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These are the top 7 issues facing the struggling restaurant industry in 2025

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These are the top 7 issues facing the struggling restaurant industry in 2025

Operating a restaurant in Southern California continues to be a difficult endeavor, with many establishments still struggling from pandemic losses.

Food and labor costs increased in 2024, remaining by far the largest expenses of running a restaurant, according to the Independent Restaurant Coalition. And the minimum wage is set to increase again in California starting in the new year — to $16.50 an hour.

Locally, several Los Angeles restaurateurs report that they have yet to recover from entertainment industry strikes last year, which severely affected the service industry. Paired with low patronage and pandemic-era loans and rent payments that came due, several acclaimed restaurants are struggling or have shuttered across the country, particularly in L.A.

Most recently, the well-regarded All Day Baby in Silver Lake closed on Dec. 15. Owner Lien Ta told The Times that the restaurant simply didn’t make enough money on a day-to-day basis to sustain operations.

All Day Baby in March 2020. The Silver Lake restaurant is now shuttered.

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(Mariah Tauger / Los Angeles Times)

It’s unclear what 2025 has in store for restaurants, but the needs of restaurants and bars are complex and numerous. Here are the top seven challenges restaurants are likely to face in the coming year.

Labor costs

Labor has long been a top expense for restaurants. In California, a larger percentage of the bottom line is spent on labor compared to other states. This doesn’t just mean the dollars for paying staff but includes other costs, such as payroll tax and workers compensation insurance.

It used to be that a good goal for a restaurant was for labor costs to be about 30% of gross sales. But many restaurants are spending much more. At some establishments, labor can account for 50% to 60% of the bottom line.

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Ross Pangilinan, chef-owner of Terrace by Mix Mix restaurant at South Coast Plaza in Costa Mesa, said he spends the most on staff, which can account for up to 34% of his bottom line. The higher the labor, the more payroll tax and workers comp, he noted.

“Labor is going to be the No. 1 challenge” for 2025, said Pangilinan, who operates small, independent restaurants, including Populaire, also in South Coast Plaza.

Larger restaurants regularly poach his staff, he said.

“The restaurants can pay higher wages. They are paying their cooks over $20 an hour and smaller restaurants are trying to compete with that,” Pangilinan said. “We’re a tiny restaurant at Terrace — 70 seats or so. We’re not backed by a big corporation or big investors.”

To stay competitive he’s raised wages for his back-of-house staff, who also benefit from tip sharing, he said. “They deserve as much as the servers do. They are working more hours and they are working as hard and, sometimes harder, than the front of house.”

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Food prices

Food prices are up 28% since 2019, according to the Consumer Price Index.

Higher production costs, labor and fuel costs are a few reasons that food is so much more expensive now than before the pandemic. Severe weather and disease have affected several essential crops and livestock. Also, global events such as the war in Ukraine have led to supply chain disruptions.

While the rate of growth has slowed, food costs are expected to still increase in the coming year.

Egg prices already are going up due to the accelerating spread of H5N1, a highly transmissible and fatal strain of avian influenza. The virus is to blame for below-normal levels of egg production that can’t keep up with consumer demand, which leads to higher prices.

Luis Perez, executive chef at Chapter One in Santa Ana, said he’s already paying about $114 for a case of 180 organic eggs. A few months ago, he was paying less than $100.

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He’s bracing himself for what the cost will be in the coming weeks. “On any given week, we go through four to five cases of eggs,” Perez said.

In response, he’s had to pivot more often than in the past. For instance, instead of serving airline chicken, he’s dishing up less expensive chicken leg meat since a few months ago. Instead of filet mignon, he’s serving hanger steaks.

He stopped buying mixed greens months ago from local farmers markets because it was just too costly. Perez said he currently charges about $15 for a salad but would need to charge upward of $23 to justify the cost of farmers market greens.

Health insurance

Federal law requires employers with 50 or more full-time or equivalent employees to provide health insurance benefits with minimum essential coverage.

At the same time, the average cost of health insurance has increased for nearly every American. It’s no different for restaurant operators offering plans to employees. The average cost of single coverage health insurance was $8,951 in 2024, up 6% from the previous year, according to the National Restaurant Assn. For smaller outfits, the price was an average of $9,131.

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Kerstin Kansteiner, owner of Alder & Sage in Long Beach, has a small staff and isn’t obligated to offer health insurance. Still, she decided to offer coverage to her six full-time employees. Three of them took her up on it. She also provides free dental insurance and a 401(k) plan.

“I promised myself, I can’t have health insurance myself and not offer it to my team,” she said. “We felt like we wanted to do the right thing.”

But that commitment comes at a price. Not long ago, Kansteiner said she got word from her health insurance provider that rates were increasing 17% to 19% in the coming year. She could switch to a lower-tier health insurance plan, but she said she doesn’t think it’s right.

