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Villaraigosa’s dreams for a political comeback meet reality — again

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Villaraigosa’s dreams for a political comeback meet reality — again

Former L.A. mayor and current candidate for governor Antonio Villaraigosa wants voters to know that he navigated billion-dollar budgets, cracked down on violent crime and championed the expansion of bus and rail lines.

The onetime state Assembly speaker argues he’s the only Democratic candidate with the experience to do the complicated job of running California.

But Villaraigosa left City Hall in 2013 — eons ago in the world of politics. President Obama was still in office, singer Robin Thicke’s “Blurred Lines” was atop the charts and Apple Watches weren’t yet a thing.

Because of his distance from elected office, combined with a decent but overshadowed fundraising effort, Villaraigosa lacks a high-profile platform to attract attention in today’s fractured media universe, an essential ingredient he needs to remind voters about his experience and accomplishments as mayor and a state lawmaker.

Antonio Villaraigosa gets his photo taken with students from Hazeltine Avenue Elementary School while visiting Placita Olvera in 2013.

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(Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)

Recent polls show Villaraigosa, 73, wallowing at the bottom of the field, though none of the major Democratic candidates have an overwhelming edge.

Villaraigosa also ran for governor in 2018, coming in third in the primary election behind Democratic rival Gavin Newsom, who went on to win and is now serving his second term, and little-known Republican businessman John Cox.

Political strategist Mike Madrid, who worked for Villaraigosa on that campaign, said the former mayor’s absence from politics in recent years is a major liability in this race.

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“He’s a dogged, determined candidate,” Madrid said. “But there are pretty stiff headwinds.”

Villaraigosa got a boost last week when the State Building and Construction Trades Council of California pledged $1 million to an outside committee supporting him.

His allies argue voters aren’t paying attention to the governor’s race because eyes are on President Trump, immigration raids and the Iran war.

But the new funding is a pittance compared to some of his rivals. Billionaire Tom Steyer is tapping tens of millions of his own money to pump out ads. Tech companies and billionaire Rick Caruso are supporting Matt Mahan, the mayor of San José, with millions.

Another contender, Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), has the power of incumbency. Swalwell launched his campaign on “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” and is a regular on cable news shows, while former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter, who is also running, recently served in Congress and campaigned for the U.S. Senate two years ago.

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With the June primary looming, Villaraigosa’s campaign risks sputtering out.

Angeleno Celine Mares holds a copy of Newsweek featuring newly elected Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa

Angeleno Celine Mares holds a copy of Newsweek featuring newly elected Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa as he is sworn into office on the steps of City Hall July 1, 2005.

(David McNew / Getty Images)

Leaving a Compton church earlier this month, he reacted to Mahan’s support from technology companies, and the billionaire money in the race.

“When you have overwhelming sums of money influencing elections, there’s a great deal of concern for those of us who care about our democracy,” said Villaraigosa. “As much as they say it’s about free speech, it actually drowns out speech.”

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(During his 2018 bid for governor, though, Villaraigosa was a major beneficiary of Californians using their wealth to wield political influence. Charter school backers, including Netflix co-founder Reed Hastings and philanthropist Eli Broad, spent around $23 million on efforts to boost his campaign. )

Earlier in the morning, he rallied runners at a 10K road race in L.A.’s Chinatown, lighting firecrackers, posing for photos and looking as energetic as when he was mayor and would dart into the street to personally fill potholes.

Villaraigosa flitted around the racers’ VIP tent, spotted a bowl of fortune cookies and made a beeline. “You have an active mind and a keen imagination,” he read aloud.

“Antonio V.!” a middle-aged man called out as the former mayor passed.

Minutes later, Villaraigosa swapped his black and white Veja sneakers and jeans for dress shoes and a suit for the church service in Compton, at which an overwhelmingly Black audience gave him a warm reception.

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Building a coalition of Black and Latino voters helped him win the 2005 L.A. mayor’s race in a dramatic upset of then-Mayor Jim Hahn, and brought wide attention to the one-time high school dropout, who was raised by a single mother on Los Angeles’ eastside.

