump and was with him backstage have complained to confidantes and others inside the agency that they were never made aware of that warning, said three people who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive conversations about that day. They also said they were not aware that the local countersnipers eventually lost track of Crooks, or that another local officer — hoisted up to the roof of a building just outside the rally site’s security perimeter — saw Crooks perched there with a gun.

The Trump detail’s first warning of trouble came as gunshots began ringing out at 6:11 p.m., eight minutes after Trump took the stage, according to the three people. The assassination attempt wounded Trump, killed one rallygoer and critically wounded two others.

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Some of Trump’s top advisers, in a large white tent behind the stage where Trump was speaking, thought the spray of bullets was fireworks, two people said, and did not immediately dive to the ground. According to the two people, Trump advisers said that they first learned of any issue when the shots were fired, and that they could not understand why the suspicious-person alert hadn’t been passed on to them so they could consider delaying Trump’s speech — a sentiment Trump echoed in a TV interview.

“Nobody mentioned it. Nobody said there was a problem,” the former president said in an interview that aired Monday on Fox News. “They could’ve said, ‘Let’s wait for 15 minutes, 20 minutes, five minutes, something. Nobody said — I think that was a mistake.”

Secret Service spokesman Anthony Guglielmi said Saturday the agency was declining to comment on The Washington Post’s questions about which radio communications Trump’s security detail received at the Butler rally. He repeated that the agency is examining everything about the incident, including whether there might have been a communication breakdown among its staff or other law enforcement, to determine precisely what happened.

“As it relates to communications at the rally, the Secret Service is committed to better understanding what happened before, during, and after the assassination attempt of former President Trump to ensure that never happens again,” Guglielmi said in a statement. “That includes complete cooperation with Congress, the FBI and other relevant investigations.”

A spokeswoman for Trump declined to comment.

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The concerns from Trump’s security detail and his advisers come after a period in which tensions between the former president’s orbit and top Secret Service officials simmered for months — and boiled over after the July 13 assassination attempt.

Trump’s team has been at odds with Secret Service headquarters over various requests that the agency denied, including more magnetometers at events, more countersnipers at some events and other specialty teams at other events, The Post has reported. The Secret Service and Trump’s team also repeatedly clashed over security and logistics at the Republican National Convention earlier this month.

The Butler, Pa., shooting is also emblematic of what some Secret Service critics say are chronic communication problems that have dogged the agency and contributed to serious security lapses.

Members of Congress have repeatedly questioned the role that poor communication may have played in allowing 20-year-old Crooks an opportunity to shoot at Trump, an episode widely considered the worst Secret Service security failure since then-President Reagan was shot in 1981. Communication breakdowns — because of the different radio frequencies that Secret Service teams use while working together and also technical failures in communications systems — have figured into some of the agency’s other significant security lapses. When a gunman began shooting at the White House one night in November 2011, for example, President Obama’s daughter Sasha was at home with her grandmother. But an agent protecting Sasha Obama did not know about the shooter for several minutes because the agent used a different radio frequency than officers and agents stationed at the White House. and no one had alerted him to the threat outside.

At the Trump rally this month, knowledge that law enforcement officials were looking for a suspicious person just outside the security perimeter may have factored into security decisions by Trump’s team, though it is unclear whether it would have caused them to stop him from taking the stage.

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Sometimes there are reports of suspicious people or activities at Trump’s rallies, and they turn out to be nothing, said one of the people who spoke to The Post, and who is in Trump’s orbit and familiar with operations at his rallies. Usually when there are reports of suspicious people, though, this person said, they are located inside the hardened Secret Service perimeter of the rally — which means they have been screened by magnetometers meant to prevent people from entering with weapons. There would have been no such comfort with Crooks, given that he was just outside the secure area.

A Secret Service official told The Post investigators are still working to determine whether anyone relayed the information about the suspicious person to Trump’s security detail or to other Secret Service operational teams.

The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss an ongoing investigation, said reports of suspicious people are fairly commonplace at some public events and sometimes do not rise to the level of changing plans or alerting the senior official’s security detail, a team of about five to 10 agents who serve as the innermost ring of security for that person.

At a House Oversight hearing on Monday, then-Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle was asked why the Secret Service didn’t immediately delay the Trump speech or act more aggressively when local police reported a suspicious person. She told lawmakers that such reports were commonplace.

“At a number of our protected sites, there are suspicious individuals that are identified all the time,” she said. “It doesn’t necessarily mean that they constitute a threat.”

