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How the Marshall Fire sparked a political transformation in Colorado

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How the Marshall Fire sparked a political transformation in Colorado


This story is part of State of Emergency, a Grist series exploring how climate disasters are impacting voting and politics, and is published with support from the CO2 Foundation. 

As the one-year anniversary of the 2021 Marshall Fire approached, Kyle Brown was serving as a city councilman in Louisville, Colorado, a suburb of Boulder that had been devastated by the blaze. Brown’s own home had escaped damage, but hundreds of his neighbors had lost everything to the costliest and deadliest fire in the state’s history, which caused more than $2 billion in damages and destroyed more than a thousand structures.

Despite Brown’s efforts to help the victims, the fire recovery was stalling out. Displaced residents were struggling to secure insurance payouts and scrape together cash to rebuild their homes, and most couldn’t afford the jacked-up rents in the area. The City Council was supposed to be helping these victims, but instead it was locked in a dispute with them over whether they should have to pay local taxes on building materials. 

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Brown was desperate for a way to do more. When the incumbent state representative in the area resigned after it emerged that she didn’t live in the district, he saw an opportunity and put his name forward as her replacement.

What happened next is one of the rare disaster recovery success stories in recent U.S. history. After securing a seat in the state legislature, Brown, a Democrat, spent the next two years working with a highly organized group of survivors to pass a suite of ambitious bills that have made Colorado a national leader in responding to climate disasters. Many of the same issues crop up across the country after fires and floods, but survivors rarely succeed in getting lawmakers to pay attention to any of them, let alone all of them. Brown, however, was able to gain bipartisan support for bills that give fire survivors leverage against insurers, mortgage companies, homeowners associations, and rental property owners, elevating concerns that have often been ignored in other disaster-prone states. 

Kyle Brown has been in the Colorado House of Representatives for less than two years, but he’s already passed several bills that aim to protect fire victims from predatory behavior by insurers, landlords, and mortgage lenders. Eli Imadali / Grist

This legislative success wasn’t thanks to any political horse-trading or inspiring rhetoric on Brown’s part. Rather, it’s the result of a hand-in-glove collaboration with a well-organized and often militant group of fire survivors, drafting bills based on their recommendations and needs, and allowing them to tweak and strengthen legislation where necessary. 

“We needed to accelerate the pace of recovery, so I just listened,” said Brown in an interview with Grist. “I took notes on everything they said, and I turned it over, and I turned it into bills.”

This combination of organized advocacy by disaster survivors and ambitious lawmaking by sympathetic politicians could become a model for other disaster-prone places, but it was only possible because many well-heeled Marshall Fire victims had the resources to organize and press for change after the fire, a luxury most disaster-stricken communities don’t have. Lower-income communities around Colorado may benefit from the Marshall legislation, but it may be difficult for survivors in other parts of the country to emulate it. 

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A man, woman, and child sort through the charred remains of their house after a wildfire destroyed it
Survivors walk through what remains of a house destroyed by the Marshall Fire, which burned around 1,000 homes in the Boulder suburbs.
Michael Ciaglo / Getty Images

The Marshall Fire wasn’t like the massive forest fires that have tortured Northern California or the desert blazes that rage across Texas and New Mexico each year. It ripped down from the Front Range in December of 2021 and all but vaporized a fast-growing, gentrified segment of the Denver metroplex, bringing about what climate scientist Daniel Swain calls the “urban firestorm.” High winds whipped the grass fire to full size in a matter of hours, igniting vegetation that had dried out during a severe drought of the kind that global warming is making more common. In contrast to California, where burned communities have often been rural and less well-off, the Boulder suburbs of Louisville and Superior are dense and suburban, filled with well-to-do lawyers and consultants.

For that reason, there were several fire victims who had the time and money to become volunteer recovery advocates. One of those survivors was a patent lawyer named Tawnya Somauroo, who was galvanized to action when she learned that Louisville had not issued an evacuation order for her subdivision, most of which burned in the fire. She spent months bird-dogging the mayor’s office and local law enforcement on her own time to ask about their evacuation procedures, but found herself making little progress.

“I didn’t even know where City Hall was before the fire,” Soumaroo told Grist. “I just started calling city council members and talking to them and getting not a very good reception at first. It just became this narrative of, ‘the survivors versus everyone else.’” In other words, elected officials were weighing the need to finance the rebuilding of public parks and facilities against the need to help the hundreds of displaced homeowners.