Newsweek magazine featured Villaraigosa on its cover with the headline, “Latino Power: L.A.’s New Mayor and How Hispanics will change American Politics.”

But national acclaim can be fleeting. Today, voters aren’t as interested in identity-based politics, said Fernando Guerra, a professor of political science at Loyola Marymount University who has known Villaraigosa for decades.

Guerra said Villaraigosa is struggling to differentiate himself in the race because his pitch to voters is not unlike the moderate path taken by Mahan. Another contender, former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, overlaps with Villaraigosa when it comes to biographical details: Both are from the L.A. area, Latino and relatively close in age.

“What’s made it so difficult is that [Villaraigosa said], ‘Here’s my path,’” said Guerra. “Well, guess what, there are one to two more candidates who are also on that path.”

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Strategist Madrid questioned whether voters even want to hear about a candidate’s experience at a time when anti-Trump messages rally Californians. “They want a fighter,” he said.

Since leaving the mayor’s office, Villaraigosa has enjoyed success in the lucrative private sector. He purchased a $3.3 million home in the L.A. neighborhood of Beverly Hills Post Office in 2020. . A recent campaign filing shows he’s spent the last few years advising companies including the health company AltaMed, financial lender Change Company and crypto currency exchange Coinbase Global.

Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa holds news conference at the front steps of Department of Water and Power.

Then mayor Antonio Villaraigosa holds a news conference at the Department of Water and Power on Hope Street July 22, 2005, urging all of Los Angeles to conserve energy in an effort to ensure Southern California avoids blackouts.

(Ken Hively / Los Angeles Times)

He also worked for a few years for consulting firm Actum and briefly advised the Newsom administration on infrastructure projects.

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“It’s not that I didn’t like the public sector,” said Villaraigosa, explaining his decision to run again. As he talked about his desire to serve, he cast a gauzy image of the aughts in Los Angeles, taking credit for the downtown resurgence, skyline full of construction cranes and fewer homeless people on the streets during that period.

“Most people look back on those years and say they were some of the best years we’ve had in the last 25 — at least,” said Villaraigosa.

Stuart Waldman, president of the business group Valley Industry and Commerce Assn., argues Villaraigosa’s experience in the private sector and distance from elected office is a good thing.

“Look at what the economy was like, look at what the city was like” under Villaraigosa, said Waldman. “That’s what he’s going to be judged on.”

Villaraigosa started his career working for labor and civil rights groups before entering politics. Elected to the state Assembly in 1994, he pushed legislation that banned assault weapons and created healthcare coverage for children. His outgoing personality established him as a coveted fundraiser for Democrats in Sacramento and paved the way for him to be chosen as Assembly speaker.

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As L.A. mayor, he brought down gang crime through a program that used former gang members to broker truces. Voters backed his ballot measure to expand L.A.’s transit system through new sales tax money in the middle of the Great Recession. He drove down pension costs after a bruising battle with city unions. At the same time, he established himself as a national leader on climate issues and education.

His reputation took a hit after an affair with a television reporter led to the breakup of his marriage.

The media scene that covered Villaraigosa back then is vastly diminished, with young people now getting news from TikTok videos, message boards or Instagram posts.

Weighing in on recent TV news layoffs in Los Angeles, Villaraigosa called himself “lucky” that there were plenty of newspaper and television reporters covering him as mayor, recalling that he’d get a dozen cameras to his press conferences.

Asked to compare his 2018 campaign for governor with this one, he said, “I didn’t have to reintroduce myself last time in quite the way I’ve had to this time.”

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Villaraigosa spent a significant time in Mexico in recent years to see his now ex-wife Patricia Govea, a clothing designer. “She was in Mexico 80% of the time, the last six years. So I` went to Mexico a lot.” The pair’s divorce was finalized last year.

During a debate in front of Jewish voters on L.A.’s westside last month, Villaraigosa appeared to seize on the fact that he was the sole Angeleno on the stage, introducing himself by saying, “It’s good to be home.”

He told the crowd about his work as president of the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California and criticized UCLA — his alma matter — for its handling of incidents targeting Jewish students on its campus.

