Connect with us

Politics

Commentary: How I learned to stop worrying about noncitizens voting in L.A. elections

Published

on

Commentary: How I learned to stop worrying about noncitizens voting in L.A. elections

¿Qué en la fregada?

What the hell?

That’s what I muttered after learning that Los Angeles Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martínez wants to allow noncitizens to vote in city and school board elections.

Talk about a solution in search of a problem, considering everything Angelenos are facing right now.

While the specter of la migra continues to haunt the city, far more crushing are problems that affect everyone — affordability, housing, traffic, pollution. Maybe Soto-Martínez and his colleagues should double down on fixing those things first and sell their message better to voters instead of picking up a new issue?

Advertisement

I know the first-term council member comes from a good place. His parents were formerly undocumented, just like my dad, and he has been a fierce advocate for immigrants going back to his labor organizing days. I have friends without legal status and others in the DACA program for people who came to the U.S. illegally as children. I think giving them, as well as green card holders and others with papers, a chance to participate in elections is a righteous idea.

But to paraphrase the Book of Ecclesiastes, there’s a time and a place for everything. In 2026, Angelenos should be focused on electing people and approving initiatives that will improve the city for everyone, not a narrow plank benefiting a slice of the population.

So I called up Soto-Martínez and challenged him to convince this doubting Tomás.

He hopes his proposal will reach the City Council later this month for a vote on whether to place it on the November ballot. If voters pass the measure, it goes back to the council to decide when — if ever — to enfranchise the immigrants.

The proposal, already vilified in conservative media, isn’t as radical as it seems. Noncitizens are already prohibited from voting in federal elections, but there’s a well-established history of their participation in local ones, including in Vermont and Maryland. They can already vote in L.A. neighborhood council elections, and in San Francisco school board elections if they have a child in the district.

Advertisement

Besides, L.A. has long led the way in weaving undocumented immigrants into the fabric of civic life.

This is a sanctuary city where Mayor Karen Bass has stood up to President Trump’s xenophobia. Where eight of the 15 council members are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Where LAUSD Supt. Alberto Carvalho — himself formerly undocumented — has striven to make local schools as welcoming as possible (Carvalho is on paid leave after the FBI raided his home and office earlier this year). Even the LAPD learned decades ago that it’s better to embrace undocumented immigrants than castigate them for their lack of legal status.

“If you’re contributing to this economy, you should have the right to decide who represents you,” Soto-Martínez told me.

Fair point. But isn’t thumbing our noses at Trump asking for more of what he has already inflicted on L.A., making life even more miserable for undocumented immigrants? Could he use the noncitizen voter rolls as a list of whom to deport? Besides, doesn’t extending the franchise to noncitizens give fuel to his crazy conspiracies about stolen elections?

“You always hear, ‘Don’t poke the bear, don’t instigate them,’ but that’s not how you deal with a bully,” Soto-Martínez replied. “They’re coming at us already. While they’re removing people’s right to vote in the Supreme Court, we’re expanding it. … And it has nothing to do with Trump. It’s about fairness.”

Advertisement

Tell that to Trump.

I mentioned that Santa Ana — a city far more Latino than Los Angeles, though not as liberal — decisively rejected a similar measure in 2024. Soto-Martínez’s fellow Democratic Socialist council members, Ysabel Jurado and Eunisses Hernández, have voiced their support for his measure. But I wonder whether the full council will move it along to voters in a year when some members, including Soto-Martínez, are running for reelection.

I couldn’t get a comment from Bass. Councilmember Nithya Raman, who’s running against her, said in a statement that Soto-Martínez’s push “is worth taking seriously” but that it’s “critical to getting this right, and we must not make decisions lightly or quickly.”

“We’re going to have to organize,” Soto-Martínez acknowledged. “But we live in a political moment where it’s the right conversation to have about what this city stands for.”

Avance Democratic Club President Nilza Serrano at Mariachi Plaza in Boyle Heights in 2022.

