Colorado
How the Marshall Fire sparked a political transformation in Colorado
This story is part of State of Emergency, a Grist series exploring how climate disasters are impacting voting and politics, and is published with support from the CO2 Foundation.
As the one-year anniversary of the 2021 Marshall Fire approached, Kyle Brown was serving as a city councilman in Louisville, Colorado, a suburb of Boulder that had been devastated by the blaze. Brown’s own home had escaped damage, but hundreds of his neighbors had lost everything to the costliest and deadliest fire in the state’s history, which caused more than $2 billion in damages and destroyed more than a thousand structures.
Despite Brown’s efforts to help the victims, the fire recovery was stalling out. Displaced residents were struggling to secure insurance payouts and scrape together cash to rebuild their homes, and most couldn’t afford the jacked-up rents in the area. The City Council was supposed to be helping these victims, but instead it was locked in a dispute with them over whether they should have to pay local taxes on building materials.
Brown was desperate for a way to do more. When the incumbent state representative in the area resigned after it emerged that she didn’t live in the district, he saw an opportunity and put his name forward as her replacement.
What happened next is one of the rare disaster recovery success stories in recent U.S. history. After securing a seat in the state legislature, Brown, a Democrat, spent the next two years working with a highly organized group of survivors to pass a suite of ambitious bills that have made Colorado a national leader in responding to climate disasters. Many of the same issues crop up across the country after fires and floods, but survivors rarely succeed in getting lawmakers to pay attention to any of them, let alone all of them. Brown, however, was able to gain bipartisan support for bills that give fire survivors leverage against insurers, mortgage companies, homeowners associations, and rental property owners, elevating concerns that have often been ignored in other disaster-prone states.
This legislative success wasn’t thanks to any political horse-trading or inspiring rhetoric on Brown’s part. Rather, it’s the result of a hand-in-glove collaboration with a well-organized and often militant group of fire survivors, drafting bills based on their recommendations and needs, and allowing them to tweak and strengthen legislation where necessary.
“We needed to accelerate the pace of recovery, so I just listened,” said Brown in an interview with Grist. “I took notes on everything they said, and I turned it over, and I turned it into bills.”
This combination of organized advocacy by disaster survivors and ambitious lawmaking by sympathetic politicians could become a model for other disaster-prone places, but it was only possible because many well-heeled Marshall Fire victims had the resources to organize and press for change after the fire, a luxury most disaster-stricken communities don’t have. Lower-income communities around Colorado may benefit from the Marshall legislation, but it may be difficult for survivors in other parts of the country to emulate it.
The Marshall Fire wasn’t like the massive forest fires that have tortured Northern California or the desert blazes that rage across Texas and New Mexico each year. It ripped down from the Front Range in December of 2021 and all but vaporized a fast-growing, gentrified segment of the Denver metroplex, bringing about what climate scientist Daniel Swain calls the “urban firestorm.” High winds whipped the grass fire to full size in a matter of hours, igniting vegetation that had dried out during a severe drought of the kind that global warming is making more common. In contrast to California, where burned communities have often been rural and less well-off, the Boulder suburbs of Louisville and Superior are dense and suburban, filled with well-to-do lawyers and consultants.
For that reason, there were several fire victims who had the time and money to become volunteer recovery advocates. One of those survivors was a patent lawyer named Tawnya Somauroo, who was galvanized to action when she learned that Louisville had not issued an evacuation order for her subdivision, most of which burned in the fire. She spent months bird-dogging the mayor’s office and local law enforcement on her own time to ask about their evacuation procedures, but found herself making little progress.
“I didn’t even know where City Hall was before the fire,” Soumaroo told Grist. “I just started calling city council members and talking to them and getting not a very good reception at first. It just became this narrative of, ‘the survivors versus everyone else.’” In other words, elected officials were weighing the need to finance the rebuilding of public parks and facilities against the need to help the hundreds of displaced homeowners.
