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Can Eli Lilly become the first $1tn drugmaker?

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Can Eli Lilly become the first tn drugmaker?

Times are good at Eli Lilly. Wall Street’s insatiable appetite for weight-loss drug stocks looks set to turn the company into the world’s first $1tn drugmaker by market value.

But war stories about gloomier times are never far away when you run a pharmaceutical company. In the late 2000s, Eli Lilly’s share price neared all-time lows as patents of its blockbuster psychiatric drugs — chief among them Prozac, Zyprexa and Cymbalta — expired.

Consolidation was then sweeping the industry, recalls chief executive Dave Ricks, a 25-year veteran, and Eli Lilly was at risk of becoming “the back end of a hyphen to someone else”. The wheel of fortune has since turned. The company’s main problem is building production lines fast enough to meet demand for its blockbuster diabetes and weight-loss drugs Mounjaro and Zepbound, part of a new class of drugs known as GLP-1s.

The drugmaker has invested $20bn in manufacturing facilities over the past four years, and on Wednesday said it was spending a further $4.5bn on building a production facility for drugs in clinical trial in its home state of Indiana. The pool of possible patients is one of the largest of any drug in history: there are more than 100mn US adults with obesity and 1bn people worldwide.

“Everyone has a biomarker in their bathroom, it’s called a scale,” says Ricks, speaking from a production facility under construction on the site of Eli Lilly’s Indianapolis headquarters. “So many people get a benefit, and they get it pretty quickly, and so then there’s a consumer interest cycle that is pretty powerful.”

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With the most potent weight-loss shot and a pipeline of 11 experimental treatments, including what is widely expected to be the first approved small molecule GLP-1 pill, Eli Lilly stands to be the biggest winner in a market that is projected to grow to $130bn a year in peak sales by the end of the decade.

But Ricks is far from complacent. He spends much of his time working to boost manufacturing capacity to outcompete rival Novo Nordisk. Meanwhile, Eli Lilly is fighting off competition from copycat weight-loss drugs and other drug developers entering the lucrative field, and coming under increasing pressure from politicians and patients over the price of its treatments.

Investors are also becoming wary over the company’s frothy valuation, which stood at $842bn as of market close on Monday, or 54-fold higher than projected earnings over the next 12 months, a height never reached before in the industry.

“Everybody is jumping blindly on [Eli] Lilly and all these stocks so they will keep grinding up but they are priced for perfection,” says one top-10 shareholder. “If investors get scared about the 10 other players with weight-loss drugs and the prospect of pricing pressure, they could be in trouble.”

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Daniel Skovronsky
Daniel Skovronsky, Eli Lilly’s chief scientific officer, says the company’s long-term mission is not only to boost its success, but also to avoid pharma’s ‘boom and bust’ cycle © AJ Mast/FT
A manufacturing facility filled with stainless steel equipment and interconnected pipes
An Eli Lilly GLP-1 manufacturing facility in Indianapolis that is set to start producing this year. Its rival Novo Nordisk shook up the market with the launch of the GLP-1 drug Ozempic in 2017 © AJ Mast/FT

But the company hopes to consolidate its position among the top 10 most valuable companies in the US by staying ahead of the competition. For Eli Lilly, this will mean pouring its extraordinary revenues into research and development to prepare for when its weight-loss drugs reach the so-called patent cliff when generic competition arrives, sometime in the mid-2030s.

The tech stocks that compete for the title of most valuable company — the likes of Microsoft, Apple, Nvidia and Google — share a “stickiness with their customers . . . that the pharmaceutical industry in the past has lacked”, says Daniel Skovronsky, Eli Lilly’s chief scientific officer.

The long-term mission for the company is not just to rise to greater heights but to avoid a return to darker times by cultivating some of that consumer loyalty. “Our mission”, adds Skovronsky, “is to get out of that boom and bust cycle of pharma”.


In 2018, after Swiss drugmaker Roche turned down the rights to license a promising GLP-1 pill to treat type 2 diabetes from its sister company Chugai, a rivalry dating back more than a century boiled up once again.

Eli Lilly beat out its Danish competitor Novo Nordisk for the rights to the experimental drug after a short bidding war, paying just $50mn upfront, according to two people familiar with discussions. Novo Nordisk declined to comment.

Skovronsky could not recall whether the pill’s potential as a weight-loss treatment was even discussed at the time of the licensing deal.