“I ask my team to do the impossible every day,” she said.

She said she doesn’t quite know where she’ll find the money to pay her portion of the increase but doesn’t think she can pass it on to diners. Some already complain about prices on the menu, she said.

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“I think we have to have a conversation with the public about what food really costs,” Kansteiner said.

Maricela Moreno, manager at El Tarasco in Marina del Rey

Maricela Moreno, manager at El Tarasco in Marina del Rey, disinfects cash at the restaurant in May 2020. Dining with a credit card purchase became ubiquitous after the pandemic.

(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

Credit card fees

As use of cash in everyday transactions fades, credit cards have become the de facto way to pay for meals, and that means card transaction fees have become a growing monthly expense for restaurant operators.

The fees are particularly a burden on smaller independent restaurants, which already operate on the slimmest of profit margins.

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Delilah Snell, who operates Alta Baja Market, a restaurant and market in Santa Ana, said card swipe fees take at least 3% of her bottom line.

“Three percent means everything over the course of a year,” said Snell, who sells an assortment of products and prepared foods sourced from Mexico, California and the U.S. Southwest. “If a business makes $500,000 a year and it’s a 3% fee just for credit cards? That’s a lot.”

Visa and MasterCard dominate the credit card market, controlling around 80% of transactions in the U.S.

“With little competition in the industry, these companies set the terms, leaving independent businesses with few options to reduce their processing costs,” according to a statement from the Independent Restaurant Coalition. “The lack of competition stifles innovation and prevents smaller restaurants from negotiating better rates or leveraging alternative payment systems.”

Child care

Affordable child care continues to be a major challenge for restaurant workers. Nearly 3.5 million parents work in the restaurant industry and more than 1 million of those are single mothers, 40% of whom live in poverty, according to a 2016 report by the National Women’s Law Center and the Restaurant Opportunities Center.

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The rising cost of child care and the lack of flexible options put both parents and businesses under pressure, said the Independent Restaurant Coalition. Dan Jacobs, a “Top Chef” star and chef-owner of Dan Dan restaurant in Milwaukee, said that as his team expands, more of his staff are starting families.

“The rising cost of child care across the country presents a tough dilemma: Parents are forced to choose between remaining in the workforce or staying home with their children,” he said in a statement. “It’s disheartening that in a country as advanced as ours, basic parental leave and childcare support remain out of reach for so many. It’s time for a change.”

Delivery app fees

Meal delivery apps became ubiquitous during the pandemic, and the demand for food delivery continues to expand. The delivery app market — dominated by DoorDash, UberEats and Grubhub — seems to be a blessing and a curse for restaurant operators.

The apps helped restaurants survive during the COVID-19 pandemic, when everyone was hunkered down at home. But that convenience comes at a cost to restaurants.

The commission rates can be as high as 30% per order, according to the Independent Restaurant Coalition.

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“For small and mid-sized restaurants, the costs and constraints imposed by third-party apps are unsustainable,” the IRC said. “High commission fees, coupled with marketing expenses, drastically reduce profitability.”

Caroline Styne smiles standing next to a display of canned beverages.

Caroline Styne is director of the Lucques Group of restaurants and Hollywood Bowl Food & Wine.

(Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)

Caroline Styne, a restaurateur who is co-owner and wine director of the Lucques Group of restaurants, said her restaurant relies on third-party delivery apps because she’d rather get a sale than not get one.

“It’s a little like you’re damned if you do and damned if you don’t,” Styne said of delivery apps. “They have us in a stranglehold. And because of that they are able to continue and even increase their price as time goes on.”

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Styne said she encourages diners who want food delivery to do so directly on the restaurant’s website, instead of going through a third party; that makes the fees slightly lower for restaurant operators.

Service charges and tipping

Service charges and junk fees came to the forefront this year after California prohibited “junk fees,” hidden online ticket sale fees and fees tacked onto hotels, restaurants, bars and delivery apps.

At the last minute in June, the state Senate passed an emergency bill to exempt restaurants from the service-fee ban.

Regardless of the 11th-hour reversal, the practice of service fees has been called into question and sparked lawsuits against restaurant operators over its use.

At the same time, the practice of adding service charges to restaurant checks has grown in Southern California and across the nation in recent years, giving rise to a debate about how the fees should be treated by customers and workers.

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Several restaurant operators and industry advocates favor a service-charge model. Advocates say such a model can provide more equitable compensation to all staff so that pay is not reliant on factors such as customer satisfaction or implicit biases that may affect tipping behavior.