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Cheatle told lawmakers the Secret Service was notified of a suspicious person at the Pennsylvania rally “somewhere between two and five times” and that she didn’t know when countersnipers or the “shift” — another term for Trump’s security detail — were notified of those warnings. The agency was examining whether there had been a communications breakdown that prevented an effective response, she said.

Cheatle resigned last week under intense pressure from Republican and Democratic lawmakers who were outraged at the security lapses.

Col. Christopher L. Paris, head of Pennsylvania State Police, told the House Homeland Security Committee on Tuesday that local countersnipers saw Crooks as suspicious because he was milling around just outside the rally site and not entering. Their suspicion grew when they saw him with a golf range finder, Paris said. At that point, they sent a picture of Crooks to a Pennsylvania state trooper who was stationed in a command center with Secret Service agents.

That trooper relayed the message verbally to the Secret Service in the command center. The Secret Service requested that the warning be forwarded to a different phone number, which state police understood belonged to a Secret Service “tactical asset,” Paris testified.

Several committee members asked Paris whether various law enforcement agencies had been able to communicate effectively and efficiently on the day of the Butler rally. Rep. Morgan Luttrell (R-Texas) asked whether there was one common radio channel where any law enforcement could raise a red flag in case of a threat. “If they don’t, how many people does that have to go through to get to the right actor in order to say, ‘Stop!’?”

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“I don’t know,” Paris replied.

Paris said that on the day of the Butler rally, there were three different radio systems for local, state and federal law enforcement officials. State police had sought to integrate with Secret Service communications by sitting together in one command post, he said.

He added that there are disadvantages to sharing one communications channel among many law enforcement officers.

On the day of the rally, more than 100 people needed medical attention because of the heat, and officers were fielding reports of a missing 6-year-old and three other suspicious people besides Crooks, he said. “In theory, the more people you have on the same channel, if there was a medical emergency or a lost 6-year-old, and everyone keys up at once, it paralyzes your communication.”



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Crypto Giants Want to Buy Washington. They're Bankrolling Trump to Make It Happen

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Crypto Giants Want to Buy Washington. They're Bankrolling Trump to Make It Happen


Just before the three-day Bitcoin 2024 conference got underway in Nashville this week, Tyler Winklevoss, the bitcoin billionaire who founded the cryptocurrency exchange Gemini with his twin brother Cameron, had harsh words for presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris. He was incensed that after years of tension between the Biden administration and the crypto industry — many in the space have complained of a regulatory crackdown — the vice president had declined an invitation to the annual bitcoin extravaganza.

“She can’t even take the first step and show up to start mending fences,” Winklevoss tweeted on Wednesday. He added, ominously: “Our industry won’t forget this. We will show no mercy in November.” Earlier that day, Bitcoin Magazine CEO David Bailey, the organizer of the event, claimed in a tweet that a Democratic donor had told him Harris privately says that “Bitcoin is money for criminals.” (While the sum of money collected annually through crypto-based crime is in the billions, this represents a relatively small percentage of transactions.) Meanwhile, feverish rumors that an increasingly crypto-friendly Donald Trump might use his keynote speech at the conference to announce plans for adopting Bitcoin as a U.S. strategic reserve asset caused the price to surge. It had also soared after he survived an assassination attempt earlier this month, temporarily boosting confidence in his election bid.

But Harris had every reason to feel unwelcome at a bitcoin convention. Chief among them is that tech oligarchs and the crypto crowd have already thrown their lot in with Trump as they seek a freer hand in the economy of digital assets. Trump, meanwhile, has aggressively courted the movers and shakers of crypto finance, trying to sell himself as “the crypto president” who can reverse Joe Biden’s attempts to rein in the sector — this despite commenting himself in 2021 that bitcoin “seems like a scam.” In Saturday’s speech, Trump said that if he wins, “the United States will be the crypto capital of the planet and the bitcoin superpower of the world,” adding: “If crypto is going to define the future, I want to be mined, minted, and made in the USA. It’s not going to be made anywhere else. And if bitcoin is going to the moon, as we say … I want America to be the nation that leads the way, and that’s what’s going to happen. So you’re going to be very happy with me.”

Trump outlined several steps he would take to aid the crypto industry. “The day I take the oath of office, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris’ anti-crypto crusade will be over,” he said. Trump pledged, to great applause, that he would immediately fire Securities and Exchange Commission chair Gary Gensler, and replace him with an industry-friendly regulator. He said he would create a presidential crypto advisory council to create a new regulatory framework that would “benefit” the industry. And he warned the audience that if Democrats win in November, “every one of you will be gone. They will be vicious. They will be ruthless. They will do things that you wouldn’t believe.”

