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Can Donald Trump or Kamala Harris Bring Back Manufacturing Jobs?

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Can Donald Trump or Kamala Harris Bring Back Manufacturing Jobs?

Canton, Ohio, once called itself the City of Diversified Industries. That name, locals acknowledge, does not exactly roll off the tongue. But it reflected an important part of the town’s identity as a manufacturing hub, with businesses like the appliance company Hoover based there.

Today, Canton is not doing as well. The number of manufacturing jobs has fallen 45 percent since the late 1990s, as factories have shuttered or moved to Mexico, China and elsewhere. People have joined the exodus; the city’s population is now 71,000, down from 110,000 in 1970. The poverty rate — 25 percent — is nearly double the state average.

Canton represents the kind of struggling manufacturing town that once churned out American products. Both major party presidential candidates have pledged to revitalize this kind of place by bringing back manufacturing to the United States.

Canton represents the kind of struggling manufacturing town that once churned out American products.

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The Canton Palace Theater.

To make foreign products less competitive against American goods, former President Donald J. Trump has promised to impose a 10 percent to 20 percent tariff — effectively a sales tax — on all imports. Vice President Kamala Harris has proposed new government subsidies to build factories in the United States.

In some ways, the campaigns promise to revive the conditions that made Canton a manufacturing hub in the first place. In the early 20th century, the United States had higher tariffs on imports, which helped keep American goods cheaper than foreign products. At the same time, a local group of businessmen, known as the Canton Board of Trade, used what were effectively subsidies — money and free land — to lure manufacturers into the area.

Still, many economists are skeptical. They argue that the candidates’ proposals aren’t enough to reverse the trends — globalization, free trade agreements, automation and other technological changes — that caused manufacturing jobs to leave America in the first place.

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Consider Mr. Trump’s tariffs plan. The goal of tariffs is to drive up the price of cheap foreign products, so more expensive American goods can compete. But Mr. Trump’s plan would raise prices on all imports, including components used by manufacturers to make American goods. As manufacturers pay more for those parts, the possible benefits of a tariff could wash away.

Across-the-board tariffs “cause all sorts of indirect costs and damage for manufacturers,” said Alec Stapp, an economist and co-founder of the Institute for Progress, a think tank. He cited research that found tariffs from Mr. Trump’s presidency had hurt more than helped American manufacturers.

Given that outcome, the tariffs might simply raise prices — as foreign companies pass the cost of higher taxes down to consumers — without leading to more American manufacturing jobs. That would be especially difficult for a place like Canton, where people are relatively poorer and higher prices eat up a greater portion of lower incomes.

Ms. Harris’s proposal of new investments and tax credits might have more success bringing back some jobs. Federal handouts have kick-started renewable energy projects nationwide. And President Biden’s subsidies have led to a boom in new factory construction, including a large microchip plant in Phoenix.

But subsidies are usually upfront and temporary, limiting their effect. Companies build new factories expecting to keep them open for years. They can’t do that if they know a crucial source of funding will eventually expire. That helps explain why, despite Mr. Biden’s subsidies, the number of manufacturing jobs nationwide remains 34 percent lower than it was in the late 1970s.

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The question is whether the American economy has evolved past the days of making basic goods. As the country has become richer and more educated, its economic output has become more about innovation and new technologies, instead of mass-produced household items.

The American product of the future is artificial intelligence, not vacuum cleaners.

A vacant apartment building.

The Metallus steel plant.

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In this economic reality, places like Canton have lost out as others, like Silicon Valley and Boston, have benefited from their tech industries. Politicians have long promised to help retrain workers to get into new industries, but those programs have historically failed to deliver.

Modern manufacturing jobs also often require a postsecondary education. Yet in Canton, residents are 36 percent less likely to have an associate degree or higher than all Ohioans.

“For many people, getting a factory job right out of high school was the norm, and it provided a very good living with the security of a pension in retirement,” said Kimberly Kenney, a local historian and executive director of the McKinley Presidential Library and Museum.

Canton, then, faces a fundamental mismatch between the work force that it has and the work force that the country’s new economy needs. (Canton officials declined to comment for this article.)

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All of that makes it unlikely that Canton and other former manufacturing hubs can be revived by simply bringing back their old jobs. Local leaders have acknowledged as much, starting an organization that seeks to revitalize Canton by boosting local higher education and expanding the town’s economy into fracking and tourism.