Advertisement

(Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)

He’s going to have to convince people like Nilza Serrano. She’s president of Avance, L.A. County’s largest Latino Democratic club, and heads the California Democratic Party’s Latino caucus. Serrano is no wokosa — she supported Rick Caruso in the last mayoral election and is now siding with Bass.

While Serrano thinks Soto-Martínez is on to something, she said that voting rights for noncitizens are a nonissue for the people she’s trying to get to the polls for the June primary and November general elections. The economy and Trump’s deportation deluge are more on their minds.

I asked if Soto-Martínez’s proposal would cheapen citizenship for people like her. Serrano and her family came here legally from Guatemala in the 1980s before becoming U.S. citizens, a process that took years.

Advertisement

“Not for me,” she replied. “But it’s hard to say for others. I’d have to do a little bit more research.”

So I continued with my own research, calling someone I was sure would have a fit about the idea: Los Angeles County Hispanic Republican Club President David Hernandez.

“Isn’t San Francisco already doing it?” the Navy veteran cracked.

I thought Hernandez would go on an anti-liberal rant, but.…

“I believe there’s a strong argument,” he said, “that if someone has established residency and is a member of the community and suffered the consequences of whatever local policies will be enacted, they should have a say in who gets elected.”

Advertisement

Did the ghost of Joaquin Murrieta, California’s original avenging Latino, suddenly possess Hernandez? To make sure I was hearing right, I asked again if noncitizens voting in L.A. elections is a good thing.

How could he support that, as a Trump-voting Republican?!

“We have to be pragmatic,” he replied. He approves of noncitizens voting in L.A. neighborhood council elections, because that’s true local control.

Hernandez understands that allowing them to vote in municipal elections might come off as an insult to the memory of civil rights activists who lost their lives fighting for that right for Black Americans. But U.S. citizens are already taking it for granted, he noted — turnout in the November 2022 L.A. mayoral election was a pitiful 44%.

“Maybe noncitizens will appreciate voting more than some citizens,” he said.

Advertisement

I’m still not fully convinced that Soto-Martínez’s push is wise right now, but I like that he’s being careful.

“We need to get in the weeds of this,” he said of the City Council’s deliberations, which he characterized as attempting to ensure maximum benefit and minimum fallout.

Let’s see what they come up with in a few weeks.

Advertisement

Politics

A Look Inside the Case That Enshrined Political Power for Billionaires

Published

on

A Look Inside the Case That Enshrined Political Power for Billionaires

The justices’ views did not track along simple ideological lines. Justice Byron White, a Kennedy appointee, felt that limiting spending was critical; otherwise, “you can get and spend all the money you want,” according to notes kept by Justice William J. Brennan Jr.

But five other justices were First Amendment hard-liners, from William Rehnquist, a conservative future chief justice, to Harry Blackmun, a liberal stalwart. Mr. Brennan and Thurgood Marshall, both liberals, contemplated supporting Justice White, and Congress, in curbing spending. But the archives show that both feared giving the government the ability to silence groups like the NAACP, where Justice Marshall, the first Black justice, had served as lead counsel.

“On the one hand, there’s this huge concern about corruption in government,” said Rick Hasen, a law professor at the University of California, Los Angeles. “On the other hand, there are these very powerful First Amendment arguments that had not ever been really considered by the court.”

Even as the justices were deliberating, the Libertarian Party was exploring whether the Kochs could test the new campaign finance limits by donating $25,000 to the party itself, rather than to a specific candidate. Mr. Bolton, who also did legal work for the Libertarian Party, helped devise a plan to put a $25,000 contribution from the Kochs in escrow while they awaited word on whether it would be legal, a gambit ultimately rejected by Charles Koch.

On Jan. 30, 1976, the court handed down its decision, a 6-to-2 ruling that upheld the law’s limits on contributions to political campaigns, its disclosure requirements and the new program for public financing of campaigns. But the justices ruled 7 to 1 against limits on how much people could spend on their own campaigns, or on independent expenditures on behalf of other politicians they hoped to see elected.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Politics

Trump requests E Jean Carroll $83M judgment stay for pending Supreme Court action on presidential immunity

Published

on

Trump requests E Jean Carroll M judgment stay for pending Supreme Court action on presidential immunity

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

President Donald Trump’s lawyers are requesting a stay of the $83.3 million judgement in E. Jean Carroll’s defamation case while he seeks Supreme Court review on the grounds of presidential immunity, according to a new filing late Tuesday night.

