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‘Secret courts and secret decisions’: Calls for transparency in Maine’s child welfare system

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‘Secret courts and secret decisions’: Calls for transparency in Maine’s child welfare system


On a gray morning last week, former state Sen. Bill Diamond stood at a rally in front of the State House and implored Maine’s government to do more to prevent child abuse – and be transparent about its efforts.

A nearby sign attached to a stone column listed the names of eight Maine children on blue sneakers: eight children who have died in the past three decades, and whose names have become synonymous with the state’s child welfare system, including Maddox Williams, Marissa Kennedy and Logan Marr.

Diamond was describing a horrific addition to that list. Ten-year-old Braxtyn Smith died at a Bangor hospital in February. Police said the boy’s death followed months of physical abuse by his mother, father and grandmother, who have all been charged with depraved indifference murder.

Diamond wanted to know if Maine’s Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the state’s child protective system, had ever made contact with the boy, who was homeschooled, or his family. The department has refused to say, citing confidentiality laws.

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“There are good reasons for confidentiality,” Diamond said. “But in terms of transparency, it’s appeared over the years that they’ve used that as a reason not to talk at all. I think there are openings there where they could talk and they could help the situation.”

Others at the rally agreed. A social worker called for the department to stop “operating behind closed doors.” A school superintendent implored the state to “open up the system so we know what we’re working with.” A foster mom said it is “crucial for the Iron Curtain to be pulled back so we can get the transparency needed to reform policies that continue to fail our children.”

But the speeches were light on policy specifics, and what the transparency they envision looks like in practice is somewhat nebulous.

All child welfare systems face a tension between protecting the confidentiality of vulnerable parents and children, and the need to inform the public about how the system operates, particularly in high-profile cases of abuse or neglect.

The debate over how to balance those two interests is an old one, but critics in Maine and elsewhere have argued that more transparency is needed to ensure that confidentiality rules are protecting children and their families, not shielding child welfare agencies from public scrutiny.

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Like many such agencies across the country, Maine’s beleaguered office suffers from high staff vacancies and turnover, leaving its caseworkers overburdened. Efforts in the Legislature this year to create a standalone child welfare office failed, as the debate continues about how to address concerns that the system is not adequately protecting children.

Maine’s rate of child maltreatment is more than double the national average and the fourth-highest in the country, according to the most recent federal data. Homicides and deaths of children involved with the child welfare system rose from seven in 2007, when the state began tracking this, to a high of 34 in 2021, before declining to 23 last year.

At the same time, Maine is one of just a handful of states that increased the rate of removing children from their families between 2018 and 2022.

The public knows almost nothing about most of these cases – often only hearing about them if there is a death and the case enters the criminal justice system.

The department says it is bound by federal confidentiality rules and would lose funding if it violated them. Advocates like Diamond say the department’s interpretation of the rules is overly broad and self-serving.

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Lawmakers tasked with oversight bemoan the department’s power as they face off with the attorney general’s office over access to department records.

Meanwhile, state law keeps child protection court proceedings – and the department’s contested actions – out of public view.

“State and federal confidentiality laws prohibit the department from commenting on child protective matters in most instances, subject to very limited statutory exceptions,” said DHHS spokesperson Lindsay Hammes.

Federal rules attach confidentiality requirements to funding for state child welfare agencies to make sure victims of abuse aren’t hurt by details of their case being made public, said Brian Blalock, senior directing attorney with the nonprofit Youth Law Center.

But over the last two decades, those federal rules have been loosened to give states more leeway to provide information to the public, especially around child deaths, Blalock said.

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“There’s a real legitimate tension between the harm not preserving confidentiality can cause these families and communities, and the harm if there’s not enough transparency and accountability,” Blalock said. “I think it’s a huge issue, but it gets so complicated so quickly.”

CONFIDENTIAL RECORDS

The complications are illustrated by a case currently before the Maine Supreme Judicial Court. It involves DHHS’s refusal to respond to a subpoena from the Legislature’s government oversight committee demanding case files related to four children who died in 2021.

DHHS supplied the records to the Office of Program Evaluation and Government Accountability (OPEGA), the independent office that performs investigations on behalf of the Government Oversight Committee. But the department refused to turn the records over to the committee.

Representing the department, the attorney general’s office argued doing so would violate federal law and risk “losing funding critical to the administration of its Maine Child Welfare Services program.”

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A district court ruled in favor of DHHS, but Maine’s top court took up the case on appeal. It heard oral arguments in December and has yet to issue a ruling.

Both sides have argued that the federal laws in question vindicate their position.

The Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act strikes a balance between “the families’ right to privacy, and the right of children to be free from abuse and neglect,” the attorney general’s office said. The state is only allowed to share records with government entities that need the information to “protect children from child abuse and neglect.”

The attorney general’s office said OPEGA is one such entity, because it would use the information to suggest improvements to the child welfare system. The committee, it argued, is too removed from protecting children to have a legitimate need for the records.

Attorneys representing the committee contended that federal laws don’t say the records can’t be shared, only that the state needs to have a system to ensure confidentiality outside “legitimate state purposes.” They argued the committee has a “legitimate state purpose” in seeing the records to “examine the efficacy of services provided by the department.”

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The conflict over the records may stem in part from the federal government’s lack of clarity around its disclosure laws. Researchers at the Children’s Advocacy Institute at the University of San Diego School of Law criticized the Administration for Children and Families for not instituting “formal, binding regulatory instructions” around disclosure.

“States are struggling to understand exactly what their responsibilities are with regard to the public disclosure mandate,” researchers wrote in 2015. An institute spokesperson said she was not aware of federal action to provide greater clarification in the intervening years.

Sen. Jeff Timberlake, R-Androscoggin, sits on the government oversight committee. It’s the committee’s job to oversee the department, which requires being able to see those records, Timberlake said. He claimed refusing to turn them over wasn’t about protecting kids, but “protecting DHHS and its employees.”

Both Timberlake and the committee chair, Sen. Craig Hickman, D-Kennebec, introduced bills last year that would have clarified the committee’s ability to access confidential information. But both bills failed to gain traction after objections from Gov. Janet Mills’ administration.

Timberlake also introduced a bill last session to separate the Office of Child and Family Services from the rest of DHHS, and make it a standalone department. The bill passed the Senate but was never picked up by the House. It mirrored legislation Diamond put forward while a legislator in 2021.

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Timberlake’s bill was “designed to make Office of Child and Family Services much more visible and much more transparent,” he said. The office is insulated from public view by layers of bureaucracy inside the Department of Health and Human Services, Maine’s largest state agency.

“Part of what I was trying to do,” Timberlake told The Maine Monitor, “was be able to dig down through and peel the layers of the onion back.”

CLOSED COURTS

While records are generally confidential, a number of states have opened child welfare court proceedings, meaning observers – including journalists and policymakers – can observe the system in action. In Maine, cases are closed to the public.

When a Monitor reporter asked a Portland court clerk not if he could attend one of the cases, but simply when and where they took place, he was told even that information was secret.

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Seventeen states have open child welfare proceedings, but judges can close them at their discretion. Another two states have fully open systems, according to a 2011 analysis of state laws by the National Center for Juvenile Justice.

That same analysis found that 31 states – including Maine – have closed proceedings but allow judges to open individual cases.

Vivek Sankaran, director of the Child Advocacy Law Clinic at the University of Michigan, often wonders who closed courts are protecting.

“Are they protecting the agency and the courts, and the inside players?” he asked. “I think there’s certainly a lot of that going on. For me, the need for transparency outweighs everything.”

The closed court system means the only cases that become public are those that enter the criminal justice system, typically because of child deaths. Those cases, which are horrific and outliers, are often the only glimpse the public and legislators get into a system that handles more than 26,000 referrals a year.

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Physical abuse allegations make up less than a quarter of child protective cases in Maine each year, while most are related to neglect or lack of housing. Advocates say this distorts reality because stories of failures on the other end of the spectrum, in which children are removed and families torn apart unnecessarily, never become public.

“Secrecy is behind a lot of unnecessary removals because they can’t be observed in the moment and can’t be talked about afterwards,” said Matthew Fraidin, a professor at the University of the District of Columbia School of Law who has written about confidentiality in the child welfare system. “So everything is driven by one horrible death. It’s horrible but it’s not the real story of child welfare.”

He said “secret courts and secret decisions” are an “invitation to bias.”

The closed-off nature of this system also presents difficulties for lawyers representing parents, said Taylor Kilgore, an attorney based in Turner. They can’t see the arguments other lawyers have made unless a case goes to the Maine Judicial Supreme Court and the court publishes a decision (the court uses pseudonyms in their published decisions to protect the identities of those involved).

“If somebody has made the exact same argument I’m making, and they failed on it, I don’t really have a way to know that,” Kilgore said.

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In addition, the Maine supreme court is increasingly publishing memorandums instead of full decisions, Kilgore said. While full decisions are many pages long and discuss the legal issues involved, memorandums of decision can be as short as a few sentences and typically say little more than how the court ruled.

“There really isn’t a lot of information there for any of us to go on,” Kilgore explained.

Fraidin said this lack of transparency can equate to a lack of accountability.