Mary Sue Milliken, chef and co-founder of Mundo Hospitality Group, whose restaurants include Socalo, Border Grill and Alice B, said she hopes the entire restaurant industry will one day turn to a service-charge model and get away from tipping, which she said can lead to “bad behavior” and an inequitable system where front-of-house workers get paid exponentially better than back-of-house employees.

Two women in chef's clothing, in front of a large mural portrait of two people

“There has to be some movement toward a better system” on the subject of tipping and service feeds, said Mary Sue Milliken, left, with Susan Feniger in the dining room of their restaurant Alice B. in Palm Springs.

(Anne Fishbein)

But, she said, doing away with tipping would have to be done universally. Milliken compared it to how Beverly Hills in 1987 became the first city in California to ban smoking in restaurants — and most public places — while nearby cities continued to allow it.

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“Beverly Hills had no smoking and all their restaurants were dead,” she said. “It has to be all in the state of California or the county of L.A. All have to do it to make it fair. There has to be some movement toward a better system.”

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How Google’s 32-million mosquito project could change California’s battle against dengue

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How Google’s 32-million mosquito project could change California’s battle against dengue

Google took internet searches to the next level. Could it do the same for mosquito control?

The Silicon Valley-based tech giant is seeking to release up to 64 million sterilized male mosquitoes in California and Florida over two years, according to a notice in the Federal Register. It’s part of an ambitious effort to curb the diseases the insects spread.

Google says it can harness technology to optimize a concept that’s been around for decades, but hasn’t been successfully scaled with mosquitoes to rein in disease.

For example, the process often involves separating the insects by sex to isolate the males. Currently, that’s done manually and can be time consuming. Google says it’s “developing new technologies that combine sensors, algorithms and novel engineering to take advantage of unique aspects of mosquito biology to quickly and accurately sort males from females.”

The company also says it’s building software and monitoring tools to guide releases of sterile males, and its scientists and engineers are creating sensors, traps and software to decide which areas need to be treated and treated again.

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Called Debug, the project targets Aedes aegypti mosquitoes, which are native to Africa but have infiltrated nearly half of California’s counties since first being detected in the state in 2013. Not only do they drive residents nuts with itchy bites, but they can carry a number of potentially serious diseases, including dengue, Zika, chikungunya and yellow fever.

The plan is to infect males — which don’t bite — with a bacteria called Wolbachia, which effectively renders them sterile. They are then released to seek out wild females and mate. Females will lay eggs but these won’t hatch, which experts say drives down the population over time.

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There are other methods to sterilize male mosquitoes. Vector control districts serving Los Angeles, Orange and San Bernardino counties have irradiated males and released them in recent years.

Early results are promising. Two neighborhoods treated by the Greater Los Angeles Vector Control District saw a more than 80% reduction in the female Aedes aegypti population in 2024 and 2025.

But as the Greater L.A. district seeks to expand its operations, cost poses a problem. Last year, business owners signaled they weren’t willing to shell out more every year to make it happen. District officials are still hoping to sway them.

If Google moves forward, it wouldn’t be the first time it has been involved in such an effort. In 2018, the company conducted a large-scale trial in Fresno County, releasing 14.4 million Wolbachia-infected males in three neighborhoods.

“At peak mosquito season, the number of female mosquitoes was 95.5% lower in release areas compared to non-release areas, with the most geographically isolated neighborhood reaching a 99% reduction,” a 2020 paper reported.

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Google has applied for a permit from the Environmental Protection Agency to carry out the releases in California and Florida, for which the federal agency is currently seeking comments before deciding whether to grant approval.

The company aims to release up to 16 million Wolbachia-infected males in California, and the same in Florida, per year for two years, the Federal Register announcement said, for a total of 64 million.

Urgency to tamp down the invasive mosquito population in California has increased since 2023, when the state logged its first locally acquired dengue cases — meaning people were infected in their communities, not while traveling. The following year, the number of locally acquired cases ballooned to 18, with 14 of them in Los Angeles County.

A study published last week in “The Lancet Regional Health — Americas” found that approximately 18.2 million Californians — primarily in the Central Valley, L.A. and San Diego areas — live in regions where conditions are probably suitable for local dengue transmission.

“Under moderate scenarios of climate warming and urban expansion, an additional 4.1 million residents may be at risk by mid-century,” according to the study led by UC Berkeley’s Lisa Couper. Researchers note the current and future risk of transmission remains low except during summer in the Central Valley and Southern California.

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“I’m pretty much in favor of whichever [sterile insect technique] approach gets us the disease prevention and nuisance control we need and at the lowest price,” Susanne Kluh, general manager of the Greater L.A. County Vector Control District, said in an email.

She said her district went with radiation because it was the only approved technique when they wanted to launch their pilot, and that it’s “also the only one where some company does not make a profit in the middle.” However, she wouldn’t rule out using Wolbachia if it turned out to be the most affordable option.

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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