The Trump request for a stay is unopposed by Carroll’s legal team if Trump increases the bond by roughly $7.46 million to cover post-judgment interest on the original judgment that has been under appeal.

“This Court should now stay the mandate to allow President Trump to present important questions relating to, without limitation, Presidential immunity and the Westfall Act to the Supreme Court,” the filing from Trump’s presidential lawyer Justin Smith read.

“Carroll does not oppose this motion.”

Advertisement

FEDERAL APPEALS COURT UPHOLDS $83.3M E. JEAN CARROLL JUDGMENT AGAINST TRUMP

The Supreme Court is set to review President Donald Trump’s petition to consider the verdict in the E. Jean Carroll case. (Al Drago/Bloomberg/Getty Images; Alex Kent/Getty Images)

The Westfall Act is a federal law that protects government employees from being personally sued for common law torts like negligence or defamation committed while they were doing their jobs. Carroll originally sued for defamation in November 2019 during Trump’s first term.

Essentially, the referenced law acts as a legal “shield” by shifting the target of a lawsuit from an individual person to the United States government itself.

The 24-page filing with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit signals Trump’s intention to ask the Supreme Court to review where Trump is immune for this May 2023 judgment delivered as Trump was weighing another presidential primary run before 2024 and facing myriad legal cases under then-President Joe Biden.

Advertisement

SUPREME COURT TO REVIEW TRUMP PETITION ON E JEAN CARROLL JUDGMENT

President Donald Trump is making the case he is immune or not liable for E. Jean Carroll’s $83.3 million defamation case brought in November 2019 and the judgment brought down in May 2023. (Getty Images)

Trump’s lawyers argue there is a “reasonable probability” the Supreme Court will take the case and a “fair prospect” the justices will reverse the lower court. They point to a dissent from the denial of rehearing en banc in which three Second Circuit judges identified what Trump’s team describes as legal errors involving presidential immunity and the Westfall Act.

“Absent a stay, President Trump will suffer ongoing irreparable harm due to violation of his right to immunity from this defamation suit for his official statements as President of the United States of America,” Smith argued, adding Trump may face proceedings to execute on the $83.3 million judgment before the Supreme Court has reviewed the case.

“President Trump respectfully asks the Court to stay the mandate until the Supreme Court’s final disposition of the petition for a writ of certiorari,” the filing stated.

Advertisement

APPEALS COURT DEALS TRUMP BLOW IN CHALLENGE TO E JEAN CARROLL VERDICT

“There is a ‘fair prospect’ that the SupremeCourt will reverse the Panel’s erroneous decisions that Presidential immunity and the Westfall Act were both waived,” Trump’s lawyers continued. “Issuing the mandate and permitting lower court proceedings to move forward during Supreme Court review of these significant questions would ‘eviscerate the immunity [the Supreme Court has] recognized,’ as well as create a likely inability to recover funds if the Supreme Court reverses, as it should.”

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

The motion was filed Tuesday by Smith of the James Otis Law Group.

Smith was nominated by Trump to be a United States Circuit Judge for the Eighth Circuit in early March, and the Senate Judiciary Committee held hearings on his nomination April 15.

Advertisement

Continue Reading

Politics

Takeaways From Indiana Primary Elections 2026: Trump Gets Payback 

Published

on

Takeaways From Indiana Primary Elections 2026: Trump Gets Payback 

President Trump vowed political payback last year when Republican state lawmakers in Indiana defied him on redistricting, refusing to draw new congressional maps to help the party in the midterms.

He delivered on that threat.

On Tuesday, Republican primary voters backed at least five of the seven challengers whom Mr. Trump endorsed over incumbent state senators, according to The Associated Press. One incumbent was re-elected, and one race was too close to call.