“Secrecy also means there’s no real incentive for the state to improve its functioning because they don’t have an incentive to learn from their mistakes and ups and downs,” he said. “Because nobody’s watching.”

 

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This story was originally published by The Maine Monitor, a nonprofit and nonpartisan news organization. To get regular coverage from the Monitor, sign up for a free Monitor newsletter here.


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Videos show dead Maine moose covered in winter ticks. How they kill.

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Videos show dead Maine moose covered in winter ticks. How they kill.


Outdoors
The BDN outdoors section brings readers into the woods, waters and wild places of Maine. It features stories on hunting, fishing, wildlife, conservation and recreation, told by people who live these experiences. This section emphasizes hands-on knowledge, field reports, issues, trends and the traditions that define life outside in Maine. Read more Outdoors stories here. 

Shed hunter Drew Maciel recently found two dead moose while searching for antlers this month. Both were covered in winter ticks and had significant hair loss.

He said he has encountered six dead moose with heavy tick loads this spring. About half were young animals, while the others were fairly large.

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Moose biologist Lee Kantar recently discussed winter ticks and Maine’s moose on the Vortex Nation podcast.

Kantar said the state has been documenting winter ticks since 2006, though wardens noted them more than 100 years ago.

Unlike dog and deer ticks, which take blood meals from multiple hosts at different life stages, winter ticks spend their entire life cycle on a single animal. They attach to moose in September as larvae, then molt into adults, breed and the females drop off in spring to lay masses of roughly 1,000 eggs on the ground.

Those eggs hatch over the summer. The larvae climb onto vegetation and wait for a host to pass by.

“The biggest problem,” Kantar said, “is once it attaches to the moose in the fall, whether it’s 50 degrees or 50 below, it makes no difference. The tick is living on the moose.”

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He said more than 90,000 ticks have been counted on a single animal and explained how heavy infestations can lead to death.

If roughly half of 50,000 ticks are females, they can each take more than 1 milliliter of blood to produce eggs. This drains so much blood from the animal that it becomes anemic.

Kantar said that unlike deer, which regularly groom using their teeth and hooves to remove ticks, moose do not.

“There are very systematic levels to how moose deal with winter ticks,” he said.

Sometimes the hair shaft breaks off from winter rubbing, leaving the white shaft — coining the term “ghost moose.” Some moose rub off all their hair, which can abrade the skin and lead to bacterial infection.

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He believes rubbing the coat is a learned behavioral response. Many moose entering their first winter do not have missing hair. By their second year, they begin grooming and rubbing and continue to do so for the rest of their lives.

Kantar said that based on observations from radio-collared moose, animals captured in January can begin losing about a pound of body weight per day until little remains. By late winter, they may lose about 30% of their body weight.

“It’s a dead moose walking,” he said. “They basically go septic at some point.”

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Small animals are the most vulnerable, he said. An 8-month-old moose calf captured in January may weigh about 400 pounds.

“It needs to be that much weight,” he said. “Even without ticks, a calf entering winter has no fat because it’s still growing its skeletal mass and is in a deficit.”

An 800-pound cow has the benefit of entering winter with fat reserves.

Even so, adult moose still lose condition. If a cow goes into winter pregnant, the fetus requires nutrition while tens of thousands of ticks are taking blood.

A moose’s winter diet lacks the protein needed to replace lost blood.

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Kantar and colleagues in New Hampshire have found that cows often survive heavy tick loads but give birth to calves that are underweight, do not survive or struggle because the cow may not produce enough milk.

Using data from roughly 1,000 collared moose over 13 years, Kantar said adult mortality is relatively low compared to calves. Fall tick counts from index samples collected at harvest can help predict spring outcomes.

In some years, more than 70% of collared calves have died due to winter ticks.

The worst year saw 87% mortality. The best was 8%.

Kantar said there appears to be a strong link between moose density and tick abundance. More moose on the landscape means more ticks.

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That link led to a five-year adaptive hunt in wildlife management district 4 aimed at reducing cow numbers and studying impacts on tick loads and reproduction. Results from that study are expected this summer.

While some have proposed treatments such as acaricides to manage winter ticks, Kantar said the scale makes them ineffective and expensive. Future management may instead focus on forest practices that help spread moose across the landscape.

Next steps include conducting fine-scale work with adult moose using high fixed-rate GPS collars. Kantar hopes to better understand where individual animals are each week over their lifetimes, and how forest management may play a role.



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These are the Best Outdoor Dining Joints in Maine, According to Locals

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These are the Best Outdoor Dining Joints in Maine, According to Locals


It’s finally that time of year. warmer weather is here, and outdoor dining is right around the corner.