As Soumaroo watched local Facebook groups devolve into hubbub and confusion, she turned to a less commonly used app to make order out of the chaos — she downloaded Slack, the messaging platform normally used in white-collar workplaces, and invited hundreds of locals to join her there. The app allowed survivors to create individual message threads to discuss specific insurers, specific permits, and specific federal aid deadlines.
“People would join a certain thread, and then someone would pop up who had the same problem, and then coach them [on] how they solved it,” she said. “And you know, little by little, we started identifying problems that way.”
Meanwhile, a former Boulder resident named Jeri Curry moved back to the area from Virginia to help aid in the long-term recovery. She and a group of fellow volunteers established a long-term recovery center in an office park, opening it up about 10 months after the fire as the Federal Emergency Management Agency and the state of Colorado wound down their recovery operations. In addition to providing free food and computer access, the center provided guidance to survivors navigating the process of filing an insurance claim and applying for FEMA aid.
“The big thing that we believed the community overall needed was a gathering place, a central place where people could get everything that they needed,” she said. “The agencies put their mission first, their service delivery and resource delivery first, and they don’t put the survivor in the middle.” These casework conversations alerted volunteers to the dynamics holding back the recovery — lowball cost estimates from insurers, delays in securing claim payouts, and construction material sales taxes that many residents were struggling to pay.
Frustrated with the response from city officials, the survivors’ group — now incorporated as a nonprofit — decided to team up with their new state legislator, Brown, who was looking for ways to help fire victims. Brown had worked for Colorado’s insurance department while serving on the Louisville city council and had experience dealing with complex policy issues, but property insurance and housing law were new to him. So he relied on Soumaroo’s expertise, letting her and the other survivors guide the bills he wrote and introduced.

This strategy soon produced a number of laws that gave immediate financial relief to fire survivors who had been struggling to rebuild. Brown passed a bill that stopped mortgage servicers from holding back insurance payments from customers who were waiting to rebuild, eliminating a delay that stopped many survivors from rebuilding for months. He passed a bill that required insurers to take into account the state’s own estimates of rebuilding costs, a measure designed to stop them from lowballing homeowners trying to rebuild. Bills that gave survivors grants for rebuilding with fire-safe materials, provided them with rebates on construction material taxes, and plowed resources into studying smoke and ash damage all sailed through the legislature with ease.
“It feels really good to be listened to,” said Soumaroo. “I would just sort of brief him on, like, people with this problem, that problem, that problem, and he would go move the bill forward.”
Beyond assisting Marshall survivors, Brown and the survivors’ groups also took on other institutions that hampered fire recovery in general. Soumaroo had become incensed that homeowners’ associations in Louisville maintained design rules that prohibited residents from replacing the flammable wooden fences that had ferried the fire across the city. Her own subdivision had a decades-old deed covenant that in theory could have allowed any other resident to sue her for rebuilding with a fire-resistant fence. She took her concerns to Brown and he drafted a bill that prohibited HOAs, which represent more than half of Coloradans, from impeding a fire-safe rebuild.
Construction workers on the job in Louisville, Colorado, where the Marshall Fire destroyed hundreds of homes. The neighborhood is now mostly rebuilt with new fire-resistant homes, and just a few empty lots remain. Eli Imadali / Grist


One of Brown’s most difficult fights was against rental property owners, whom he accused of price gouging after the fire. Some renters reported increased rents of 10 to 15 percent, as displaced homeowners competed with existing tenants for a tiny number of available units, mimicking a dynamic that had emerged in California years earlier. In theory, there is a simple legislative solution to this problem — bar apartment owners from raising rents after a fire — but few jurisdictions have enacted it, in part because property owners have lobbied fiercely against such moves. Earlier this year, Brown passed a strong bill that prohibits price gouging after fires, including with some Republican support.
Many of the bills Brown introduced faced initial objections from insurers, banks, and landlords, all of whom had an established presence in the Capitol. In other circumstances, this opposition might have doomed the laws, but the survivors of the Marshall Fire acted as a political lobby; rather than just plead for help, they tweaked bills in response to industry criticism and ensured lawmakers knew they were paying attention to their votes.