The remarks should fuel even more donations from crypto bulls already betting on Trump. Bitcoin Magazine‘s Bailey, for his part, committed to a goal of raising $15 million for Trump’s campaign during the Nashville event. Last month, the Winklevoss brothers — whose Gemini this year settled a lawsuit from the state of New York over a frozen crypto lending program, returning $2.2 billion to customers and paying a $37 million fine — pledged $1 million in bitcoin each to Trump’s campaign. The amounts exceeded the $844,600 maximum that the Trump 47 Committee, the joint fundraising group to which they donated, can legally accept from an individual, and the Winklevosses had the difference refunded. (Among other spending on GOP campaigns, the committee funnels money toward covering Trump’s legal bills.) They also each chipped in $250,000 for America PAC, the super PAC through which Elon Musk and allies are backing Trump.

Other America PAC donors include Shaun Maguire of VC firm Sequoia Capital, who has expressed interest in “legitimizing” crypto and announced a $300,000 Trump donation with a statement that argued “Democrats have been trying to regulate technology — especially open source AI and crypto in ways that incentivize the best builders to build outside of America.” He has poured half a million dollars into the super PAC. Ken Howery, a co-founder along with Peter Thiel of VC firm Founders Fund, which is heavily invested in crypto and blockchain technologies, has given $1 million. Another million came from Antonio Gracias, the former director of Tesla thought to have helped engineer the automaker’s purchase of $1.5 billion in bitcoin in 2021. His firm, Valor Equity Partners, invests millions in crypto businesses. Joe Lonsdale, co-founder of the software company Palantir and managing partner of the firm 8VC, gave $1 million to America PAC as well. Earlier this year, he mused on how artificial intelligence and crypto technologies could benefit one another.

And while he hasn’t donated to the PAC, Silicon Valley venture capitalist and close Musk associate David Sacks has given thousands directly to the Trump campaign. Two months ago, Sacks said he preferred Trump’s sudden crypto cheerleading to the Biden administration’s scrutiny. “It might have been pandering,” Sacks said at a business summit in May. “But at least he’s saying the right thing and Biden is not saying the right thing. At least if he’s pandering, there’s a higher chance that maybe he’ll do the right thing.” (Last year, on the tech and investment podcast All-In, Sacks floated the unsubstantiated claim that SEC chair Gensler, along with Sen. Elizabeth Warren, had forged an “alliance,” with Warren promising “she will make him Treasury Secretary if he basically destroys crypto in the U.S.”)

It’s not just about Trump, either. The super PAC Fairshake, bankrolled by crypto firms including Coinbase, Jump Crypto and Ripple, has become a major force in the financing of congressional races, backing candidates deemed allies of the industry and helping to unseat opponents including progressive Reps. Jamaal Bowman and Katie Porter with critical ads. It has received tens of millions from the Winklevosses and venture capitalists Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz of the firm Andreessen Horowitz, which invests in crypto companies. (Andreessen and Horowitz recently pledged to donate to Trump; Horowitz says the Biden administration “basically subverted the rule of law to attack the crypto industry.”) As of the end of June, Fairshake had close to $120 million in cash on hand, while two other crypto super PACs, Protect Progress and Defend American Jobs, have more than $5 million and nearly $2 million, respectively. The former has spent on media attacking Democrats pushing for consumer protections in crypto; the latter has doled out more than $15 million on endorsements for Republicans in the 2024 election cycle.

But while Trump had planned to ride this wave of cash by going after Biden for his record on cryptocurrency, it may be hard to use the same line against Harris, seen by some as potentially amenable to these businesses due to her background in tech-saturated San Francisco politics. And if a few major investors were stung to be snubbed by Harris this weekend, it’s still unclear what position she’ll take on the issue. On Friday, the Financial Times reported that Harris advisers have reached out to people close to crypto firms to try to “reset” relations with the industry.

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Even before Biden exited the race, the administration had made efforts to alleviate the bad blood between the White House and crypto evangelists, and the House passed a pro-crypto bill in May with support from 71 Democrats. Although Biden was not in favor of it, he did not say he would veto the legislation.

All the same, it would be ridiculous for crypto’s elite to try to disentangle their fortunes from Trump’s at this point, regardless of the direction Harris takes. They’ve made their pick and infused his campaign with considerable wealth, hoping for a president who takes a hands-off approach to their tokens and trading platforms. Now they just have to hope it’s enough to send Trump’s stock to the moon.





