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Why Stacey Abrams Isn’t Embracing Her Democratic Stardom (So Far)

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Why Stacey Abrams Isn’t Embracing Her Democratic Stardom (So Far)

CUTHBERT, Ga. — As Stacey Abrams started her second marketing campaign for Georgia governor with a speech this week about Medicaid growth in entrance of a shuttered rural hospital, the gang of about 50 peppered her with questions on points like paving new roads.

However Sandra Willis, the mayor professional tem of this city of roughly 3,500 individuals, had a broader level to make. “When you get elected, you gained’t neglect us, will you?” she requested.

The query mirrored Ms. Abrams’s standing as a nationwide Democratic celeb, who was extensively credited with serving to to ship Georgia for her social gathering within the 2020 elections and has made her identify synonymous with the battle for voting rights.

However she has proven little want to place poll entry on the heart of her bid. Her first days on the marketing campaign path have been spent largely in small, rural cities like Cuthbert, the place she is extra excited about discussing Medicaid growth and assist to small companies than the flagship problem that helped catapult her to nationwide fame.

Ms. Abrams’s technique quantities to a significant guess that her marketing campaign can survive a bleak election 12 months for Democrats by capitalizing on Georgia’s fast-changing demographics and successful over on-the-fence voters who need their governor to largely keep above the fray of nationwide political battles.

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“I’m a Georgian first,” she stated in an interview. “And my job is to spend particularly these first few months anchoring the dialog about Georgia.”

In Cuthbert, the place Ms. Abrams was pressed on Monday by Ms. Willis on her dedication to Georgia’s small communities, she reminded onlookers that this was not her first go to to city — and she or he promised it could not be her final. The city sits in Randolph County, considered one of a handful of rural, predominantly Black counties that had been essential to Democrats’ victories in Georgia within the final cycle. Upward of 96 % of Black voters who solid ballots right here within the 2020 presidential election voted within the 2021 Senate runoff elections.

Randolph has additionally been held up for instance of the state’s neglect of its low-income, rural residents: The county’s solely hospital shut down in October 2020.

“I’m right here to assist,” Ms. Abrams stated in her Monday speech in entrance of the closed hospital. Itemizing the names of seven counties surrounding Randolph, she promised to be a “governor for all of Georgia, particularly southwest Georgia.”

Ms. Abrams’s give attention to state and hyperlocal points displays an understanding that to win Georgia, any Democrat should seize votes in all corners of the state. That additionally means figuring out the problems closest to voters in each nook.

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“The whole lot both occurs in Atlanta, or outdoors of Atlanta within the suburbs,” stated Bobby Jenkins, the mayor of Cuthbert and a Democrat. “However because the election in November confirmed, you’ve received quite a lot of Democrats, lots of people in these rural areas, and you can not overlook them. There aren’t many on this county. However while you band all of those counties collectively in southwest Georgia, then you possibly can create some impression.”

Ms. Abrams has additionally used visits just like the one to Cuthbert and a later meet-and-greet within the central Georgia city of Warner Robins to criticize Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican who beat her in the identical race in 2018, over what she known as his weakening of the state’s public well being infrastructure throughout the pandemic and his underinvestment in rural communities.

“If we should not have a governor who sees and focuses on how Georgia can mitigate these harms, how Georgia can bolster alternative, then the nationwide surroundings is much less related, as a result of the deepest ache comes from nearer to house,” Ms. Abrams stated within the interview.

Nonetheless, that nationwide surroundings stays unfriendly to Democrats. Lower than eight months earlier than the November midterm elections, the social gathering is staring down a document variety of Home retirements, a failure to cross the majority of President Biden’s agenda and a pessimistic citizens that’s driving his low approval scores.

But Democrats see causes for hope in Georgia. The state continues to develop youthful and extra racially numerous, in a boon to the community of organizations that helped prove the voters who flipped Georgia blue in 2020. Lots of these teams stay well-staffed and well-funded. And whereas Ms. Abrams is working unopposed within the Democratic main, Mr. Kemp faces 4 challengers, together with a Trump-backed candidate, former Senator David Perdue.