Still, not everyone is happy. Betty Knecht, the executive director of the Colorado Mortgage Lenders Association, a trade group representing banks and other lenders, says she worries the legislature veered too far to the left in addressing the fire recovery.
“You had a very unbalanced legislature, which unfortunately allows for a lot more to be passed.” she said, referring to the large Democratic majorities in both chambers. She also pointed out that dozens of representatives in the legislature were appointed to fill vacancies, like Brown, rather than elected.

Knecht argued that Brown’s price-gouging legislation wouldn’t hold down rents and that the new pressure on insurers might make many leave the state, as has happened in Florida. However, she praised him for workshopping his mortgage-servicers bill with her group before it went up for a vote and adjusting the payout requirements. The group didn’t end up endorsing the bill, but it didn’t come out against it, either.
The Marshall Fire victims secured a far bigger legislative response than the victims of past Colorado fires. The district adjacent to Brown’s had suffered a disaster of its own a few years earlier when the East Troublesome Fire roared through the mountain town of Grand Lake, leaving hundreds of underinsured residents without the means to rebuild. That district’s representative, Judy Amabile, had worked for most of 2021 on a bill that would prohibit insurers from haggling over the value of personal contents, but it still hadn’t come together when the Marshall Fire struck that December.
Frustrated with the lack of progress, Amabile used the surge of attention around the Marshall Fire to push through the bill that was designed to help the East Troublesome survivors. The experience of seeing her bill pass with bipartisan support made her realize that the Marshall Fire had opened a window for big-picture lawmaking that no other disaster had.
“If you have more resources, you have more time to invest in the recovery effort,” said Amabile. “There was some pushback, like, ‘all these rich people in Boulder are getting all this stuff.’ But they were a force. They really made stuff happen for themselves.”
Soumaroo and Curry, two of the lead post-fire organizers, acknowledge that the high education and income levels in the cities impacted by the Marshall Fire helped the rebuilding effort move faster. Two and a half years after the fire, almost half of displaced homeowners are back in their homes, which is a higher rate than many other communities have been able to achieve after disasters of comparable magnitude. This is in part because the community had more resources to begin with, but it’s also because survivors had enough political clout to secure financial relief that other survivors have not obtained.
Curry’s disaster casework center also relied on support from well-resourced residents: the organizers behind the center were able to pull in $1 million from wealthy locals and nearby businesses, and recruited locals with spare time to volunteer as caseworkers, allowing them to keep it open until this past June. The Boulder Community Foundation also raised more than $43 million to help victims, much of it from wealthy private donors.
The irony is that while this effort would likely never have happened in a lower-income and less-educated area, it will benefit future fire survivors in worse-off areas of Colorado. The mortgage-servicer delay and rent-gouging laws will only apply to survivors of future fires, which are far more likely to start in the state’s rural mountain communities than in the suburbs of the Front Range. It may have been Democrats who pushed the bills through, but the benefits will reach Republican sections of the state, and Brown and Soumaroo have talked with people in other states about authoring copycat bills.
“There were no lobbyists, there’s no big money running these bills,” said Brown. “We got this done through sheer community advocacy. We talk about policies, and then I run bills, and they show up and testify and make their voices heard.”
Colorado
Northern Colorado town to increase water and sewage rates 26% in 2026
As the demand for drinking water in Colorado continues to rise, a Northern Colorado community is planning to increase the price of its water and sewage services by 26% in 2026.
The town of Windsor, a rapidly growing community of more than 45,000 residents, plans to start increasing its prices in April of next year.
Town Manager Shane Hale told CBS Colorado the town and council had no other option but to rapidly increase their prices. He attributed it to a need for more services while also improving existing ones.
“We certainly are (aware of the sticker shock),” Hale said. “The town board lives in town. They are going to see these costs as well.”