As Soumaroo watched local Facebook groups devolve into hubbub and confusion, she turned to a less commonly used app to make order out of the chaos — she downloaded Slack, the messaging platform normally used in white-collar workplaces, and invited hundreds of locals to join her there. The app allowed survivors to create individual message threads to discuss specific insurers, specific permits, and specific federal aid deadlines. 

“People would join a certain thread, and then someone would pop up who had the same problem, and then coach them [on] how they solved it,” she said. “And you know, little by little, we started identifying problems that way.” 

A woman wearing a long black dresses poses with her hand on her hip in front of a newly constructed house
Tawnya Somauroo stands outside of her family’s new fire-resistant home in Louisville, Colorado. After she lost her house to the Marshall Fire, Soumaroo founded a nonprofit that advocates for fire survivors. Eli Imadali / Grist

Meanwhile, a former Boulder resident named Jeri Curry moved back to the area from Virginia to help aid in the long-term recovery. She and a group of fellow volunteers established a long-term recovery center in an office park, opening it up about 10 months after the fire as the Federal Emergency Management Agency and the state of Colorado wound down their recovery operations. In addition to providing free food and computer access, the center provided guidance to survivors navigating the process of filing an insurance claim and applying for FEMA aid. 

“The big thing that we believed the community overall needed was a gathering place, a central place where people could get everything that they needed,” she said. “The agencies put their mission first, their service delivery and resource delivery first, and they don’t put the survivor in the middle.” These casework conversations alerted volunteers to the dynamics holding back the recovery — lowball cost estimates from insurers, delays in securing claim payouts, and construction material sales taxes that many residents were struggling to pay.

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Frustrated with the response from city officials, the survivors’ group — now incorporated as a nonprofit — decided to team up with their new state legislator, Brown, who was looking for ways to help fire victims. Brown had worked for Colorado’s insurance department while serving on the Louisville city council and had experience dealing with complex policy issues, but property insurance and housing law were new to him. So he relied on Soumaroo’s expertise, letting her and the other survivors guide the bills he wrote and introduced.

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This strategy soon produced a number of laws that gave immediate financial relief to fire survivors who had been struggling to rebuild. Brown passed a bill that stopped mortgage servicers from holding back insurance payments from customers who were waiting to rebuild, eliminating a delay that stopped many survivors from rebuilding for months. He passed a bill that required insurers to take into account the state’s own estimates of rebuilding costs, a measure designed to stop them from lowballing homeowners trying to rebuild. Bills that gave survivors grants for rebuilding with fire-safe materials, provided them with rebates on construction material taxes, and plowed resources into studying smoke and ash damage all sailed through the legislature with ease.

“It feels really good to be listened to,” said Soumaroo. “I would just sort of brief him on, like, people with this problem, that problem, that problem, and he would go move the bill forward.” 

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Beyond assisting Marshall survivors, Brown and the survivors’ groups also took on other institutions that hampered fire recovery in general. Soumaroo had become incensed that homeowners’ associations in Louisville maintained design rules that prohibited residents from replacing the flammable wooden fences that had ferried the fire across the city. Her own subdivision had a decades-old deed covenant that in theory could have allowed any other resident to sue her for rebuilding with a fire-resistant fence. She took her concerns to Brown and he drafted a bill that prohibited HOAs, which represent more than half of Coloradans, from impeding a fire-safe rebuild.

One of Brown’s most difficult fights was against rental property owners, whom he accused of price gouging after the fire. Some renters reported increased rents of 10 to 15 percent, as displaced homeowners competed with existing tenants for a tiny number of available units, mimicking a dynamic that had emerged in California years earlier. In theory, there is a simple legislative solution to this problem — bar apartment owners from raising rents after a fire — but few jurisdictions have enacted it, in part because property owners have lobbied fiercely against such moves. Earlier this year, Brown passed a strong bill that prohibits price gouging after fires, including with some Republican support.

Many of the bills Brown introduced faced initial objections from insurers, banks, and landlords, all of whom had an established presence in the Capitol. In other circumstances, this opposition might have doomed the laws, but the survivors of the Marshall Fire acted as a political lobby; rather than just plead for help, they tweaked bills in response to industry criticism and ensured lawmakers knew they were paying attention to their votes.

Still, not everyone is happy. Betty Knecht, the executive director of the Colorado Mortgage Lenders Association, a trade group representing banks and other lenders, says she worries the legislature veered too far to the left in addressing the fire recovery.