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But the pill — now known as orforglipron, which looks set to be first small molecule anti-obesity pill if it launches as planned in 2026 — is one of several fronts in which Eli Lilly appears to be outmanoeuvring Novo Nordisk for supremacy in the weight-loss drug market.

“For a century, we’ve competed with [Novo Nordisk] directly or indirectly,” says Ricks. “Competition is good for consumers in that way: it speeds up things because you race, you work harder, we can iterate in ways that produce better products . . . so there has been a sort of leapfrogging.”

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In 1923, Eli Lilly was first out of the blocks with a commercial insulin product to treat diabetes, which until then was considered a death sentence. Novo, then a standalone company before its merger with Nordisk, created a longer-lasting version and the first insulin pen.

In 1982, Eli Lilly launched the first synthetic, mass-producible version of human insulin. In 2005, Eli Lilly then created the first GLP-1 drug — a twice-daily injection, but Novo Nordisk would revolutionise the market with the launch of Ozempic in the US in 2017.

Despite Novo Nordisk being first to market, Eli Lilly has benefited from “a second mover advantage” with the launch of its weight-loss medicines, says Rajesh Kumar, head of healthcare equity research at HSBC. “They can see what traps the guy ahead of them is falling into,” he says, allowing them to ramp up manufacturing faster and to invest in next-generation products.

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This year, Mounjaro and Zepbound, which are both based on the active ingredient tirzepatide, are set to generate $18.8bn in sales between them, according to analyst consensus estimates — edging closer to Novo Nordisk’s $27bn in projected revenues from Ozempic and Wegovy, despite being on sale for a shorter period of time. Sales from Eli Lilly’s GLP-1 franchise are projected to surpass Novo Nordisk’s by 2027.

Eli Lilly’s first laboratory building in 1876
Eli Lilly’s first laboratory building in 1876. The drugmaker’s early success included revolutionising diabetes treatment in the 1920s with the first commercial insulin product
The company’s present-day headquarters in Indianapolis
The company’s present-day headquarters in Indianapolis. Eli Lilly has invested billions in manufacturing facilities in recent years © AJ Mast/FT

If orforglipron launches on schedule in 2026, Eli Lilly would enjoy a two-year monopoly of the weight-loss pill market before rivals caught up. At the same time, the company is also developing retatrutide, a treatment that activates three different gut peptides and in mid-stage trials resulted in 24 per cent body mass reduction, far more dramatic than the effects of any existing treatment.

The company is also racing to prove the added benefits of tirzepatide for knock-on effects of obesity, such as sleep apnoea, cardiovascular risk and chronic kidney disease, helping to ease the path to wider insurance coverage. Medicare, the state-backed healthcare programme mostly for over-65s, only covers weight-loss drugs when a patient is suffering from another comorbidity.

“We’re going to eat the elephant one step at a time here . . . by proving the indications not just to lower weight but for the consequences of that,” says Ricks. “I think in five years we’ll look back and say mostly those diseases can be augmented by changing their weight . . . and the payers will look back and say, ‘Yeh, we should cover [tirzepatide] in all these conditions and the precursor condition which is medical obesity.’”

Beyond its longtime rival, Eli Lilly is also facing competition from other quarters. As many as 16 new obesity drugs could launch by the end of the decade, including from drugmakers AstraZeneca, Pfizer and Amgen, according to PitchBook.

But more imminently, Eli Lilly is fighting back against an array of copycat weight-loss drugs. The US Food and Drug Administration permits compounding pharmacies, which typically prepare customised medication, to reproduce trademarked drugs when there is a shortage, and these have flooded the market.

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Ricks argues that there was “no rationality” for tirzepatide to remain on the FDA’s shortage list because of Eli Lilly’s efforts to ramp up supply, adding that compounding presented a risk to patients. “Let’s partner together to solve the production problem, let’s not use this trap door, which exposes Americans to adulterated products with unapproved [active pharmaceutical ingredients].”

With competitors at Eli Lilly’s heels and its key advantage being eroded, investors see warning signs that the company’s valuation may be nearing its peak.

A top-25 shareholder predicts that Eli Lilly will pass the $1tn milestone but says that is “close to the top”. “There’s the inevitable patent cliff, there’s competition and soon there’s going to be a price war to the bottom,” says the investor. “It seems like this is peak enthusiasm for [Eli Lilly].”