It remains to be seen if he’ll have a hometown advantage. In the 2018 race for governor, Newsom won more votes than Villaraigosa in Los Angeles County. While Villaraigosa did well in Latino communities in central L.A. and on the Eastside, Newsom captured more votes in wealthier, whiter areas.

But at the Compton church, a security guard approached Villaraigosa and told him she’d worked on his 2005 campaign, while others promised to vote for him.

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“I know he has a track record,” said Valerie Bland, a 63-year-old former port worker from Long Beach, as she watched Villaraigosa work the pews. “I haven’t even looked at anyone else.”

Former Assembly speaker Fabian Núñez, a longtime friend of Villaraigosa and managing partner at Actum, hopes voters dig into Villaraigosa’s record.

“We have short-term memories in this country,” said Núñez.

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Spirit Airlines Shuts Down After Years of Struggle

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Spirit Airlines Shuts Down After Years of Struggle

Spirit Airlines reshaped aviation in the United States by stripping down flying to its essentials and selling what were often the cheapest tickets around. But the airline shut down for good on Saturday, a victim of the rising costs it once excelled at controlling.

In a statement just after 2 a.m., Spirit said it had canceled all flights and told passengers not to go to the airport. On the airline’s homepage, a bright yellow banner declared that the airline was “winding down all operations.”

The budget airline had lost billions of dollars in recent years as it struggled with intense competition at its most important airports — Las Vegas, Florida and New York among them — along with rising labor costs and aircraft maintenance needs.

As a result, Spirit filed for bankruptcy in 2024 and again in 2025. It had aimed to emerge from the second bankruptcy this summer as a smaller company, but those plans fell apart as jet fuel prices rose dramatically in recent weeks, a consequence of the U.S. and Israeli war with Iran.

The Trump administration started an 11th-hour effort to provide Spirit a $500 million lifeline, but government officials and the airline’s creditors could not reach a deal in time to save the company.

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The proposed bailout faced resistance from investors in part because the Trump administration had demanded that the government have the first claim to Spirit’s assets if the airline ultimately failed. That would have left other investors that had lent money to the airline with little or nothing.

The airline’s lenders had put forward their own counterproposal that would have given the lenders better terms in a government deal, according to people familiar with the situation. But the parties could not reach an agreement.

In a letter on Thursday to Spirit Airlines, the creditors said they did not see how the company could survive and urged Spirit’s board to begin winding down its business, according to a copy reviewed by The New York Times.

The shutdown leaves 17,000 full- and part-time Spirit employees without work and tens of thousands of customers without flights. Spirit said it would automatically issue refunds for tickets purchased on credit or debit cards and was working to get more than 1,300 flight crew members home.

Many other airlines said they would offer affected travelers discounted prices on flights to and from the airports that Spirit served. Some said that they would help stranded Spirit employees get home and United Airlines also invited them to apply for jobs.

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Spirit said it safely flew more than 50,000 passengers on Friday. Spirit flight 1833, the airline’s last, departed from Detroit late in the evening and landed in Dallas after midnight, local time.

The airline’s check-in counters were deserted at airports in Chicago, New York and Fort Lauderdale, Fla., near Spirit’s headquarters. But some customers continued to stream in on Saturday, unaware of the airline’s fate.

On Friday night, Eustaquio Mendez, had packed his bags, including his trumpet, eager to celebrate his birthday with family in San Juan, Puerto Rico, and play in a series of festivals, including one with the popular merengue star Juan Luis Guerra.

But when Mr. Mendez, his wife, Maria, and their young son showed up to Chicago O’Hare International Airport for their Saturday morning Spirit flight, they found the ticketing area eerily empty.

Mr. Mendez checked his email and discovered a message from Spirit announcing the end of service. He said he had heard rumblings late last year that budget airlines were in financial trouble, but he didn’t think Spirit would shut down so fast.

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“When we booked this flight in March, maybe they should have said, ‘don’t,’” he said of Expedia, the third-party bookings site, where he purchased the tickets.