“You had a very unbalanced legislature, which unfortunately allows for a lot more to be passed.” she said, referring to the large Democratic majorities in both chambers. She also pointed out that dozens of representatives in the legislature were appointed to fill vacancies, like Brown, rather than elected. 

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Knecht argued that Brown’s price-gouging legislation wouldn’t hold down rents and that the new pressure on insurers might make many leave the state, as has happened in Florida. However, she praised him for workshopping his mortgage-servicers bill with her group before it went up for a vote and adjusting the payout requirements. The group didn’t end up endorsing the bill, but it didn’t come out against it, either.

The Marshall Fire victims secured a far bigger legislative response than the victims of past Colorado fires. The district adjacent to Brown’s had suffered a disaster of its own a few years earlier when the East Troublesome Fire roared through the mountain town of Grand Lake, leaving hundreds of underinsured residents without the means to rebuild. That district’s representative, Judy Amabile, had worked for most of 2021 on a bill that would prohibit insurers from haggling over the value of personal contents, but it still hadn’t come together when the Marshall Fire struck that December.

Frustrated with the lack of progress, Amabile used the surge of attention around the Marshall Fire to push through the bill that was designed to help the East Troublesome survivors. The experience of seeing her bill pass with bipartisan support made her realize that the Marshall Fire had opened a window for big-picture lawmaking that no other disaster had. 

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A woman in a navy hoodie and jeans sitting at a desk in a home office, with a rug and double doors in the background
Judy Amabile, a Colorado state representative in House District 49, at her home office in Boulder. Amabile had sought to pass insurance legislation for victims of a 2020 wildfire that burned through the mountains of the Front Range.
Eli Imadali / Grist

“If you have more resources, you have more time to invest in the recovery effort,” said Amabile. “There was some pushback, like, ‘all these rich people in Boulder are getting all this stuff.’ But they were a force. They really made stuff happen for themselves.”


Soumaroo and Curry, two of the lead post-fire organizers, acknowledge that the high education and income levels in the cities impacted by the Marshall Fire helped the rebuilding effort move faster. Two and a half years after the fire, almost half of displaced homeowners are back in their homes, which is a higher rate than many other communities have been able to achieve after disasters of comparable magnitude. This is in part because the community had more resources to begin with, but it’s also because survivors had enough political clout to secure financial relief that other survivors have not obtained. 

Curry’s disaster casework center also relied on support from well-resourced residents: the organizers behind the center were able to pull in $1 million from wealthy locals and nearby businesses, and recruited locals with spare time to volunteer as caseworkers, allowing them to keep it open until this past June. The Boulder Community Foundation also raised more than $43 million to help victims, much of it from wealthy private donors.

The irony is that while this effort would likely never have happened in a lower-income and less-educated area, it will benefit future fire survivors in worse-off areas of Colorado. The mortgage-servicer delay and rent-gouging laws will only apply to survivors of future fires, which are far more likely to start in the state’s rural mountain communities than in the suburbs of the Front Range. It may have been Democrats who pushed the bills through, but the benefits will reach Republican sections of the state, and Brown and Soumaroo have talked with people in other states about authoring copycat bills.

“There were no lobbyists, there’s no big money running these bills,” said Brown. “We got this done through sheer community advocacy. We talk about policies, and then I run bills, and they show up and testify and make their voices heard.” 






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Feds round up 50 Tren de Aragua members at ‘makeshift nightclub’ in Aurora, Colorado as DEA and ICE hit cities across US

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Feds round up 50 Tren de Aragua members at ‘makeshift nightclub’ in Aurora, Colorado as DEA and ICE hit cities across US


Federal agents rounded dozens of members of Tren de Aragua in an overnight raid on a “makeshift nightclub” in Aurora, Colorado — the Denver suburb where the vicious Venezuelan prison gang has been terrorizing residents.

It was just one of several operations over the weekend as part of President Trump’s deportation raids — including in sanctuary city Chicago, where Border czar Tom Homan was on hand.Federal agents were also seen in Los Angeles and West New York, New Jersey on Saturday.

The DEA said agents in Colorado interrupted an “invite only party” where dozens of the gangbangers were cutting lose.

The busts netted cash, weapons, guns and drugs — including Tusi or “pink cocaine,” a powerful narcotic that the gang has played a major role in distributing across the US.