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All of for this reason, whereas Ms. Abrams’s public picture has expanded, she has not deviated a lot from the marketing campaign technique she employed in 2018. Throughout her first run for governor, she visited all 159 of Georgia’s counties and aimed for surges in turnout in deep-blue metro Atlanta counties at the same time as she sought to prove new voters in rural areas that Democrats had traditionally ceded to Republicans. A number of of her 2022 marketing campaign workers members shaped her 2018 mind belief.

Voting rights activists within the state — lots of whom say their relationship with Ms. Abrams and her marketing campaign stays heat — hesitate to query Ms. Abrams’s diminished give attention to poll entry, particularly since it’s so early within the marketing campaign and her technique may but shift.

“She has a sure star, nationwide highlight high quality that you simply not often see with Southern candidates,” stated LaTosha Brown, a co-founder of the group Black Voters Matter in Georgia. She expressed confidence that Ms. Abrams’s candidacy would “proceed to maintain the voting rights problem from dying.”

Ms. Abrams’s organizing for voting rights has its roots in her years because the minority chief within the Georgia Statehouse. She based the voter enfranchisement group New Georgia Mission in 2013 to prove extra younger and rare voters — a method she pitched to nationwide Democrats forward of the 2020 election amid efforts to steer white average voters.

Then, a 12 months in the past, after Georgia’s Republican-led legislature handed a sweeping invoice of voting restrictions, poll entry once more turned a central problem for nationwide Democrats. Amid the social gathering’s uproar concerning the invoice and others prefer it, Ms. Abrams targeted on the coverage implications of the laws over the political. Throughout testimony to Republican senators in Washington shortly after the regulation’s passage, she laid out a laundry checklist of criticisms of the measure, denouncing its limits on drop packing containers and a discount in election precincts that would deter working individuals from voting.

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For his or her half, Republicans are desirous to painting Ms. Abrams as an influential nationwide determine — however a harmful, radical one, whom they are going to attempt to beat in any respect prices.

Her critics on the correct have additionally aimed to color her as a sore loser, citing her yearslong insistence that Mr. Kemp’s 2018 victory over her owed to voter suppression ways that he employed because the Georgia secretary of state. Some have even in contrast her to former President Donald J. Trump in her unwillingness to just accept unfavorable election outcomes.

“Stacey Abrams spent the final 4 years chasing style-magazine covers, championing the nationwide Democrats’ harmful far-left agenda, and waging shadow campaigns for president and vice chairman,” stated Tate Mitchell, a spokesman for Mr. Kemp. “For her, this marketing campaign for governor is about attaining extra money and energy — not placing hardworking Georgians first.”

However she has been cautious to counter that narrative, making clear in her latest marketing campaign speeches that she didn’t win in 2018.

“4 years in the past, after I utilized for this job of governor, I had my software declined,” she instructed supporters in Atlanta on Monday. “That’s OK. I’ve had 4 years to work on issues. I’ve had 4 years to dwell as much as what I instructed of us I might do after I was working for workplace.”

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Throughout her speech in Atlanta, Ms. Abrams talked about voting rights solely briefly, alluding to the state’s new voting regulation as she warned of a Republican backlash to Democrats’ inroads in Georgia in latest election cycles.

Within the interview, she stated that in 2018, she had underestimated the extent of limits on entry to the poll.

“I used to be conscious of the final structure,” Ms. Abrams stated. “I used to be not conscious of simply how deeply embedded it had grow to be within the conduct of our elections. And that isn’t one thing that may shock me once more.”

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As Harvard Battles Trump, Its President Will Take a 25% Pay Cut

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As Harvard Battles Trump, Its President Will Take a 25% Pay Cut

Harvard University, which is clashing with the Trump administration over its academic independence and the withdrawal of billions of dollars in research funding, said on Wednesday that its president had chosen to cut his own pay by 25 percent starting later this year.

The university has not disclosed specifics about its compensation package for the president, Alan M. Garber, who became Harvard’s permanent leader last year. His recent predecessors were paid around $1 million a year.