Mr. Mendez booked a new one-way flight out of Chicago Midway International Airport, which cost more than their original round-trip fare, which included a return flight on American. More disappointing to Mr. Mendez, who plays trumpet in the band Chicago Merengue All-Stars, he will miss a day of shows, including the gig with Mr. Guerra.

“All I could do is laugh it off,” Mr. Mendez said, adding that it did no one any good to kick the kiosk and pout. “We have to stay in high spirits.”

Spirit has been widely credited with democratizing air travel in the United States by keeping costs and ticket prices very low. The approach served Spirit well for years, generating huge profits. But competition from larger airlines and rising costs, particularly for pilots and other professionals, hobbled the company after the pandemic. It also suffered disproportionately from industrywide engine problems.

“Spirit Airlines played an important role in expanding access to affordable travel and bringing more low fares to more people,” Bobby Schroeter, the chief commercial officer of a rival, Frontier Airlines, said in a statement announcing discounted fares for affected travelers.

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In an interview this past week, Scott Kirby, the chief executive of United Airlines, said Spirit’s problems predated the current rise in fuel prices. “They were in trouble well before this, and well-run airlines are able to be profitable even in this environment,” he said. He also criticized Spirit’s business model, saying it was fundamentally flawed because it was based on treating customers poorly.

While Spirit was particularly affected by rising competition and costs, other budget airlines have also struggled financially in recent years. This past week, the Association of Value Airlines, a trade group representing low-cost airlines including Spirit and Frontier, asked the Trump administration for $2.5 billion in aid to offset higher jet fuel costs, which have risen by about 65 percent since the war in Iran began.

Airlines for America, which represents larger carriers, said in a statement that such aid “would punish other airlines that have engaged in self-help.”

Sean Duffy, the transportation secretary, said on Saturday that he did not believe that the aid was necessary, at least not yet. The government would be “a lender of last resort,” he said, but the airlines can raise money, if needed, through private markets.

“Are there some financial issues with some of the low-cost carriers? Yes,” he said at a news conference at Newark Liberty International Airport. “But they have access to capital and many of them are well-run businesses.”

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Spirit was founded in Michigan in the 1960s as a trucking company. In the 1990s, it started offering charter flights. Then, in the next decade, it started to upend the airline business.

In 2006, Indigo Partners, a private equity fund that specializes in budget airlines, acquired a majority stake in Spirit. The airline adopted the business model made famous by Ryanair, the European carrier, and focused on reducing costs, selling cheap tickets and offering bare-bones services. The industry calls airlines that use that business model “ultra-low-cost carriers” to distinguish them from an earlier generation of low-cost carriers like Southwest Airlines.

One of the main proponents of that strategy was Ben Baldanza, who spent a decade as Spirit’s chief executive. During his tenure, the airline generated big profits. Mr. Baldanza, who died in 2024, was proud of Spirit’s no-frills approach, which the airline highlighted in sometimes provocative advertising.

Spirit became the subject of jokes on late-night talk shows and frustrated many travelers by charging fees for services that other airlines provided for free, such as printed boarding passes, carry-on bags and the ability to choose a seat. But Spirit’s approach worked and forced other airlines to make big changes.

Experts in aviation and economics say Spirit’s low fares helped to make air travel accessible to more people. Its decision to fly to an airport often prompted other carriers operating there to quickly lower prices.

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The loss of Spirit could be devastating for its home airport, Fort Lauderdale-Hollywood International Airport. But it could present an opportunity to other airlines, too. About 25 percent of flights at the airport were operated by Spirit in the past year, while JetBlue Airways operated a similar share, according to Cirium, an aviation data firm. Delta Air Lines and Southwest Airlines each operated about 10 percent of flights.

“This is really going to hurt the airport,” said Bernard Burawski, 66, who works as a volunteer there.

“Even though it’s a budget airline, a lot of people use it,” he said of Spirit. “It’s the Greyhound of the skies. The shutdown went so fast, they didn’t even have to take down their signs.”

Spirit’s ability to pressure other airlines to lower fares was one of the main reasons that a federal judge sided with the Biden administration’s Justice Department in blocking the airline’s plan to merge with JetBlue Airways in 2024.

“In eliminating Spirit from the marketplace, the proposed transaction would, by definition, dampen Spirit’s disruptive force,” the judge, William G. Young, wrote in his ruling.

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Trump administration officials have repeatedly criticized the Biden administration for thwarting the merger. But JetBlue has also struggled to turn a profit for years, and aviation experts say there is no guarantee that a combination of the two airlines would have been profitable. Airline mergers are hard to pull off well and are often marred by major problems. Even successful combinations can lose money for years before the benefits of merging begin to surface.

As Spirit grew, it expanded into airports served by major airlines, which, in turn, adopted some of Spirit’s tactics to compete with it.

In 2012, Delta Air Lines introduced lower but restrictive “basic economy” fares that were in the same ballpark as the fares that Spirit and other budget airlines offered. Later, United Airlines and American Airlines rolled out similar basic tickets.

As a result, many people who previously flew on Spirit began to book tickets on larger airlines, which could also lure them with more frequent service, shorter waits between connecting flights and more alternatives if flights were canceled.

Gabe Castro-Root, Kim Bellware and Lauren Hirsch contributed reporting.

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Trump troop cuts in Europe could be blocked by Congress — here’s how he might get around it

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Trump troop cuts in Europe could be blocked by Congress — here’s how he might get around it

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President Donald Trump’s effort to broadly pull U.S. troops from key NATO allies over resistance to the Iran war could run into new limits imposed by Congress, but the administration may have a way around them. 

Trump ordered the withdrawal of 5,000 troops from Germany Friday, a drawdown which will happen over the next six to 12 months, according to Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell. 

Lawmakers have restricted large-scale troop reductions in Europe below 76,000. 

But Trump still retains broad authority as commander in chief to move forces between countries, opening the door to shifting troops away from allies like Germany, Spain or Italy without reducing the overall U.S. presence.

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Pentagon orders withdrawal of 5,000 U.S. troops from Germany as Trump escalates feud with Merz

The warning follows pushback from allies including Spain and Italy, which have limited how U.S. forces can use key bases for Iran-related missions, highlighting tensions inside NATO as Washington presses partners for support during the escalating conflict.

Trump said Wednesday the U.S. is “studying and reviewing the possible reduction of troops” in Germany, comments that came after Chancellor Friedrich Merz said the U.S. was “being humiliated” by Iran.

Merz downplayed the spat between Washington and Berlin in a statement Thursday. 

“On all these issues, we maintain close and trusting contact with our partners, including — and especially — those in Washington. We do so in the shared transatlantic interest. We do so with mutual respect and a fair sharing of burdens.”

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German foreign minister Johann Wadephul said in his own statement: “The Ramstein Air Base serves an irreplaceable function for both the US and us.”

President Donald Trump’s effort to broadly pull U.S. troops from key NATO allies over resistance to the Iran war could run into new limits imposed by Congress, but the administration may have a way around them.  (Graeme Sloan/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Asked on Thursday whether he’d consider pulling troops out of Italy and Spain, Trump said, “Yeah, probably… Why shouldn’t I?”

The comments come as both countries have resisted U.S. requests tied to operations in Iran.

“Italy has not been of any help to us,” the president said, adding that Spain has been “horrible, absolutely horrible” and citing their refusal to allow the U.S. to use jointly operated bases for missions related to the conflict.

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Any major withdrawal, however, would face hurdles in Congress. 

Under the latest defense bill, the Pentagon cannot reduce U.S. troop levels in Europe below 76,000 without submitting an assessment and certifying to lawmakers that the move would not harm U.S. or NATO security interests.

“The provision does not prohibit the administration from going below 76,000, but it does establish hurdles it would have to clear,” Jeff Rathke, president of the American-German Institute at Johns Hopkins University and a former State Department official, told Fox News Digital.

Key US ally blocks airspace to military flights over Iran, escalating standoff with Trump

Congress cannot directly veto a troop withdrawal, but lawmakers can impose conditions and restrict funding, effectively slowing or blocking any significant drawdown if those requirements are not met.