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Video released by the DEA’s Rocky Mountain Division showed a white bus full of the busted gang members being escorted on the snowy roads by law enforcement vehicles.

Around 50 members of Venezuelan prison gang Tren de Aragua were rounded up and arrested in Aurora, Colo. in a pre-dawn raid Sunday. DEA Rocky Mountain Division

The arrests ensnared around 50 Tren de Aragua members in all, marking the latest in the Trump administration’s crackdown on illegal immigrants with criminal backgrounds who pose a potential threat to public safety.

“We want the country to know that we will all support the president’s priority to round up the most dangerous illegal criminals,” DEA acting administrator Derek Maltz told The Post.

Both President Trump and Homan have pledged to find, arrest and ultimately deport millions of migrants who have sneaked into the country illegally.

“The President and the DOJ leaders have made it clear that we are going to work together with a sense of urgency to hold violent criminals accountable,” Maltz said.

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“The citizens of this country must feel safe every day throughout the country. One of my goals is to help build an army of good to fight evil.”


Armed, body armor-wearing agents entering the front door of a home.
Law enforcement rounded up dozens of criminal illegal immigrants under a nationwide, multi-agency operation called “Return to Sender,” sources tell The Post. DEA Rocky Mountain Division

The first migrant roundups — part of operation dubbed “Return to Sender” — are focusing on migrants who have been charged with crimes or have been ordered deported by a judge.

The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) led Sunday’s pre-dawn efforts in Colorado, and they were joined by squads from Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) and ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) to execute the busts.

The Post has been at the forefront of reporting how Tren de Aragua terrorized Aurora — a city with a population just under 400,000 — for months, even taking over entire neighborhoods and apartment complexes.

Similar enforcement operations have taken place around the country in recent days, rounding up some 600 illegal immigrants in sanctuary cities from coast to coast including New York state, according to ICE.

ICE New York agents took several migrant criminals into custody, including Gokhan Adriguzel, a 30-year-old Turkish national who is a “known or suspected terrorist,” according to a release from the agency.

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On Saturday in West New York — across the Hudson River from Manhattan — officers stormed an apartment building near 61st Street and Harrison Place around 7:30 a.m., surveillance footage showing them peeking at mailboxes and then heading upstairs, ABC News reported.

It was not immediately clear if any arrests were made, but ICE told the outlet it doesn’t comment on ongoing enforcement actions.

Separately, agents were seen handcuffing an unidentified Hispanic man and putting him in a van without asking questions, Hudson Post reported.

That same day, the offensive continued in Los Angeles, with pre-dawn roundups expected to run seven days a week for the foreseeable future, sources told The Post.

It was not clear how many illegal immigrants were arrested in the LA raids, but sources said the migrants that were taken into custody were being held in ICE detention centers in California pending deportation.

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The Chicago DEA this weekend shared images of agents huddling with its partners at ICE and the Department of Justice, the agency later posting on X that it was “conducting targeted operations” in the Windy City.

“US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, along with federal partners, including the FBI, ATF, DEA, CBP and the US Marshals Service, began conducting targeted operations today in Chicago to enforce US immigration law and preserve public safety and national security by keeping potentially dangerous criminal aliens out of our communities,” the statement read.



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A teen girl died in a Colorado house fire. As investigators dug into the case, the mystery deepened | CNN

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A teen girl died in a Colorado house fire. As investigators dug into the case, the mystery deepened | CNN




CNN
 — 

Connie Long kept her eyes glued to the door at the high school auditorium. She expected her younger sister to burst in at any moment, frazzled and excited.

As a senior at Platte Canyon High School, Maggie Long was involved in staging the event –- a concert by a local Denver rock band –- and her family knew she’d never miss it.

But as the opening band played and the minutes dragged on, the 17-year-old was nowhere to be found.

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“I had a weird feeling. I knew something was very wrong,” Connie said. “Maggie was responsible, dependable. She had helped organize this concert. There was no reason for her to be late or not show up.”

Her intuition was right. Connie didn’t realize it at the time, but her sister had rushed home after classes that afternoon to collect home-baked cookies for the school event in Bailey, Colorado.

Soon after, a mysterious fire broke out at the Long family’s sprawling, ranch-style house. Firefighters discovered Maggie’s remains that night in the charred ruins.

As investigators dug deeper, they uncovered harrowing details about how a simple cookie errand turned into a fatal encounter.