It’s possible that the glory days of the City of Diversified Industries will never come back, despite politicians’ promises.

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How a Beer Hall Keeps Up With a World Cup Crowd

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The fans see the games, the crowds, the food and the beer. But behind every World Cup watch party is a team working long before kickoff and well after the final whistle. We go behind the scenes at a beer hall in Brooklyn to see what it takes to serve a room full of soccer fans on game day.

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

Members of the group Patriot Front ride the subway as a commuter looks on, in Washington, D.C., on July 4.

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Cheney Orr/Reuters

The sight of hundreds of masked men roaming the streets of Washington, D.C., on July Fourth weekend, wearing khakis, blue shirts and uniform patches, was chilling to some of the city’s residents.

For many Americans, it was the first they heard about Patriot Front, a white nationalist organization that was born out of the deadly 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va. A now-viral Reuters photo prompted reflections on the experience of a lone African American woman who was photographed in a Metro subway car, surrounded by white supremacists.

The planned demonstration of force was timed to bring a fringe group of extremists into public view as the nation marked 250 years of its independence. Indeed, the stunt succeeded in earning the group media coverage across mainstream outlets, amplifying its brand and potential to reach new recruits. On this occasion, the members refrained from engaging in violence and property damage, projecting an image of law-abiding, orderly activism.

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But those who are closely familiar with Patriot Front’s history and operations warn: Don’t believe what you see.

“That is not who they are in private,” said Len Kamdang, director of the Criminal Justice Project at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. “Although they were on their best behavior [last] weekend, this is a dangerous group that commits acts of violence all over the country.”

Patriot Front’s history of violence and property damage

Kamdang’s organization sued members of Patriot Front for vandalizing a public mural dedicated to the tennis legend and Black activist Arthur Ashe in Richmond, Va., in 2021. Ashe, who was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1985, was born in Richmond and his legacy is a continuing source of pride to members of that community.

“A couple of Patriot Front members showed up under cover of night and vandalized the mural,” Kamdang said. “They painted white stencils all over. … They literally tried to whitewash him and they put their symbols of hate all over — their stencils, their slogans. And all the while they were caught on video. And that video leaked using some of the most horrible language that you can imagine.”

In many jurisdictions, law enforcement can seek additional hate crime charges or sentencing enhancements in cases where illegal acts appear to have been motivated by racial bias. But in this case, Kamdang said, Patriot Front members faced no criminal charges and their identities were only revealed when online activists later infiltrated the group and leaked internal records.

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

Now-former Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner speaks at his primary election night event on June 9 in Blue Hill, Maine. Platner officially dropped out of the race July 10 following rape allegations from a former romantic partner that he denies.

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CJ Gunther/Getty Images

Graham Platner, Maine’s Democratic nominee for Senate, is officially out of the race.

The Maine Secretary of State said Platner filed the necessary paperwork to withdraw his candidacy two days after he announced he planned to do so following an accusation of rape by a former romantic partner. Platner denies the allegation.

The Maine Democratic Party has until July 27 to pick Platner’s replacement.

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In his withdrawal notice, Platner said “people are desperate for change” and that’s why they voted “for a new kind of politics” by making him the Democratic nominee. He expressed gratitude for those who supported his campaign and said that he will continue to fight for “the movement we have built together and the future we believe in.”

He ended his notice with a strong statement aligned with the progressive platform.

“F*ck ICE. Free Palestine. Up the Hearts.”

Platner announced his plan to withdraw from the race in an 11-minute video he posted to social media on July 8. He said he had no choice but to suspend his campaign, citing it was no longer viable financially.

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“We are going to lose our ability to fundraise. We are going to lose our ability to access voter data. We are going to lose all of the things that any campaign needs on the basic level simply to function,” he said.

Platner added that dropping out was not an admission of guilt. Rather, the decision, he said, is to keep the progressive movement in Maine alive to defeat Republican Sen. Susan Collins in November. Platner blamed the “political establishment” for his downfall and argued the goal was to force him out of the race.

“We built a campaign. We engaged in electoral politics. We motivated people. We banded together. We did it the way that we were told we are supposed to make change and we won. And now they are not going to let us have it. Not if it’s me,” he said.

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