Hale said the town needs to replace an aging infrastructure for their water distribution.
“We had a major distribution line for water that broke a couple times last year,” Hale said.
Also, to meet growth demand and EPA standards, the town also needs to completely replace its existing sewar treatment plant in the southeast corner of the community.
“We are not just building an expansion,” Hale said. “We have to build a brand-new plant.
Windsor originally hoped to build the new plant in 2020. Hale said, if they would have been able to do so, it would have cost around $50 million to complete.
However, since then, the cost of labor and supplies has inflated so significantly that the price for the same plant is projected to be three times more expensive than planned for.
CBS Colorado asked Hale why the town didn’t slowly increase rates over the years instead of completing one drastic spike of 26% in 2026.
“That is a great question. I will tell you we have been gradually increasing our rates each year,” Hale said. “The challenge that we had, especially on the sewer side, were our costs were increased by three times.”
In order to lower the price tag, the town has also reduced the size of the plant it’s going to build. Hale said the current plant can operate 2.8 million gallons of water per day. They hoped to build one that could accommodate 6.3 million gallons per day. However, to offset costs some while also meeting demand of the growing town, they now plan to build a plant that can manage 4.2 million gallons a day.
Hale said the town is at the mercy of the cost of construction and the price of getting machinery into their possession. He also said many of the items they need are only made internationally, meaning they are in line with others to get the product without much room for negotiation.
“Unfortunately, in order to manage our infrastructure and maintain it, the town doesn’t really have a choice,” Hale said.
Hale said the increased prices should be reflected in bills that arrive for residents in March of 2026. Not all residents will be impacted the same, as some are served water by other water providers.
Hale believes, if it weren’t for inflation, the town would not have increased the price of sewage treatment or water distribution in 2026.
Colorado
Power shutoffs likely in Colorado as ‘high impact wind event’ expected Wednesday
DENVER – Two big weather stories will play out Wednesday in Colorado’s High Country and portions of the plains and I-25 corridor as high winds are expected to batter portions of the state. The wind and low humidity will also create conditions for the rapid spread of any fire along the I-25 corridor including the Denver metro area.
“It will be another unseasonable warm day on Tuesday, which is day 8 of 60 degree plus temps,” said Lisa Hidalgo, Denver7 chief meteorologist. “Unfortunately with the warmer, dry and windy conditions, we’re looking at higher fire danger.”
“Damaging winds will blow down trees and power lines. Widespread power outages are expected. Travel will be difficult, especially for high profile vehicles. Strong winds will likely lead to rapid fire growth of any new fire,” wrote National Weather Service (NWS) forecasters in Boulder.
Denver7
A high wind warning starts at 11 a.m Wednesday and will be in effect until midnight.
“Strong downslope winds to impact the mountains, foothills, and I-25 corridor Wednesday afternoon into Wednesday night, with potential for widespread gusts 60-85 mph, strongest near the base of the foothills. Breezy conditions will extend into the plains through Thursday morning.”
Colorado’s mountains and foothills above 9,000 feet could see up to 85 mph wind gusts on Wednesday. Wind gusts between 50 to 70 mph are also possible for the lower foothills and communities on the western side of the I-25 corridor, wrote the NWS, which called the weather system a “high impact wind event.”
NWS Boulder
A red flag warning will go into effect starting at 11 a.m. Wednesday for the I-25 corridor to include Fort Collins, Boulder, the Denver metro, and Castle Rock through Colorado Springs.
The NWS said the “primary window of concern” will run through 1 p.m. to 5 p.m. Wednesday.
Weather News
Xcel Energy will likely shut off power Wednesday due to forecasted strong winds
Due to the wind situation, Xcel Energy customers should be advised the utility is planning for a Public Safety Power Shutoff, or PSPS, on Wednesday which means power would be proactively shut off in targeted areas for a period of time when wildfire risk is extremely high.
Before any PSPS would happen, Xcel Energy would first use another tool called Enhanced Powerline Safety Settings or EPSS.