Authorities later determined that Maggie had walked in on intruders who were robbing her parents’ home. After a physical altercation, the men set the home ablaze — with her inside — and escaped with a green safe, a Beretta handgun, an AK-47-style rifle, jade figurines and 2,000 rounds of ammunition, the FBI said.

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Shortly before the fire, a tenant renting a guest suite in the house had called 911 and reported hearing loud banging noises. The tenant escaped the blaze unharmed and was cleared by police of any involvement in the crime, authorities said.

A coroner later ruled Maggie Long’s death a homicide. The Park County sheriff told reporters that Maggie likely burned to death when the robbers started the fire to destroy evidence.

Her killers haven’t been identified, and the motive behind the horrific attack on December 1, 2017, remains a mystery. On last month’s seventh anniversary of the deadly fire, police implored anyone with information about Maggie’s killers to come forward.

“She told her friends she’ll be right back, and she was never seen again,” Park County Sheriff Tom McGraw said at a news conference. “We believe someone knows something that could help solve this case and bring a measure of justice to Maggie’s family and the Bailey community.”

Investigators have received about 415 tips related to the case so far, the Colorado Bureau of Investigation told CNN this month. The FBI released a sketch of three suspects and implored anyone with information to come forward.

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But as authorities try to unravel what happened that night in the mountain community of 9,000 people, questions and speculation still linger. Was Maggie killed because she saw the robbers? Was it a hate crime against her Chinese family? Or was the home targeted because her parents owned several successful restaurants, and the robbers thought they stored cash in the house?

Connie Long was living on her own in Denver at the time. She’d driven to Bailey to see her sister and support her at the event.

“Maggie was going to set up the VIP room for the concert, and had stayed up all night baking cookies,” she said. “So I went to the high school to meet her. And then I waited and waited.”

Connie tried calling, but the call went straight to voicemail, which she said was not unusual given the spotty cell service in the mountains. She then drove the 30 minutes to their parents’ home, where she encountered a fleet of police cars and firetrucks. Maggie’s silver Cadillac was parked outside.

“I could still smell the smoke – they had just extinguished the fire,” she said. “And I was asking, where’s my sister? What happened?”

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The sisters’ parents, San and Hy Long, had lived in the 6,000-square-foot house for nearly two decades. The property sat on 11 acres of remote forest in the foothills of the Rocky Mountains, about an hour southwest of Denver.

The Longs are Chinese immigrants who were forced out of northern Vietnam by war. They moved to Macau and eventually Hong Kong, where they lived as refugees for years before immigrating to Colorado in the late 1980s, Connie said.

Maggie lived with her parents, Hy (center) and San Long in Bailey, Colorado.

“They were in the United States with the hope of building a safe and secure life for their family,” Connie Long said. “They were so resilient and went through all of that to come to America — just to face even more trauma.”

The Longs settled in Colorado after they learned about job opportunities for service workers there, said Lynna Long, their oldest daughter, who lives in Westminster, Colorado, a Denver suburb.

San Long worked as a chef in a Chinese restaurant in the early 1990s, and the owner sold him the business after he retired, Lynna said. It marked the beginning of her parents owning four restaurants in the Denver area, she said.

In Bailey they raised a boy and three girls, including Maggie, their third and youngest daughter. Growing up in the mountains, the sisters said, they felt so safe at home that they had no security cameras.

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“Not only was it a small community, our house was behind trees and our driveway was like a mile long,” Connie said. “We were nowhere near the main county road. So there wasn’t a lot of concern about anything sketchy happening.”

But that horrific Friday night shattered their lives and sense of security, the sisters said. As the family grieved, they spent several chaotic weeks working with various law enforcement agencies.

A makeshift memorial for Maggie Long is seen on the gate leading to her family's home in December 2017 in Bailey, Colorado.

To protect the integrity of the investigation, a judge issued a gag order prohibiting anyone involved with the case from releasing information publicly.

By then, the family knew that Maggie’s body had been found in the house, even though that information had not been publicly released. But because of the gag order, they couldn’t share the news or grieve her openly.

“Police wanted to keep details of the investigation from getting out into the greater community,” Lynna Long said. “And the hope was that in the initial days, if they got information from outside sources, they would be able to validate it more easily if not much was known.”

But it only added to the confusion, she said, as many local residents questioned the lack of search efforts for Maggie at the time.

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“The community was very upset when they learned later that she had died earlier,” Lynna said.