In Maine, that’s the real sign that spring has arrived. Restaurants, cafés, and bars start setting up their patios and sidewalk tables, and suddenly everything feels right in the world. After a long, tough winter, it’s a simple but welcome reminder that we made it through.

It also means Maine is gearing up for another year of hordes of tourists rolling into the state to enjoy all it has to offer. And local fare is certainly high on that list—because it’s, well, delicious.

How Great is Maine as a Foodie State?

We spend massive amounts of time discussing and dissecting every little aspect of the Maine restaurant scene. Whether it’s Portland, the surrounding area, Bar Harbor, Central Maine, the Midcoast, the Western Foothills, or the Southern Coast, this state is an absolute gold mine.

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Oxbow Beer Garden via Facbeook

Oxbow Beer Garden via Facbeook

With warmer weather and longer days rolling in, I thought it’d be fun to take a look at some of the state’s best restaurants for outdoor seating—the spots that not only serve great food but also offer beautiful views of Maine’s charming towns and stunning landscapes.

Outdoor dining has absolutely blown up in Maine since 2020, with countless restaurants making use of any available outside space. It’s been a huge hit with both locals and tourists.

We put out the call for the joints Mainers say have the best outdoor dining—the restaurants that help shape a community and keep our stomachs full.

Jones Landing via Facebook

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Jones Landing via Facebook

Now, thanks to our stations’ social media, we can finally put some names to those establishments.

What are the Best Maine Restaurants for Outdoor Dining?

Below is a list of many of the restaurants that were suggested to us. They vary in size, concept, and location. Some have opened recently, while others have been community staples for years. But they’re all true Maine originals.

READ MORE: Maine’s Chase’s Daily Named One of America’s Best Vegetarian Restaurants

You can check out the full list below. Hope you’re hungry—I know I am.

35 Maine Restaurants with the Best Outdoor Dining

Thanks to our great listeners we were able to compile a list of many of Maine’s restaurants with the best outdoor dining.

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These great spots can be found across the state and waiting for you to give them a try.

How many have you been to? How many would you like to try for the first time?

Gallery Credit: Chris Sedenka

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Maine Republican candidates are upset about their own party’s online poll

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Maine Republican candidates are upset about their own party’s online poll


Politics
Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.

A Maine Republican Party online survey on the gubernatorial primary has sparked frustration and exposed divisions among the crowded field just a week before the party aims to project unity at its convention in Augusta.

Multiple campaigns told the Bangor Daily News they were not aware of the poll in advance or had not received the survey in an email sent out widely by the party last week. The campaigns said the survey’s timing and the fact that not every candidate had the chance to work the poll and vote for themselves sent the wrong message.

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Former fitness executive Ben Midgley won the straw poll, which the party noted was not scientific. His campaign cited the nearly 32% support as a sign of rising momentum in a race that’s been led so far by lobbyist and former federal official Bobby Charles. Charles came in second at almost 30%, and entrepreneur Jonathan Bush came in third at 13%.

Charles has led previous polls without spending nearly as much on advertising as Bush or groups backing lobbyist and former Maine Senate Majority Leader Garrett Mason. Midgley was among a large group of candidates stuck in the single digits in a survey released in March by Pan Atlantic Research.

Staffers at two campaigns said there was briefly talk of boycotting the convention after the poll. Delegates are poised to gather over Friday and Saturday at Augusta Civic Center, where the party says another straw poll is planned.

Mason said he did not see the survey in his email but acknowledged it may have been received by his team without it getting up the chain.

“It probably wasn’t the wisest thing to do for party unity,” Mason said. “It’s not the best look.”

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Vincent Harris, a Charles spokesperson, said the campaign “did not push or promote this straw poll to a single person.” He said the campaign was unaware of the survey until Midgley’s release.

“As Republicans, we believe voter integrity is important and yet there was no clarity here,” he added.

Entrepreneur Owen McCarthy’s campaign was also not aware of the online stroll poll until after results were released. A spokesman for the campaign called it “unfortunate that with the convention right around the corner, the whole process has been tainted by the perception that party insiders are trying to foist their preferred candidate onto grassroots primary voters.”

Jason Savage, executive director of the Maine GOP, said the party believed all the candidates had received the poll, but “we take everybody at their word that says they didn’t receive it.”

He and a spokesperson for the Bush campaign also separately noted that the straw poll was discussed during a pre-convention Zoom meeting, and he said it went to the party’s entire email list. The poll went to at least two BDN email addresses.

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Savage emphasized that the convention poll would be “one person, one vote” per delegate.

“Everything in a few days is going to be about the convention,” he said. “Everybody is invited to compete and do their best and see how they can do.”



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