EPSS are extra protections which allow power lines to remain active until an issue is detected such as “a tree branch or other object touching” a line, according to Xcel Energy.
Once an issue is detected, power to the line is shut off.
NWS Boulder
While Tuesday will remain mostly dry in Colorado, the weather system triggering Wednesday’s high winds will also bring snow to the higher elevations.
Hidalgo said there is a slight chance a shower could roll across the Denver metro area late Wednesday afternoon into the early evening hours.
Stay with Denver7 for updates and we will publish a live, Colorado weather blog tracking impacts on Wednesday.
Denver7’s Stephanie Butzer contributed to this report.
Denver7
DENVER WEATHER LINKS: Hourly forecast | Radars | Traffic | Weather Page | 24/7 Weather Stream
Click here to watch the Denver7 live weather stream.
Colorado
Colorado’s unaffiliated voters, who make up half the electorate, hold dim view of both parties, poll finds
Madison Osberger-Low/The Aspen Times
An overwhelming majority of Colorado’s unaffiliated voters say they reject both major parties and want to see Democrats and Republicans become more moderate, according to the findings of a new statewide poll.
Let Colorado Vote, a nonprofit founded by Kent Thiry, a multimillionaire and the former CEO of the Denver-based dialysis company DaVita, commissioned a survey of 1,210 active voters last month to gauge the sentiments of unaffiliated voters.
The poll was conducted by Keating Research from Nov. 10-17, and included 600 unaffiliated voters, 300 Democrats, 300 Republicans, and 10 others. The poll had an overall margin of error of 2.8 percentage points, and a 4 percentage point margin of error for unaffiliated voters. It had a 3.2 percentage point margin of error for likely 2026 voters.
Currently, 49.7% of all active Colorado voters are unaffiliated, a figure that has grown in recent years as political party registration shrinks. By comparison, just 25% of active registered voters are Democrats, and 23% are Republicans. Unaffiliated voters make up the majority of active voters in 21 Colorado counties, including Summit, Grand, Eagle, Garfield, Routt and Pitkin.
Thiry has been heavily involved in efforts to reshape Colorado’s political system in ways that give unaffiliated voters more voice. He was at the forefront of a successful 2016 ballot initiative that opened party primary elections to unaffiliated voters, and a 2018 measure that put redistricting in the hands of independent redistricting commissions, rather than state lawmakers.
Thiry said the results of last month’s poll dispel the theory that the state’s growing unaffiliated electorate is due to the state’s automatic voter registration. The poll found that more than 8 in 10 unaffiliated voters said they chose their status intentionally, rejecting both major parties. Most unaffiliated voters, 54%, also chose to refer to themselves as “independent.”
“Some partisans like to say, ‘Oh, independents are just too lazy, and they like to default to being an independent,” Thiry said during a virtual briefing last week on the poll results. “Not true. Look at the data — 85% of people chose to be an independent. It was a conscious decision.”

Unaffiliated voters who were surveyed said they want Democrats and Republicans to move away from the extreme flanks of their parties. Sixty-four percent said they want Democrats to become more moderate, compared to 65% who want the Republican Party to become more moderate.
When asked which party has become the most extreme, a plurality of unaffiliated voters, 45%, said Republicans, while 36% said Democrats and 14% said both. Despite their dim view of the two political parties, unaffiliated voters still tend to vote for a Democratic or Republican candidate during elections, and usually lean toward Democrats.
Thirty-five percent said they usually or always vote for the Democratic candidate, while 35% said they sometimes vote for a Democrat and sometimes a Republican. Twenty-six percent said they always or usually vote for the Republican.
Thiry is critical of Colorado’s current primary system, in which candidates from the same party compete to be their party’s nominee in a general election, arguing that it gives unaffiliated voters fewer choices, since they must choose to vote in one party’s primary.
In heavily partisan districts, the primary is often the election of consequence, with the winning candidate usually cruising to victory in the general election.