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The provision reflects recent concern in Congress over potential troop reductions, rather than a long-standing requirement in defense legislation. The restriction applies to total U.S. troop levels in Europe, not deployments in individual countries.

President Donald Trump and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz met in the Oval Office at the White House in Washington, D.C., on March 3, 2026, to discuss issues including recent U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran. (Win McNamee/Getty Images)

NATO itself does not have veto power over U.S. troop deployments, which remain a national decision, though basing agreements depend on cooperation with host countries.

The U.S. currently has about 36,000 troops in Germany, about 13,000 in Italy and around 4,000 in Spain — three of the largest American military footprints in Europe.

Germany and Italy host key U.S. bases that serve as logistics hubs for operations in the Middle East, meaning any significant drawdown could complicate efforts tied to the Iran conflict itself.

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That has raised the stakes for how Trump responds to allied resistance.

Seth Jones, a defense analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the president likely has the authority to reposition or even withdraw forces, but warned that doing so raises broader questions about military strategy during an ongoing conflict.

“My issue is less the legal authority, but rather the strategic rationale behind a withdrawal — especially if it is done for political, rather than strategic, reasons,” Jones said.

He pointed to the role of key bases in Europe, including Rota in Spain, which supports rapid-response operations into North Africa, and Germany, which serves as a hub for deployments across both European and African theaters.

“The Russian threat to Eastern Europe remains serious,” Jones added, noting that some U.S. bases in Germany are positioned outside the range of certain Russian missiles and drones.

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Jones also warned that relocating forces could carry significant costs and logistical challenges, adding to the complexity of any decision to scale back the U.S. presence.

The administration has pressed European allies to provide more direct support for operations tied to the Iran conflict, including broader access to bases and participation in efforts to secure key waterways such as the Strait of Hormuz.

But several countries have stopped short. Spain has imposed restrictions on how U.S. forces can use jointly operated bases, while Italy has allowed American troops to continue operating from its territory but limited how those facilities can be used for certain missions.

Germany has taken a more mixed approach, allowing operations from bases like Ramstein while publicly criticizing the administration’s strategy.

That dynamic has raised the possibility of alternatives to a full withdrawal, including shifting troops within Europe rather than reducing overall force levels.

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Rathke said such a shift could avoid triggering the congressional threshold, since it applies to overall troop levels rather than deployments in specific countries.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni speaks during a joint statement at the conclusion of Italian-German government consultations in Rome on Jan. 23, 2026. (Remo Casilli/Reuters)

But he cautioned that major relocations would be difficult in practice, noting that key infrastructure — including Ramstein Air Base and the Landstuhl Regional Medical Center — cannot easily be replicated elsewhere.

“Even the most willing European country would not be able to offer that in the short term,” he said.

Even if troop levels remain above 76,000, major relocations would likely require funding and infrastructure changes that would bring Congress back into the process.

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Lawmakers have stepped in before to block troop withdrawals from Europe, and a new push could trigger scrutiny on Capitol Hill, especially if it’s seen as weakening U.S. positioning during an ongoing conflict.

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A similar clash played out during Trump’s first term, when he ordered the withdrawal of roughly 12,000 U.S. troops from Germany in 2020, arguing that Berlin was not contributing enough to NATO defense. Congress imposed conditions through the annual defense bill, requiring the Pentagon to certify that any drawdown would not undermine NATO or U.S. operations. The effort ultimately stalled and was never fully implemented.

Lawmakers have not yet publicly responded to Trump’s latest comments. The White House did not return a request for comment.

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A defiant Iran leaves Trump with few options

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A defiant Iran leaves Trump with few options

More than 60 days into his war with Iran, well past public deadlines he had set for its end, President Trump sat through a briefing from U.S. Central Command outlining yet another set of options for a fresh round of strikes.

On offer Thursday were unpalatable choices for a president eager to move on from the conflict he started. Renewed U.S. attacks risk inflaming the war beyond Trump’s control, undermining a fragile ceasefire for which American allies fought hard. But the very need for such a briefing underscored how difficult a position the president has found himself in.