If Eli Lilly really wants to escape the pharmaceutical industry’s boom and bust cycle, its research and development team will have to get to work on discovering the next era-defining medicine. The task for Eli Lilly is to determine “what is your next giant pie-in-the-sky thing”, says one investor.

The company is hoping such opportunities may be hidden in the real-world data from the rollout of its anti-obesity medications.

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Early signs suggest that the hundreds of thousands of patients prescribed tirzepatide are starting to see other surprising effects from the treatment: a reduction in anxiety and depression symptoms as well as better control over compulsive behaviours such as smoking and drinking, according to Skovronsky.

Eli Lilly has already put the treatments to work against autoimmune diseases, such as psoriatic arthritis, in combination with other medicines, but Skovronsky says that the effects on mental health and addiction “are intriguing enough that we’re considering . . . how to attack the question of whether these drugs can help those kinds of diseases”.

The drugmaker is also considering including people who are not overweight, but are at risk of weight gain, in future trials of its weight-loss pills and other treatments, suggesting it is already searching for ways to expand the weight-loss drug market.

The biggest question for Eli Lilly, however, is what the company will do with the unprecedented windfall from its weight-loss drugs.

Eli Lilly chief executive David Ricks
Eli Lilly chief executive Ricks says he has favoured early-stage R&D bets over big, set-piece acquisitions © AJ Mast/FT
A lab setup with three transparent vessels containing yellow liquid
Manufacturing equipment at the drugmaker’s new lab in Kinsale, Ireland. Ricks says the company kept going with diabetes and obesity research when other pharma groups gave up © Paulo Nunes dos Santos/Bloomberg

Between now and 2030, analysts expect the business to generate $187bn in free cash flow, with which Eli Lilly can do whatever it wants. As one venture capitalist put it: while industry watchers are obsessing over Eli Lilly’s market value, what will be more defining is what Lilly does “once the money comes in the door”.

“Our capacity to spend is going up so we should look at everything but probably not change our principles,” says Ricks, adding that he favoured early-stage R&D bets over big, set-piece acquisitions that provide a bump in revenues but curtail growth.

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“When this company’s future was in doubt . . . we made a bet on R&D and we survived that by being inventive,” says Ricks, pointing to how the company persisted with diabetes and obesity research when other pharma groups gave up.

“That’s probably the way we maintain momentum by being inventive,” says Ricks. “We deploy dollars by project, not by some top-down math . . . so that requires us to get into the weeds on each project and get excited about it or not.”

When Merck’s blockbuster cancer immunotherapy drug Keytruda launched in 2014, Skovronsky recalls rushing to catch up and launch Eli Lilly’s own version of the class of drugs known as checkpoint inhibitors. He predicts that many rival drugmakers will miss the next wave of innovation as they try to find a route into the obesity market.

Meanwhile, Eli Lilly will have the breathing room to pursue its next big innovation: now that Kisunla, its treatment for people with early-stage Alzheimer’s, has been approved in the US, it is putting the medicine to work as preventive treatment for the incurable brain disorder.

Skovronsky adds that Eli Lilly, whose previous biggest drug was depression treatment Prozac, is likely to push back into psychiatry. Non-opioid painkillers are also an area of potential growth, as the US continues to search for solutions to the opioid crisis.

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Companies “have gotten challenged by investors in the years coming up to the cliff not because the rest of the business isn’t growing through the cliff but because the rest of the business just is uninteresting”, says Jacob Van Naarden, who runs Eli Lilly’s oncology division.

For Eli Lilly, the challenge will be to prove to investors that the rest of its business can be as attractive as its blockbuster GLP-1 drugs. “If you remove the diabetes and obesity businesses, they don’t execute that well,” says one investor. “There’s some risk in just going into new areas, because just like Novo actually they’re really good at this one thing . . . the rest are a mixed bag.”

And the odds are long. Discovering hugely popular medicines like statin Lipitor, autoimmune medicine Humira, Keytruda and now the GLP-1s “happens pretty infrequently and usually not by the same company twice in a row”, says Van Naarden. “Maybe it’s us — that’d be great.”

Data visualisation by Ian Bott, Keith Fray and Patrick Mathurin

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Rubio’s Absence From Iran Talks Highlights Stay-at-Home Role

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Rubio’s Absence From Iran Talks Highlights Stay-at-Home Role

When President Barack Obama negotiated a nuclear deal with Iran more than a decade ago, his point man was Secretary of State John Kerry. Over 20 months of talks, Mr. Kerry met with his Iranian counterpart on at least 18 different days, often several times per day.