“The current system tends to drive an excessive percentage of candidates who are far-left or far-right, and it is much more difficult for an independent to pick someone who hangs around center-left or center-right,” Thiry said, adding that unaffiliated voters tend to vote for the “person, not the party.”
More than 7 in 10 unaffiliated voters said Congress is dysfunctional, not representative, and their vote doesn’t really matter. A similar number said they are frustrated with how often only a single candidate runs in primary elections.
Unaffiliated voters’ negative view of the political establishment extends from federal offices to the state level. Sixty-two percent view President Donald Trump unfavorably compared to 37% in favor, while 57% view the Colorado Republican Party unfavorably compared to 37% in favor.
They have a 56% unfavorable-to-39 % favorable view of the Colorado Democratic Party and a 48% unfavorable-to-36 % favorable view of the state legislature, which Democrats control.

Chris Keating, who runs the polling firm that conducted the survey, said the “largest defining characteristic of Colorado’s registered independent voters is that they are younger.”
Sixty-six percent of voters aged 18-34 are registered as unaffiliated. Keating’s poll found that the median age of an unaffiliated voter is 42, compared to 49 for Democrats and 54 for Republicans. Keating added that Hispanic active voters and men are slightly more likely to be unaffiliated.
Other findings from the poll include:
- The top three issues for unaffiliated voters in Colorado are housing affordability and the cost of living, taxes, spending and budget issues, and political leadership and polarization
- Fifty-two percent of unaffiliated voters say Colorado is on the wrong track, compared to 41% who say it is heading in the right direction
- Unaffiliated voters trust Republicans significantly more than Democrats when it comes to crime, and slightly more on immigration. They trust Democrats significantly more on issues of education, democracy and voting, the environment and conservation, and slightly more when it comes to inflation and the cost of living
- Sixty percent of unaffiliated voters favor keeping the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights in place as a way of keeping government spending in check and giving voters the final say on tax increases, compared to 26% who say TABOR should be repealed because it prevents the state from adequately funding schools, roads and health care
- In a generic matchup of congressional candidates, 44% of unaffiliated voters said they would vote for the Democratic candidate, compared to 38% who said they would vote for the Republican candidate if the election were held today
- Of 916 likely 2026 voters surveyed, Democrats hold a 14-percentage-point lead in the generic congressional matchup, and Trump’s favorability is minus 27 percentage points
To remedy some voter dissatisfaction and give Coloradans more choice in elections, Thiry advocated for moving to an “open” primary system, in which candidates of all political backgrounds can compete on a single ballot that is open to all voters, regardless of their party affiliation.
“I get accused all the time of wanting to destroy the two-party system — I think they’re doing a great job of destroying it themselves,” Thiry said. “What we’re proposing is to save that, to get them back to where they’re representing the core Americans who are center-left, center-right and center-center.”
Thiry pushed for open primaries in 2024 as part of Proposition 131, which sought to abolish party primaries for congressional races and state elections in favor of an open ballot. The measure would also have instituted ranked-choice voting in general elections for those same races. Unite America, a national nonprofit that Thiry co-chairs, has led similar election reform measures in more than a dozen other states. Still, Proposition 131 was ultimately rejected by voters in Colorado last year.
Curtis Hubbard, a Colorado political strategist who served as a spokesperson for the Proposition 131 campaign, said a post-election assessment found that most voters supported open primaries but were confused by ranked-choice voting.
“When voters are confused, they default to ‘No,’” Hubbard said. “The open primary is something that voters actually like. They like the idea of being able to support candidates, the best candidates, on the ballot regardless of party.”
Proposition 131 was defeated by just over 7 percentage points, with 53.5% of Colorado voters against the measure and 46.5% in favor. Thiry signaled there will be future attempts to revive the effort.
“We got awfully close, despite the complexity of our proposal,” Thiry said. “The reservoir of support was very strong, and going forward, we’re probably going to pay more attention to the fully open primary than ranked choice voting, in the short term.”
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