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Years after his dad drowned, this Commanders starter is teaching kids to swim

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Years after his dad drowned, this Commanders starter is teaching kids to swim


Cornelius Lucas III remembers everything about the day his father drowned on a family camping trip outside their home in New Orleans.

“We had a little campfire going. … I was running around. I was in and out the water, but I didn’t really go deep. My dad had went in the water deep a couple times, and I feel like this was his second or third time, maybe third or fourth time going back in the water.

“He literally asked me, ‘You want to come with me?’ I was like, ‘Nah, I’m just gonna stick back here and throw the football around.’ And I just remember seeing him walk out — as a kid, everything seemed bigger — but maybe like 40, 50 yards deep into the water. And then he — I saw his hands waving at me, and he just dipped underwater.”

People rushed out to help, but when they got there, they couldn’t find his father. He had been dragged under by a rip tide.

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“Forty-five minutes later, he floated back,” Lucas said.

“At the age of seven, I was out of having a dad, out of having my best bud, my best friend, my greatest — my best teacher, you know what I’m saying? Like, the guy that was put in this world to give me all the game that I’ve been searching for since then.”

Twenty-six years later, Lucas is a man, 6-foot-8, 327 pounds, a professional hitter with a goofball grin and the self-confidence he lacked growing up without his dad. Lucas believes his unlikely journey has led him to this moment with the Washington Commanders, where, entering the 11th season of his improbable NFL career, the longtime backup is competing for the huge role of starting left tackle and blindside protector for new franchise quarterback Jayden Daniels.

Lucas, 33, feels he’s doing well early in the competition with rookie Brandon Coleman, and unlike his first shot at being a full-time starter (his second season, with Detroit), he feels ready.

Many players who go undrafted out of college, as Lucas did out of Kansas State in 2014, get chewed up by the NFL. Their moment is darkened by the ever-present possibility of getting fired, and they’re often forced out of the league against their will, broken or brokenhearted. In his fifth year, Lucas was overwhelmed by repeated rejection and tried to quit by ignoring calls from his agent.

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It was in those difficult moments Lucas felt his father’s absence most.

“Outside of my coaches and my teammates to push me and tell me I could do this, I haven’t had someone I could call on and just tell them how I’m feeling, what’s going on,” he said.

“It’s really been a me situation. Like, me figuring it out. Me going home and sitting in silence for two hours because I got beat in practice, and I’m thinking about why I got beat and how I can’t get beat no more because I’m on the edge of getting cut, and you know — I’m saying it’s been stressful. ”

As he honed his skills, Lucas has grown mentally tough, observing people around him, looking for “life tidbits” and refining who he wants to be.

In 2018, everything came together. Lucas caught a break, played well in one game for his hometown New Orleans Saints and parlayed it into a job with Chicago, where he shined. In 2020, he signed a two-year deal with the Commanders, and in 2022, he signed another. Last summer, he felt like he finally “filled myself up enough to pour into others.”

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And he had an idea how: Swim camp. Every summer, NFL players host youth football camps across the country, and while he saw the value in them, he wanted to do something more personal. He attended pool parties growing up, even after his father’s death, but he still had never gone in a pool deeper than his height.

So he partnered with Son of a Saint, a nonprofit organization for fatherless boys in New Orleans, and figured he could show boys like him how to be a man and teach them a potentially lifesaving skill.

“I live in New Orleans, Louisiana,” Lucas said. “We are currently seven feet under sea level. In New Orleans, we get flooding. Hurricane Katrina, it was flooding for 45 days.”

This year, at his second camp, the only boy scared of the water was too big for anyone but Lucas to hold while learning to doggy paddle. Lucas encouraged him to go into the pool, urging him to fight their fear together.

“Trust me,” Lucas said. “I won’t let you drown.”

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Weeks later, Lucas left New Orleans for training camp extra motivated. His girlfriend — with whom he bonded, in part, over missing a parent — is pregnant with their first child, a son, due in early November. Sometimes, when Lucas notices her belly growing, it makes him want to go outside in the sun and practice.

“When he gets here, I just want him to see his daddy doing the right thing.”

Lucas wants to teach his son all the lessons he had to gather from others, such as how to mow the lawn or drive on the highway. He’s picking up even more from Instagram and TikTok. He hopes to one day teach his son to play tackle.

And he wants to throw his son in the water. He wants him to flail on his own at first, to fight to float, because he believes struggling will help his son get comfortable. Even if he doesn’t like to swim, Lucas’s top priority is for his son to never feel how he sometimes felt around water.

“He’s not gonna have a fear of it,” he said.

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