High-level nuclear diplomacy was a natural role for the top U.S. diplomat. Secretaries of state traditionally take the lead on the country’s biggest diplomatic tasks, from arms control treaties to Israeli-Palestinian agreements.

But as President Trump prepares to send a delegation to the latest round of U.S.-Iran talks in Pakistan this weekend, his secretary of state, Marco Rubio, will remain where he often does: at home.

Mr. Rubio did not attend the last U.S. meeting with Iran earlier this month. Nor did he join several meetings held over the past year in Geneva and Doha. Mr. Rubio has also been absent from U.S. delegations abroad working to settle the war in Ukraine and Israel’s war in Gaza. Despite a long period of crisis and war in the region, he has not visited the Middle East since a brief stop in Israel last October.

In recent months, Mr. Rubio — consumed with his second role, as Mr. Trump’s national security adviser — has not traveled much at all.

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During the Biden administration, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken made 11 foreign trips from January 2024 to late April 2024, stopping in roughly three dozen cities, according to the State Department. So far this year, Mr. Rubio has visited six foreign cities, including a stop in Milan for the 2026 Winter Olympics.

Mr. Trump has outsourced much of his diplomacy to others, including his friend Steve Witkoff, a wealthy associate from the world of Manhattan real estate, and his son-in-law, Jared Kushner. Mr. Witkoff and Mr. Kushner have spearheaded diplomacy with Israel, Ukraine and Russia, as well as Iran, whose delegation they will meet for the second time this month in Islamabad, Pakistan’s capital.

Mr. Rubio’s distance from the trenches of diplomacy reflects his dual role on Mr. Trump’s national security team. For the past year, he has served as the White House national security adviser even while leading the State Department — the first person to do so since Henry A. Kissinger in the mid-1970s.

The secretary of state runs the State Department, overseeing U.S. diplomats and embassies worldwide, as well as Washington-based policymakers. Working from the White House, the national security adviser coordinates departments and agencies, including the State Department, to develop policy advice for the president.

The twin roles reflect Mr. Rubio’s influence with Mr. Trump, and offer him a way to maintain it. For Mr. Rubio, less time abroad means more time at the side of an impulsive president prone to making critical national security decisions at any moment.

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As Mr. Witkoff, Mr. Kushner and Vice President JD Vance met with Iranian officials in Pakistan earlier this month, Mr. Rubio was at Mr. Trump’s side at an Ultimate Fighting Championship event, noted Emma Ashford, an analyst of U.S. diplomacy at the nonpartisan Stimson Center in Washington. “Rubio clearly prefers to stay close to Trump,” Ms. Ashford said.

Mr. Rubio accepted the national security adviser job on an acting basis last May after Mr. Trump reassigned the job’s previous occupant, Michael Waltz. But officials say that Mr. Rubio is expected to keep it indefinitely.

That arrangement is not inherently bad, Ms. Ashford added. And she noted that previous presidents had entrusted major diplomatic tasks to people other than the secretary of state. President Joseph R. Biden Jr. delegated his C.I.A. director, William J. Burns, to handle diplomacy with Russia and cease-fire negotiations between Israel and Hamas, for instance.

But she echoed the complaints by many current and former diplomats that Mr. Rubio seems less like someone performing both jobs than a national security adviser who sometimes shows up at the State Department. “I do think it’s to the detriment of the whole department of State and to America’s ability to conduct diplomacy in general that we effectively have the secretary of state position sitting vacant,” she said.

Tommy Pigott, a State Department spokesman, contested such claims. “Anyone trying to paint Secretary Rubio’s close coordination with the White House and other agencies as a negative could not be more wrong,” he said. “We now have an N.S.C. and State Department that are totally in sync, a goal that has eluded past administrations for decades.”

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Mr. Rubio divides his time between the State Department and the White House, often spending time at both in the same day. In an interview with Politico last June, Mr. Rubio said he visited the State Department “almost every day.”

While there, he often meets with visiting dignitaries before returning to the White House. Last week, Mr. Rubio presided over a meeting at the State Department between Lebanese and Israeli officials that set the stage for a cease-fire in Lebanon.