The remains of the house were marked a crime scene, and the Longs never lived in it again.

Years later, investigators are still searching for suspects — and a motive

It’s now been more than seven years since Maggie Long’s killing, and there have been no arrests.

It’s now considered a cold case, the FBI said. A taskforce that comprises the Park County Sheriff’s Office, Colorado Bureau of Investigation, the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) still meets regularly about the case. The ATF is part of the investigation because of the missing firearms.

Authorities built sketches of three suspects based on witness accounts from the tenant who called 911 and others who saw two light-colored vans and an old pickup truck leaving the property, police said.

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The FBI released this sketch of three suspects who remain wanted in the killing of Maggie Long.

Authorities have offered a reward of up to $75,000 for information leading to arrests. Investigators also have suggested there may have been a fourth suspect.

Four years after the deadly fire, the FBI classified Maggie’s homicide as a hate crime in 2021. The FBI declined to comment to CNN on why it believes her killing could have been racially motivated. The Park County Sheriff’s Office referred all questions to the CBI. A spokesperson for the CBI referred questions on the hate crime aspect to the FBI.

Growing up in Bailey, the sisters said, they felt unwelcome in some areas. But they don’t remember any instances of overt racism.

The Longs had owned restaurants in the area for almost 20 years and had numerous employees and neighbors who knew their daily routines and when they’d be home, the sisters said.

“So if our home was targeted for any reason, they would know that no one was home,” Lynna said.

She said she believes the case was classified as a hate crime because of a belief that Chinese immigrants rarely use banks and keep their money at home.

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“That is the perspective that investigators were approaching our case (with)” she said. “It’s technically targeting a minority under the assumption that their banking practices are different.”

Not long after their daughter’s killing, the Longs sold one of their restaurants and retired. They moved to the Denver suburb of Broomfield, where they live now with their son.

“My parents were already in the process of retiring from the restaurant business,” Lynna said. “This just expedited their plans to leave the area. It was difficult for them to be there.”

Years later, the Longs are still struggling with the loss of their youngest daughter. They’ve set up a room in her honor in their home. It contains her personal belongings that weren’t lost in the fire, including a red Jansport backpack, a water bottle with her last drink still in it, a clarinet and a navy blue softball jersey. Several awards, including from speech and debate club, are displayed on a table. Portraits of a beaming Maggie adorn the walls.

The Long family has set up a room in their Denver home dedicated to Maggie, with items of hers salvaged from the fire.

Maggie died about two weeks before she turned 18. She was excited about attending college but had not picked a major or decided where to go, her sisters said. She was trying to decide whether to follow her passion — performing arts — or go into health care.

“She was stressed. She was trying to figure it out,” Connie Long said.

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Sometimes, when Connie misses her sister, she goes through her laptop, journal and other personal items.

The details give her glimpses into Maggie’s final years. “I read in her journal that she borrowed my stuff, like my makeup or clothes,” she said. “I had no idea.”

A year before Maggie was killed, she wrote a tribute in her journal about a close friend and classmate who had died. In a sad irony, her grieving family strives to live by Maggie’s words and channel her spirit.

“I think the only real cure to cope with loss is to continue to be good people. Be kind. Be caring. Be passionate. Be thoughtful,” Maggie wrote in the message, which she also shared on Facebook.

“Share love and consider everyone around you, from strangers to acquaintances to peers to friends,” she added. “Enough people have experienced pain to understand that life is far more measurable in joy and good memories than to be scorched with cruelty and loss.”

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Three juvenile smash-and-grab suspects linked to past burglaries and vehicle thefts, according to Colorado Springs police

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Three juvenile smash-and-grab suspects linked to past burglaries and vehicle thefts, according to Colorado Springs police


COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo. (KKTV) – Colorado Springs police have released information about a December investigation into several smash and grab burglaries.

They said in late December, three juveniles were arrested and linked to a few of these burglaries at vape and gun stores.

According to CSPD, after a review of evidence related to other burglaries and vehicle thefts in a certain pattern, investigators were able to identify three juveniles linked to several offenses.

They said they arrested the three and found one was named as a suspect in three vehicle thefts and five burglaries, another was named in two thefts and five burglaries, and the third was involved in three vehicle thefts and five burglaries.

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Police said all of the offenders have either bonded out or were released from custody.

This is part of a pattern of smash and grab burglaries reported all over Colorado Springs in 2024.



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