Whatever it amounts to in dollar terms, though, the pay reduction is a symbolic gesture compared with the scale of the university’s fight with the federal government, which has already moved to block more than $2.6 billion in funding for Harvard.

A university spokesman, Jonathan L. Swain, said Dr. Garber’s salary would be reduced starting July 1, when Harvard’s next fiscal year begins. The university, which has already halted new hiring and suspended merit raises for many employees, said that other Harvard leaders were planning contributions to the school.

The university acknowledged Dr. Garber’s decision the day after it expanded its lawsuit against the Trump administration.

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The government made a range of intrusive demands of Harvard last month, asserting that the university had, among other things, not done enough to combat antisemitism. The university has sharply contested those accusations. Then last week, Linda McMahon, the education secretary, said that Harvard would not be eligible for any more federal grants.

Legal experts have cast doubt on the viability of Ms. McMahon’s decree, and many of them believe that Harvard has a strong legal case to reverse the cuts the Trump administration has already made. Even so, Harvard, which has routinely received hundreds of millions of dollars a year in federal research funding, is preparing for turmoil as long as President Trump remains in office.

In the first months of Mr. Trump’s second term, Harvard has already had to scale back or eliminate some research programs, including efforts to study tuberculosis, Lou Gehrig’s disease and radiation sickness, because of federal funding cuts. The university’s T.H. Chan School of Public Health, faced with some of the most significant funding losses, is eliminating desktop phones, limiting catering, reducing security and cutting back on purchases of new computers. The school has also cut back on leased office space, slots for doctoral students and a shuttle that ferries employees between offices.

The Crimson, the Harvard campus newspaper, first reported Dr. Garber’s pay decision.

A sense of campus solidarity in the funding fight extends beyond Harvard’s top ranks. Ninety tenured professors have pledged to take 10 percent pay cuts in order to help Harvard, the nation’s oldest and wealthiest university, weather the Trump administration’s onslaught. Ryan D. Enos, a professor of government and a leader of the group, said the university had expressed its gratitude.

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The group came together, Dr. Enos said, in recognition that some Harvard employees could be harder hit than others by the federal cuts.

In a statement, the professors, some of whom have not been named publicly, said their offer to work for less pay signaled “our commitment as faculty members to use means at our disposal to protect the university and, especially, staff and students who do not have the same protections.”

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Qatar orders up to 210 Boeing jets during Trump visit

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Qatar orders up to 210 Boeing jets during Trump visit

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Qatar has agreed to buy up to 210 aircraft from Boeing in what US President Donald Trump hailed as the largest order of jets in the history of the American aerospace company as he visited the Gulf state. 

The White House announced economic deals worth more than $243bn as Qatar became the latest oil-rich country to earn plaudits from the president for buying into his “America first” investment policy as he toured the Gulf in pursuit of headline-grabbing business deals.

Qatar Airways, the state-owned national carrier, had agreed to a $96bn deal to acquire up to 210 American-made Boeing 787 Dreamliner and 777X aircraft, the White House said, adding that it was Boeing’s “largest-ever wide-body order”.

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“Congratulations to Boeing. Get those planes out there,” Trump said at a signing ceremony with Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, Qatar’s emir. “I just want to thank you. We’ve been friends for a long time.” 

Boeing shares were up 2.3 per cent on Wednesday. Airlines often receive a discount off the list price of the aeroplanes they buy.

Other multibillion dollar deals have also been reached in defence, energy and technology, the White House said.

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A federal appeals panel has made enforcing the Voting Rights Act harder in 7 states

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A federal appeals panel has made enforcing the Voting Rights Act harder in 7 states

A demonstrator carrying a sign that says “VOTING RIGHTS NOW” walks across the Frederick Douglass Memorial Bridge in 2022 in Washington, D.C.

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A panel of the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals has struck down one of the key remaining ways of enforcing the federal Voting Rights Act in seven mainly Midwestern states.