His twin jobs “really do overlap in many cases,” he said. “In many cases you end up being in the same meetings or in the same places; there’s just one less person in there, if you think about it,” Mr. Rubio added. “A lot of people would come to Washington, for example, for meetings, and they’d want to meet with the national security adviser and then meet with me as secretary of state. Now they can do both in one meeting.”

Asked about his travel schedule during a news conference last December, Mr. Rubio said he had less reason to travel abroad because “we have a lot of leaders constantly coming here” to visit Mr. Trump at the White House. Mr. Rubio also joins Mr. Trump’s foreign trips in his capacity as national security adviser.

Many national security veterans call the arrangement unwise, saying that both jobs are extremely demanding and incompatible with one another.

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It was not easy even for Mr. Kissinger, who had firmly established himself over more than four years as national security adviser before convincing President Richard M. Nixon to let him take on an additional role as secretary of state in 1973. (In a reversal of Mr. Rubio’s approach, Mr. Kissinger was in constant motion, including a round of Middle East shuttle diplomacy that kept him on the road for 33 straight days.)

“In general, it’s a mistake to combine those roles,” said Matthew Waxman, who held senior roles at the National Security Council, State Department and the Pentagon during the George W. Bush administration.

“That said, it’s not necessarily a bad thing that a dual-hatted Rubio is so offscreen right now,” Mr. Waxman added. “Especially while so much attention is focused on high-wire diplomacy with Iran, someone needs to manage foreign policy around the rest of the world.”

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Appeals court rules that Trump’s asylum ban at the border is illegal

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Appeals court rules that Trump’s asylum ban at the border is illegal

President Trump speaks during an event on health care affordability in the Oval Office at the White House on Thursday in Washington.

Mark Schiefelbein/AP


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WASHINGTON — An appeals court on Friday blocked President Trump’s executive order suspending asylum access at the southern border of the U.S., a key pillar of the Republican president’s plan to crack down on migration.

A three-judge panel from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit found that immigration laws give people the right to apply for asylum at the border, and the president can’t circumvent that.

The court opinion stems from action taken by Trump on Inauguration Day 2025, when he declared that the situation at the southern border constituted an invasion of America and that he was “suspending the physical entry” of migrants and their ability to seek asylum until he decides it is over.

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The panel concluded that the Immigration and Nationality Act doesn’t authorize the president to remove the plaintiffs under “procedures of his own making,” allow him to suspend plaintiffs’ right to apply for asylum or curtail procedures for adjudicating their anti-torture claims.

“The power by proclamation to temporarily suspend the entry of specified foreign individuals into the United States does not contain implicit authority to override the INA’s mandatory process to summarily remove foreign individuals,” wrote Judge J. Michelle Childs, who was nominated to the bench by Democratic President Joe Biden.

“We conclude that the INA’s text, structure, and history make clear that in supplying power to suspend entry by Presidential proclamation, Congress did not intend to grant the Executive the expansive removal authority it asserts,” the opinion said.

White House says asylum ban was within Trump’s powers

The administration can ask the full appeals court to reconsider the ruling or go to the Supreme Court.

The order doesn’t formally take effect until after the court considers any request to reconsider.

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White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, speaking on Fox News, said she had not seen the ruling but called it “unsurprising,” blaming politically-motivated judges.

“They are not acting as true litigators of the law. They are looking at these cases from a political lens,” she said.

Leavitt said Trump was taking actions that are “completely within his powers as commander in chief.”

White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson said the Department of Justice would seek further review of the decision. “We are sure we will be vindicated,” she wrote in an emailed statement.

The Department of Homeland Security said it strongly disagreed with the ruling.

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“President Trump’s top priority remains the screening and vetting of all aliens seeking to come, live, or work in the United States,” DHS said in a statement.

Advocates welcome the ruling

Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, senior fellow at the American Immigration Council, said that previous legal action had already paused the asylum ban, and the ruling won’t change much on the ground.

The ruling, however, represents another legal defeat for a centerpiece policy of the president.

“This confirms that President Trump cannot on his own bar people from seeking asylum, that it is Congress that has mandated that asylum seekers have a right to apply for asylum and the President cannot simply invoke his authority to sustain,” said Reichlin-Melnick.

Advocates say the right to request asylum is enshrined in the country’s immigration law and say denying migrants that right puts people fleeing war or persecution in grave danger.

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Lee Gelernt, attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union, who argued the case, said in a statement that the appellate ruling is “essential for those fleeing danger who have been denied even a hearing to present asylum claims under the Trump administration’s unlawful and inhumane executive order.”

Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center, one of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit, welcomed the court decision as a victory for their clients.

“Today’s DC Circuit ruling affirms that capricious actions by the President cannot supplant the rule of law in the United States,” said Nicolas Palazzo, director of advocacy and legal Services at Las Americas.

Judge Justin Walker, a Trump nominee, wrote a partial dissent. He said the law gives immigrants protections against removal to countries where they would be persecuted, but the administration can issue broad denials of asylum applications.

Walker, however, agreed with the majority that the president cannot deport migrants to countries where they will be persecuted or strip them of mandatory procedures that protect against their removal.

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Judge Cornelia Pillard, who was nominated by Democratic President Obama, also heard the case.

In the executive order, Trump argued that the Immigration and Nationality Act gives presidents the authority to suspend entry of any group that they find “detrimental to the interests of the United States.”

The executive order also suspended the ability of migrants to ask for asylum.

Trump’s order was another blow to asylum access in the U.S., which was severely curtailed under the Biden administration, although under Biden some pathways for protections for a limited number of asylum seekers at the southern border continued.

Migrant advocate in Mexico expresses cautious hope

For Josue Martinez, a psychologist who works at a small migrant shelter in southern Mexico, the ruling marked a potential “light at the end of the tunnel” for many migrants who once hoped to seek asylum in the U.S. but ended up stuck in vulnerable conditions in Mexico.

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“I hope there’s something more concrete, because we’ve heard this kind of news before: A district judge files an appeal, there’s a temporary hold, but it’s only temporary and then it’s over,” he said.

Meanwhile, migrants from Haiti, Cuba, Venezuela and other countries have struggled to make ends meet as they try to seek refuge in Mexico’s asylum system that’s all but collapsed under the weight of new strains and slashed international funds.

This week hundreds of migrants, mostly stranded migrants from Haiti, left the southern Mexican city of Tapachula on foot to seek better living conditions elsewhere in Mexico.

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A New Worry for Republicans: Latino Catholics Offended by Trump

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A New Worry for Republicans: Latino Catholics Offended by Trump

When Stuart Sepulvida arrives at St. Francis de Sales Roman Catholic Parish in Tucson, Ariz., for Mass, which he attends most mornings, he passes a display honoring local soldiers and encouraging parishioners to pray for their safety. Hundreds of small cards record their names: Robles, Arenas, Grajeda. A portrait of Pope Leo XIV hangs across the lobby.

Mr. Sepulvida, 81, is a Vietnam veteran whose patriotism and Catholicism are deeply intertwined. He voted for President Trump three times but has never felt more betrayed by an American president than when Mr. Trump denounced Pope Leo as “weak on crime” and “terrible for foreign policy.”

“It was very disturbing to me to hear both of them clashing like they did,” Mr. Sepulvida said, standing outside the church one morning this week. Now, he is reconsidering whether he will vote Republican this year.

The Republican Party is struggling to hold onto the support from Hispanic voters who helped propel Mr. Trump back into the White House in 2024. Yet as many party leaders have acknowledged the urgent need to stop the backsliding among Latinos, the president has enraged many of even his strongest supporters by clashing with the pope.

On Easter Sunday, Pope Leo, the first U.S.-born pontiff, spoke of the need to “abandon every desire for conflict, domination and power, and implore the Lord to grant his peace to a world ravaged by wars.” Within days, Mr. Trump, who has led the United States into a war with Iran, said the pope was “catering to the radical left” and posted an AI-generated image portraying himself as a Jesus figure. Mr. Trump later deleted the image, saying he thought it depicted him as a doctor.

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“It just isn’t what a president should do,” Mr. Sepulvida said. “The pope speaks for his people. He is beyond politics.”

Mr. Trump won 55 percent of Catholic voters in the 2024 election, compared to 43 percent who voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris, according to Pew Research Center. The most sizable gains came from Hispanic Catholics. While Joseph R. Biden Jr. won their votes by a 35-point margin in 2020, the Democratic advantage shrunk to 17 points in 2024. Now, just 18 percent of Hispanic Catholics said they support most or all of President Trump’s agenda, according to a poll from Pew released earlier this year.

If the president’s quarrel with the pope sours more Latinos on the Republican Party, it could affect midterm races across the country, including in South Florida and South Texas, where Republicans have notched important victories in predominantly Hispanic districts in recent years.