A legal deadline for congressional authorization arrived Friday that threatens to increase pressure on the administration — and underscore lagging support for the most unpopular U.S. war in modern times. Global oil prices remain above $100 a barrel entering the midterm election season. And a diplomatic breakthrough with Tehran appears nowhere in sight.

Signs pointed to another U.S. military buildup in the region this week that could portend a fresh round of fighting. A U.S. Defense official familiar with the matter said the U.S. military has used the weeks-long pause to replenish its munitions. So, too, have the Iranians, who have reportedly increased their efforts to dig out stockpiles of missiles and drones buried by U.S. and Israeli strikes.

“Amateurs look at strategy; pros look at logistics,” said Robert Pape, a professor of international relations at the University of Chicago. “I have seen more buildup of force — actual firepower, with the addition of a third aircraft carrier, and logistics — than we’ve seen since the beginning of the war in February. So there’s been a notable change in the past week.”

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The logistical surge appears to be a stream of Boeing C-17 military transport aircraft making their way to the region, alongside the addition of a third aircraft carrier. Only two carriers were in place when Trump first launched the war Feb. 28.

“That’s a pretty good sign that they’re mobilizing,” Pape added. “These are strategic and operational indicators. I would imagine they’re looking for a sharp knock.”

More than 10,000 Marines from expeditionary units are now in theater, giving Trump the option to launch limited ground operations, such as seizing a small stretch of coastline or initiating an assault on Kharg Island, the hub of Iran’s oil industry.

Occupying Iranian territory could provide the Trump administration with leverage in negotiations with Tehran. But it would also carry significant domestic political risks. A clear majority of Americans — including many Republicans — oppose a ground war.

More troops would be necessary to hold ground for any substantial period of time, experts said.

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“I do have the impression, from some of the briefings that I have received as well as other sources, that an imminent military strike is very much on the table,” Sen. Richard Blumenthal, a Democrat from Connecticut, told CNN.

Departing Washington for the weekend, Trump told reporters that a “very disjointed” Iranian government, torn internally over whether to agree to a nuclear deal with the Americans, had put his administration “in a bad position,” uncertain whom to negotiate with or whether any agreement it might strike would be enforced.

“Right now we have negotiations going on. They’re not getting there,” Trump said. “They want to make a deal, but I’m not satisfied with it. So we’ll see what happens.”

And yet, the longer talks continue, the more pain Americans can expect to feel as global energy and fertilizer prices continue to skyrocket over disrupted commercial shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, affecting the costs of pocketbook items ranging from food and fuel to airfare.

Trump hopes a brief new round of powerful strikes, potentially targeting Iranian infrastructure, will force Iran’s hard-liners to support a negotiated settlement — a gambit that could backfire, after an inaugural volley of strikes in the war killed off the government’s moderate voices, empowering the militant leadership of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

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“Do we want to go and just blast the hell out of them and finish them forever, or do we want to try and make a deal?” Trump asked, speaking with reporters on the South Lawn. “I mean, those are the options.”

In a letter addressed to Congress, Trump dismissed a 60-day deadline for congressional authorization for the war set forth in the War Powers Act, claiming the ceasefire with Iran had effectively stopped the clock on the administration’s legal responsibilities. Democrats argue that an ongoing U.S. blockade of Iranian ports constitutes an act of war that, absent a formal diplomatic agreement, requires congressional approval.

Speaking with reporters, Trump offered a less nuanced explanation.

“It’s never been used, it’s never been adhered to,” Trump said of the act. “Every other president considered it totally unconstitutional, and we agree with that.”

The internal debate over resuming the war comes after Pentagon officials informed Congress this week that the conflict, dubbed Operation Epic Fury, had cost taxpayers $25 billion thus far.

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Pete Hegseth, the president’s secretary of Defense, defended the effort at a congressional hearing Wednesday, telling lawmakers that the United States was “absolutely” winning the war.

“Militarily,” Hegseth said, “on the battlefield, it’s been an astounding military success.”

He declined to say whether he had advised the president to launch the war in the first place.

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