For decades, private individuals and groups have brought the majority of lawsuits for enforcing the landmark law’s Section 2 protections against racial discrimination in the election process.

But in a 2-1 ruling released Wednesday, the three-judge panel found that Section 2 cannot be enforced by lawsuits from private parties under a separate federal statute known as Section 1983.

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That statute gives individuals the right to sue state and local government officials for violating their civil rights. Section 1983 stems from the Ku Klux Klan Act that Congress passed after the Civil War to protect Black people in the South from white supremacist violence, and voting rights advocates have considered it an antidote to a controversial 2023 decision by a different federal appeals panel that made it harder to enforce Section 2 in the 8th Circuit.

That earlier panel found that Section 2 is not privately enforceable because the Voting Rights Act does not explicitly name private individuals and groups. Only the head of the Justice Department can bring these types of lawsuits, that panel concluded.

The majority of the panel that released Wednesday’s opinion came to the same conclusion.

“Because [the Voting Rights Act’s Section 2] does not unambiguously confer an individual right, the plaintiffs do not have a cause of action under [Section 1983 of Title 42 of the U.S. Code] to enforce [Section 2] of the Act,” wrote Circuit Judge Raymond Gruender, who was nominated by former President George W. Bush and joined in the opinion by Circuit Judge Jonathan Kobes, a nominee of President Trump.

In a dissenting opinion, however, Chief Circuit Judge Steven Colloton, also a Bush nominee, pointed out the long history of private individuals and groups suing to enforce Section 2’s legal protections against any inequalities in the opportunities voters of colors have to elect preferred candidates in districts where voting is racially polarized.

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“Since 1982, private plaintiffs have brought more than 400 actions based on [Section 2] that have resulted in judicial decisions. The majority concludes that all of those cases should have been dismissed because [Section 2] of the Voting Rights Act does not confer a voting right,” Colloton wrote.

Under the current Trump administration, the Justice Department has stepped away from Section 2 cases that had begun during the Biden administration.

The 8th Circuit includes Arkansas, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota and South Dakota. The latest ruling comes out of a North Dakota redistricting lawsuit by the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians and the Spirit Lake Tribe. Citing Section 1983 as a basis for bringing the case as private groups, the tribal nations challenged a map of state legislative voting districts, which was approved by North Dakota’s Republican-controlled legislature after the 2020 census.

In a part of the state where voting is racially polarized, the tribal nations argued, the redistricting lines drawn by the state lawmakers reduce the opportunity for Native American voters to elect candidates of their choice.

“For the first time in over 30 years, there are zero Native Americans serving in the North Dakota state Senate today because of the way the 2020 redistricting lines were configured,” Mark Gaber, an attorney with the Campaign Legal Center, which is representing the tribal nations, said during a court hearing in October 2024.

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A lower court struck down the redistricting plan for violating Section 2 by diluting the collective power of Native American voters in northeastern North Dakota.

But the state’s Republican secretary of state, Michael Howe, appealed the lower court’s ruling to the 8th Circuit, arguing that, contrary to decades of precedent, Section 1983 does not allow private individuals and groups to bring this kind of lawsuit.

Since 2021, Republican officials in Arkansas and Louisiana have made similar novel arguments in redistricting lawsuits after Justice Neil Gorsuch, Trump’s first Supreme Court appointee, issued a single-paragraph opinion that said lower courts have considered whether private individuals can sue an “open question.” For this North Dakota lawsuit, 14 GOP state attorneys general signed on to a friend-of-the-court brief arguing that private parties don’t have a right to sue with Section 2 claims.

In a separate Arkansas-based case before the 8th Circuit, GOP state officials have also questioned whether there is a private right of action under another part of the Voting Rights Acts — Section 208, which states that voters who need assistance to vote because of a disability or inability to read or write can generally receive help from a person of their choice.

Many legal experts consider this questioning of a private right of action as the prelude to the next potential showdown over the Voting Rights Act at the Supreme Court, where multiple rulings by the court’s conservative majority have eroded the law’s protections over the past decade.

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Edited by Benjamin Swasey

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