In Arizona’s Sixth Congressional District, which stretches from north of Tucson to the Mexican border, voters were still grappling with the fallout this week.

The district is roughly evenly divided among Republicans, Democrats and independent voters. Nearly a third of the district is Hispanic, and there is a significant population of members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, as well as a large Catholic community with deep history in the region. It also has one of largest numbers of military veterans of all congressional districts in the country.

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“The president is looking for a lot of attention from everything,” said Maria Ramos, 60, who regularly attends weekday Mass at St. Francis. A registered independent, she usually votes for Democrats but often declines to cast a ballot if she views a candidate as too liberal. “He believes he can put God in his place. He’s meddling in countries that he’s not in control of — he wants to control the world.”

“It is not just a very serious lack of respect — it is a mortal sin,” she said, shaking her head. One word comes to her mind again and again, she said: disgust.

Like so many others in southern Arizona, Ms. Ramos has several relatives who serve in the military — a path they saw to both serve the country and as an entry into the stable middle class. Many of them, she said, voted for Mr. Trump for president.

The Tucson district is now widely seen as one of the most competitive in the country. Republican Juan Ciscomani narrowly won the district in 2022, in part by emphasizing his biography as a Mexican immigrant and a devoted father of six children. He is also an evangelical Christian, a group that has driven much of the growth among Hispanic Republican voters in recent years.

Mr. Ciscomani declined a request for an interview, but when a local radio host asked Mr. Ciscomani what he thought of Mr. Trump’s comments “as a man of faith,” the congressman declined to criticize the president but said, “You can trust that you won’t see any meme like that coming out of my account.”

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JoAnna Mendoza, the Democrat challenging Mr. Ciscomani this fall, has made her 20-year career in the U.S. Navy and Marines a key aspect of her story on the campaign trail. While she rarely speaks about her religious background and no longer considers herself a practicing Catholic, she said she briefly considered becoming a nun as a teenager. She criticized Mr. Ciscomani for not condemning the president’s remarks.

“You can’t make faith a central part of your campaign and then allow this to stand,” she said in an interview.

Across Tucson, Latino Catholics, regardless of their past voting preferences, were similarly quick to condemn the president’s remarks.

When Cecilia Taisipic, 71, heard about it, she said, she winced with shame about her vote for him in 2024.

“I thought he would make the country better, but apparently it’s the opposite,” she said as she left Mass at St. Francis earlier this week. She is so fed up with politics, she said, that she is unlikely to vote at all this year. “When it comes to my faith, I don’t like anybody to challenge it. Now I don’t want to hear anything on the news. I just want to pray.”

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Matilde Robinson Bours, 63, teaches a weekly Spanish Bible study class at St. Thomas the Apostle Parish, and like nearly all of the women in her class, she immigrated from Mexico decades ago. She has voted for Republicans in nearly every election since she became a citizen. Though she has never liked President Trump, she said, his comments about the pope enraged her more than anything else he has said or done in the past.

“This surpassed everything, every social and political norm — this is personal to all Catholics,” she said. “The arrogance and ego is disgusting. To think that he is God? The pope has every right and responsibility to talk about peace.”

Still, Ms. Robinson Bours said, nothing will stop her from supporting Republicans again this year. She has been delighted that her adult children have stopped supporting Democrats in recent elections.

“Almost everyone I know thinks the way I do,” she said.

Patricia Martinez, 86, who has attended the same Bible study as Ms. Robinson Bours for years, shook her head in disagreement. She said she cannot imagine voting for a Republican who supports Mr. Trump.

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“This is different — this shows he is out of his mind,” said Ms. Martinez. “We have to have basic respect and teach that to people in this country.”

Patrick Robles, a 24-year-old native of Tucson, spent years alienated from the Roman Catholic Church, but returned to his faith more recently. “The craziness of the world sort of caused me to seek some sort of answers,” he said. Now, he attends Mass at the St. Augustine Cathedral in downtown Tucson, a few blocks from the office where he works as an aide to Representative Adelita Grijalva, a Democrat.

Mr. Robles said he saw Mr. Trump’s battle with the pope as both a personal affront and a political opportunity.

“The president is basically trying to draw a line between Catholics and what we perceive to be patriotism,” he said. “I believe we can be both.”

Last week, he texted one of his uncles who has supported Mr. Trump in every election asking him what he thought.

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“I’m afraid we need divine intervention,” the uncle replied.

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