Even as the president’s poll numbers sag, the results in Indiana showed his enduring sway over Republican primary voters and his continuing ability to exact political revenge. Here is what we learned on Tuesday:

Whether voters were glad to hear from him or wished he had stayed out of a statehouse election, Mr. Trump’s involvement loomed over the campaign.

Advertisement

The challengers backed by the president included his photo on their campaign literature and posted social media photos of themselves at the White House. Some of the incumbents took pains to explain points of agreement with Mr. Trump, even as the president attacked them on social media.

“Tonight was a lesson to Republican lawmakers throughout the nation,” said Senator Jim Banks, an Indiana Republican who backed the challengers. “There are consequences for not representing your voters.”

In Columbus, Ind., south of Indianapolis, Brenda Forgey said the president’s endorsement proved persuasive.

“We are Republicans through and through, and if he endorses anyone, we are behind them,” Ms. Forgey said.

But that same endorsement drove James Vogel, another Columbus voter, to support the incumbent.

Advertisement

“He is ruling by chaos,” Mr. Vogel said of the president. “Every day, every week, it is something new.”

The result was a stunning rebuke for independent-minded Republicans and a warning to officials elsewhere in the country who have crossed Mr. Trump, the undisputed leader of the Republican Party.

“Donald Trump maintains his singular ability to catapult candidates from obscurity to Congress or, in this case, the Indiana Statehouse,” said Pete Seat, an Indiana-based veteran of the George W. Bush White House. “The organizational heft, the messaging acumen and the level of coordination required to pull off this feat cannot be — and should not be — underestimated.”

The results are surely cause for concern for two Republicans who have bucked Mr. Trump in the past and are now facing primary opponents backed by the president: Representative Thomas Massie of Kentucky and Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana.

Like the newly deposed Indiana Republicans, Mr. Massie and Mr. Cassidy have long histories with their constituents and are known quantities locally. But Tuesday proved once again that in a Republican primary, Mr. Trump’s desires often outweigh whatever local good will candidates have built up.

Advertisement

Indiana voters supported Mr. Trump by large margins in the last three presidential elections. Even still, and even as his preferred candidates racked up victories, Republicans voiced mixed reviews of his second term and were divided about the importance of his endorsement.

“He is doing what he is supposed to,” Athena Purtlebaugh said after she voted for the president’s candidate in Taylorsville, Ind. “Yes, he is coarse sometimes and I cringe, but he is doing the right things.”

But in Tipton, Ind., Jeff Crouch said that “he didn’t want to vote for anybody that was endorsed by President Trump.”

Mr. Crouch, a Republican, said he had voted for Mr. Trump previously, but not in 2024. He described his impression of the president’s second term as “somewhere between terrible and really terrible.”

Indiana Republicans have amassed near-total control of the state over the last 20 years. But the fight over redistricting brought long-simmering fissures into the open.

Advertisement

The divide is not exactly between moderates and conservatives, but more between the party establishment and an ascendant faction that has modeled its style after the president’s.

On the one side, the state’s governor, lieutenant governor and many members of the congressional delegation lined up behind Mr. Trump.

On the other, former Gov. Mitch Daniels, who helped usher in Indiana’s era of Republican dominance, became a leading voice against redistricting. His successor as governor, former Vice President Mike Pence, mostly avoided the redistricting debate, but endorsed one of the incumbents seeking re-election.

With so many Trump-backed challengers ousting incumbents who had voted against redistricting, the path appears clearer for drawing new maps before the 2028 elections.

Because Republicans hold durable majorities in both chambers of the state Legislature, the results from Tuesday’s State Senate primaries made it more likely there would be support for a G.O.P.-friendly redistricting next year.

Advertisement

It remains unclear how aggressive the new class of Indiana Republicans in the State Senate will be. Democrats hold seats based in Indianapolis, the state capital and largest city, and in the suburban Chicago communities of Northwest Indiana.

Kim Bellware, Robert Chiarito, Amy Lynch and Kevin Williams contributed reporting from Indiana.

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending